Skip to main content

Full text of "Journal of the Derbyshire Archaeological and Natural History Society"

See other formats


VOL. XXVIII. 1906. 





Natural History 





^evb^sbice Hccba^ological 



C. E. B. BOWLES, M.A. 


MAY, 1906 

Printed for the Society by 





South Sitcii, Idridcehay. 

By Percy H. Currey, Hon. Secretary ... - i 

The Religious Pension Roll of Derbyshire Temp. Edward VI. 

By the Rev. J. Charles Cox, LL.D., FS.A. - - - io 

Little Hucklow : Its Customs and Old Houses. 

By S. O. Addy 44 

The Owners of Shai lcross. 

By the Rev. W. H. Shawcross . . - - - 69 

" Gothic Architecture in England." 

By THE Rev. J. Charles Cox, LL.D., F.S.A. - • 128 

Peverel's Castle in the Peak. 

By Henry Kirke, M.A., B.C.L. 134 

Ornithological Notes from Derbyshire for the Year 1905. 

By THE Rev. Francis C. R. Jourdain, M.A., M.B.O.U. 147 

Derbyshire Fonts. 

By G. Le Blanc Smith 151 

Further Notes on the Trade Weights Found at Melandra. 

By Thomas May, F.S.A. (Scot.) 166 

WiNSTER Market House. 

By H. C. Heathcote 169 

A Review of "The Royal Forests of England." 

By Hon. F. Strutt 174 

Some Early Chapel-en-le-Frith Charters. 

By W. Braylesford Bunting 180 

Reviews — Victoria History 186 

Smalley : Its History and Legends- - - - 189 
Editorial Notes ... igi 

1 L L U S T l< A T I O N S . 

South Sitch, Iliridgehay — 

The House . . - . 
The Fountain . - - - 
Old Iron Candlestick - 
Plan of the House 
House from the Garden 
Door made of Yew Tree Wood 
Bolt on Door - - - - 
The Chimney in the Attic - 
The Yew Tree Arbour - 
Stems of Trees 
The Fish Pond 

Little Hucklow — 

Plans and Sections of Houses 

The Divided House, from ihe South - 

The Undivided House, from the South 

Lower East Window of Undivided House 

Top of Stair in Undivided House 

Upper East Window of Undivided House • 

House at Little Hucklow, from the South 

Padley Hall, from the North East • 

The Owners of Shallcross — 

Seals, Token, &c. 




facing 4 



facing 8 


'ng 50 

facing 69 and 74 
- facing 98 

Gothic Architecture- 
Melbourne Interior 
Tjdeswell Ground-Course 




Peverel's Castle — 

Ashmole's Drawing fadi'g i34 

Peak Castle, 1906 „ 138 

Ground Plan 140 

Garderobe, 1906 fc-dng '43 

Capital and Base of Shaft 145 

From an Old Print, 1785 fadng 146 

Derbyshire Fonts — 

Winster 152, 154, 155 

Ffenny Bentley 15^ 

Norton 158 

Ashbourne 160 

Bradley 161 

Kniveton 162 


Winster Market House 170, 171 

A Chapel-en-le-Frith Charter, 16 Edward II. - - facing 180 



Watural JHistory |ociety. 

Sout!) Site!), Ktrritrgci^ag. 

By Percy H. Currey. 

IMBER BUILDINGS, ownng to the cheapness of good 
building stone, are in this county comparatively rare, 
though in the middle ages they must have been 
almost universal ; those which remain are chiefly 
seventeenth century works of a humble character, cottages and 
farm buildings constructed in the 
simplest manner possible, the 
timbers framed to form large 
square panels filled in with 
" wattle and daub," which has 
usually been replaced by brick- 
work. When we find here a 
timber-framed house of substan- 
tial construction, such as is 
comparatively common in Wor- 
cestershire, Cheshire, and else- 
where, it is an object of much 
interest. Such an example exists, 
though it does not from the out- 
side reveal its interest at first 


The Fountain. The yew tree 
arbour in the distance. 


sight, in the house known as South Sitch, at Idridgehay, the 
residence of Mr. Bemrose, F.S.A., a member of the Council of 
this Society. Idridgehay (Iderich-hay or Ithersay according to 
Lysons, and to local pronunciation, fast dying out) lies in the 
prettiest part of the Ecclesbourne valley, and the picturesque 
situation and delightful old garden combine with the quaint 
character of the house to make an ideal summer residence. 

With respect to the name, Mr. W. J. Andrew writes : — " The 
name Sitch very frequently occurs in old field names ; I have 
always thought it meant a marshy dell ox valley. It no doubt 
comes from the Saxon SICH, which means a furrow, gutter, 
watercourse, etc., so if you combine the furrow and the water- 
course you have what I thought it meant. In either case the 
name is appHcable to South Sitch."' The house is supposed to 
have been built by a member of the family of Mellor, who' held 
considerable estates at Idridgehay until recent times. The family 
came originally from Mellor in the High Peak; Robert Mellor, 
of Mellor, is mentioned in the Hundred Rolls of 3 Ed. I. (1274). 
Lysons considers that the Mellors, of Idridgehay, who were settled 
there as early as the time of Henry VII., were a younger branch 
of this family; their pedigree is given fully in Glover's 
Derbyshire.* The direct line ceased with the death of Samuel 
Mellor in 1795, whose granddaughters and co-heiresses married 
Cresswell and Cock, from the former of whom the 
present owner of South Sitch, Mr. F. Thornley, 
is descended. In 1638 a member of this family 
became the first Mayor of Derby; in 1637, accord- 
ing to Simpson's History of Derby, but in 1638 
according to Hutton, King Charles I. granted to 
the town a new Charter, under which the two 
bailiffs were to become in succession the first 
Mayors ; Henry Mellor was the first to take office, 
^^ but died during his mayoralty, and was succeeded 
n'tawT by his colleague, John Hope. Simpson's History 

Vol. ii., p. 561-2. 


quotes a quaint punning epigram on Derby's first Mayor, from a 
book of epigrams published by Bancroft in 1639 — 

" You seeme the prime bough of an ample tree 
Whereon if fair expected fruits we see 
Whilest others' fames with ranke reproaches meete 
As mel or manna shall your name be sweete." 

From Glover's account of this family we leam that Robert 
Mellor, of Iderichaye, who died in 161 6, by will dated May 6th, 
161 5, devised a copyhold estate in Iderichaye to his son George 
in tail male, with remainder to his son Thomas in tail male, 
remainder to his right heirs. George Mellor, who appears to 
have been the youngest of four sons, married Millicent — and is 
described as in 1617 of Emmanuel College, Cambridge, and in 
1621 of Derby, B.A. ; in 1659 he surrendered his copyhold at 
Idridgehay to his son Robert. This George Mellor would 
appear to have been the builder of the house at South Sitch, for 
on the oak tie-beam of the north gable of the house is cut 
16211GMM, clearly indicating George and Millicent Mellor. 

Externally the house does not proclaim its interest; most of 
the \vindows have been more or less altered in later times, and 
the whole of the walls covered with rough-cast, though the 
thatched roof, now becoming a rarity in Derbyshire, is still 
retained; but immediately upon entering, the position of the 
door in relation to the fireplace and the stairs, and the construc- 
tion of the stairs themselves, tell the great age of the building ; 
on mounting the stairs and examiningi the walls on the first floor 
the timber construction can in many places be easily traced 
through the wall papers with which it is covered, and when the 
attics are reached it is clearly exposed to view. The plan of the 
original house was extremely simple, and typical of the ordinary 
comfortable farmhouse of the period. It comprised on the ground 
floor two rooms, with the staircase between the two; the present 
dining-room, with its deeply recessed and cosy fireplace, would 
have been the general living room or house-place. If the second 
room, now used as a drawing-room, originally had any fireplace 
it seems that it must have been in the comer as at present, though 


E)E:D • (?OOM 

^'J K>j n r^i g^l i| 



Bed room 

^ Kl 1-3 Kl k^ II . .fa CTTnsrf^ N KM w I 

t»— 'I — '1=^ 


MOTE The. timbers art ihown 
enl^ where their acruol 
poiifionj can be. ieen 

DllhinG ROOM 



i(AUOF I'? ■ ■ ■ 1^1 I . ■ 1^ 

J3° rttT 

Plan of the House. 



this would have been rather an unusual position ; it seems likely 
that there would have been a " lean-to " at the back for pantry, 
etc. The entrance to the house was in the usual place opposite 
the " speer," or side of the large chimney recess. The chamber 
floor comprises three bedrooms, and in its plan seems to be 
unaltered, except that a passage has been cut right through the 
great chimney to connect this part of the house with the more 
modern wing at the back. In the roof there are two large 
rooms practically unaltered since their first erection. The original 
staircase is worth noticing for the very small space which it 
occupies. A modern architect, wrestling with the intricacies 
of house planning combined with limited means and space, can- 
not help envying his predecessors who could dispose of a whole 
flight of stairs from floor to floor in an area of 6 ft. 6 ins. by 
3 ft. The way in which the second flight of these stairs wriggles 
itself up into the attics so as to give head-room both above and 
below is quite ingenious. To suit a more luxurious age, a second 
staircase of easier ascent has been added in the modem wing 
of the house, but in the days when a step ladder was often the 
only means of access to cottage bedrooms, these winding stairs 
were probably considered more than adequate. 

The construction of the building is of a simple and substantial 
character. The walls rest on a stone foundation forming a plinth 
all round ; the framing consists of principal upright timbers from 
8 ins. to lo ins. square and spaced at 4 ft. 6 ins. to 5 ft. apart, 
framed into heads and cills and stiffened in the usual manner 
by diagonal braces at the angles ; between these are framed the 
intermediate timbers, about 7 ins. in breadth and little more 
than that distance apart ; the spaces between the timbers have 
originally, of course, been filled in with lath and plaster, but, as 
has been before mentioned, the whole of the exterior has since 
been covered with a coating of rough-cast or pebble-dashed 
cement. If this coating were removed it is. easy to picture the 
pretty effect of the black and white building, surrounded by its 
old-fashioned garden and background of fine old trees. Whether 
it would really be desirable to remove it is, however, question- 


Door made of yew tree wood. 

able. It is impossible to say how the original plastering between 
the timbers is carried. At Somersall Herbert Hall, probably the 

finest timber building in Derby- 
shire, the timbers are grooved 
about an inch back from both 
faces, and short oak laths are 
slipped into these grooves to carry 
the plaster ; but this must have 
been rather a troublesome method, 
as each lath required somewhat 
careful fitting. 

Both the chamber and attic 
floors are carried by heavy stop- 
chamfered oak beams running 
through the centre of the house 
from end to end and supporting 
the smaller floor joists. The 
floors are the ordinary " plaster 
floor " of the district ; these were formed by laying reeds across 
the joists, on which was spread a layer of floor plaster, a coarse 
quality of calcined gypsum, sometimes mixed with crushed brick 
or other material ; this was usually finished to a thickness of 
about li ins. and trowelled to a smooth face. These plaster 
floors were in common use in Derbyshire and the neighbouring 
counties up to the middle of 
the last century ; before the 
introduction of the power- 
driven circular saw, when 
every board had to be 
laboriously cut by hand over 
a pit, floor-boards were an 
expensive luxury only found 
in first-class work. 

The main entrance door 
is original, and a good 

example of the heavy studded 

Bolt on door. 


type, but, possibly in the eighteenth century, the upper 
portion has been glazed to light the entrance and stairs. 
The furnishings were no doubt added on the occasion of this 
alteration. The door at the foot of the attic stairs is also worth 
noting for the quaint wooden bolt by which it is secured. Some 
*■ the other doors, which can scarcely be so old as the house, 
^cn like a rude attempt by country joiners to imitate a higher 
^idss of work than that to which they were accustomed ; from 
f>"*3ide they look like ordinary eighteenth century panelled doors, 

Tl1l.(JiiMnEY imnt Attic- 

but when opened they are found to be made in two thicknesses, 
the panels being formed of oak boards nailed to the back of the 
framing; some of these have early metal work fastenings, such 
as an iron handle to the drawing-room door, and a wrought-iron 
bolt of unusual design to that of one of the bedrooms. The only 
windows that have not been altered at one time or another are 
the four little square lights high up in the south gable. 

One of the most interesting features of the house is the great 
timber and plaster chimney in the attic ; this is now crowned 


externally with a brick chimney stack, and it is difficult to say 
how it originally finished above the thatched roof. A wooden 
chimney seems, according to our modern ideas, a ver}- dangerous 
contrivance, and there is no doubt that in the days of timber 
building fires were of very frequent occurrence, but it has to be 
remembered that with wood fires on an open hearth and with a 
wide chimney the heat would never be very great. A plastered 
chimney was taken down about ten years ago in a very old 
cottage at Little Eaton, and the timbers showed but slight traces 
of the action of the fire. 

Not the least pleasant feature of South Sitch is the delightful 
old-fashioned garden, with its well kept turf and sheltering belt 

Stems of Trees. 

of trees, which contains a curiosity in its yew arbour, well shown 
in one of the accompanying photographic plates. This was 
fashioned of seven yew trees jjlanted to form three sides of a 
square, the fourth being left as an entrance; the boughs of the 
trees have been arched over and grafted into the stems of their 
neighbours opposite and on each side, so that each tree now 
draws nourishment from the roots of the others. It would be 
interesting to ascertain the date of this very unusual example of 
the gardener's art. Topiary work was popular at the time when 
the house was built, and was revived in the days of Queen Anne. 
In the sicji or dell of the garden winds a tiny stream, which 
nevertheless supplies a large fishpond and a fountain in its 


course. Originally there were two fishponds, but that opposite 

the house has long ago been drained and planted. These ponds 

are probably survivals of the time when even an older house 

stood at South Sitch, for in mediaeval days fishponds were an 

almost necessary adjunct to a 

manor house. At HuUand, for ['''^ '"-^Z^, 

instance, three or four miles 

away, the ancient moated hall 

has gone, and the moat is dry, 

but the fine series of fishponds, 

constructed, to quote an ancient 

charter, "where the place gives 

opportunity," remain to remind 

us of an age when fresh-water 

fish formed an important item 

in the larder of a self-contained 


In these days, though, thanks 

. The Fishpond, 

to our Archaeological Societies, 

our more monumental antiquities are generally well cared for, 

the buildings of a humbler but not less interesting class are 

rapidly disappearing to make way for more pretentious, but not 

always more comfortable, houses. Our thanks should, therefore, 

be given to anyone who will undertake the trouble and sometimes 

the expense of maintaining them. May South Sitch always 

have an owner who' will lovingly preserve it so long as its old 

wooden walls will hold together. 

For the photographic plates illustrating this article we are indebted to 
Mr. A. Victor Haslam, and for the small photographs and the sketch of the 
bolt to Mr. J. Somes Storey. 

Et)f J^icUgious pension ^o\\ of licrlJi)s1)itc, 
temp. Otoarti VH. 

By Rev. J. Charles Cox, LL.D., F.S.A. 

HOSE who have but slightly studied the question of 
Henry VHI.'s destruction of the monasteries 
generally hold the opinion that all, or almost all, 
the dispossessed religious — whether canons, monks, 
friars, or nuns — received comfortable pensions ; and in this 
view they are supported by two or three of our national 
historians who ought to have known better. The facts, how- 
ever, of the case lead to very different conclusions. 

To begin with, it should be recollected that the terms of 
the Act of Parliament, passed in February, 1536, for the 
suppression of all monasteries possessed of an income of under 
;^2oo a year, merely provided for an annual pension being 
secured " to every chief head and governor of every such religious 
house."* As to the rest of the community, the Act gave them 
the choice of being committed to a larger monastery of the 
same order, or to have their " capacities," with " some convenient 
charity disposed to them towards their living." By having their 
capacities was meant permission to act as secular clergy. The 
largest sum ever given by way of charity to the ejected of 1536 
was 40s., but the men usually had a priest's gown also given 
them, and the nuns such apparel as was worn by ordinary 
secular women. 

Moreover, the royal visitors appointed in 1535, the chief of 
whom were the evil-lived Doctors Legh and Layton, appear to 

* 27 Henry VIII., cap. 28. 


have strenuously carried out the order at once to eject from 
the monasteries all under twenty-four years of age, or who had 
been professed under twenty. This two-fold enactment would 
at once cast forth penniless at least a fourth of the members 
of religious communities. 

So far as Derbyshire was concerned, the Act for dissolving 
the smaller houses ought to have extinguished all save the 
Austin Abbey of Darley, which was the only religious house 
in the county that had a larger income than ;£2oo a year; 
its annual value at that period was estimated at ;£258 13s. 4d. 
But among the almost incredibly mean ways adopted by the 
Crown and its agents for squeezing as much as possible out 
of the religious houses, was the encouraging the smaller houses 
to contract out of the first Suppression Act by big fines, well 
knowing all the time that the suppression would shortly become 
universal. In Derbyshire this odious action was carried out 
in two cases. The Black Canons of Repton obtained the royal 
grant to remain undissolved by paying into the Treasury the 
sum of ;£266 13s. 4d., and the White Canons of Dale a like 
favour on payment of ;£i66 13s. 4d.* 

Of the smaller religious houses whose siippression was carried 
out in 1536, the ex-prior of Breadsall received a pension of 
;£3 6s. 8d.,t and the ex-prior of Gresley j£6.l In the latter 
case two canons also received j£$ i6s. 8d. each, but that was 
on a».^ount of their serving the respective vicarages of Lulling- 
ton and Gresley, which they were called upon to resign. No 
lecord has been found of any pensions to the communities of 
Beauchief Abbey§ or of King's Mead Nunnery. 

The great body of friars, who were not dissolved in the 
earlier suppression, were all sent forth, as were the Dominicans 
of Derby, penniless. 

* Gasquet's ZTewrj/ V///. and the English Monasteries, ii., 529-30. 
t Aug. Offic. Misc. Books, ccxxxii., f. 196. 
X Ibid., ff. 37b, 53b. 

§ Beauchief Abbey had an average of 1 5 canons ; it was surrendered on 4th 
February, 1536. Veggth Beaitchief, 202. 1 


Nor must it be forgotten that in the general suppression of 
1538, those who had taken refuge in the larger houses of their 
Orders when their own were dissolved, found themselves 
incapable of receiving pensions, for it was expressly provided 
that those only were to be pensioned who had been inmates of 
the particular house for a long time (din anted). 

Again, it was distinctly laid down that those only who made 
''voluntary surrender" to the King were to be pensioned. In 
several cases, where there was passive resistance — there was 
no such instance in Derbyshire — the religious were ejected in 
complete beggary. 

Altogether it may be safely estimated that less than half the 
members of the suppressed religious communities received 
pensions throughout England, and such was certainly the case 
in Derbyshire. 

Darley Abbey surrendered on 22nd October, 1538. The 
surrender was signed by Thomas Rage, abbot ; William Stan- 
banke, prior; Richard Machyn, sub-prior; and by ten other 
canons, namely, Walter Rey, William Sawter, Thomas Haryson. 
Thomas Trippet, Edward Cradocke, Thomas Coste, Henry 
Hey, William Holiley, Nicholas Jevons, and Henry Cosst.* 
Two days later the pension list was drawn up, whereby ^50 
a year was assigned to the abbot, ;£6 13s. 4d. to the prior, ^^ 
each to the sub-prior and two other canons, ;^5 6s. 8d. to each 
of three canons, and £^% to each of the remaining five canons, t 

Repton Priory surrendered on 25th October, 1538, when the 
priorship was vacant. The surrender was signed by Ralph 
Gierke, sub-prior, and by eight other canons, namely, John 
Wirksworth, alias Wood, Thomas Str)'nger, James Yong, John 
Peter, Thomas Pratt, Thomas Webstar, Robert Ward, and 
Thomas Abell.J On the following day the pension list was 
drawn up, whereby ^6 a year was assigned to the sub-prior, 
and sums varying from ^5 6s. 8d. to ^4 to nine other canons. 

* Dep. Keeper's Reports, viii., app. 2, 19. 

t Letters and Papers Henry VIII., xiii. (2), 839. 

X Dep. Keeper's Reports, viii., app. 2, 38. 


that is to one more than those who had signed the surrender. 
In the pension list they are specified (evidently one or two 
aliases) as John Wood, Thomas Stringar, James Yonge, John 
Asshby, Thomas Pratt, Thomas Webster, Robert Warde, 
Thomas Bramicetoun, and Thomas Cordall.* 

Dale Abbey surrendered on 24th October, 1538. The 
surrender was signed by John Bebe, abbot, Richard Wheytteley, 
prior, and fifteen other canons, namely, John Cadmon, Richard 
Hawston, Thomas Bargshaw, William Smyth, John Bank, 
George Cokke, Ralph Harison, Robert Harvy, John Shemeld, 
Robert Wylson, James Cheriholme, James Clutun, John Bate- 
man, Robert Gerratt, and Roger Page.! On 30th October, 
1538, the pension list was put forth, whereby ;(^26 13s. 4d. was 
assigned to the abbot, £s 6s. 8d. to the prior and to five canons, 
^5 each to three canons, £2 i6s. 8d. to each of three canons, 
£2 to two, and i6s. 6d. to one. 

The priory of St. James's, Derby, was but a cell of the great 
Cluniac Abbey of Bermondsey. When Bermondsey was sup- 
pressed a pension of £■] was assigned to the prior of St. James's, 
but nothing apparently to the few monks who kept him company. 
The royal meanness with regard to these pensions was almost 
incredible, for the amounts were made subject to deductions 
on account of all .subsidies granted to the Crown by Parliament. 
A tenth part was withheld for that reason in the very first year 
after the general dissolution. Two years later, a fourth part 
was abstracted from the pensions "of all the late religious 
persons having ;£2o and upward," and when the half-year was 
due, on 25th March, 1543, the religious only received one 
quarter of the annual payment. By these two methods Henry, 
within a few years after granting the pensions, retained for 
himself out of that very fund the sum of ^9^443 ^S^- 6d.t 

* Letters and Papers Henry VIII., xiii. (2), 839. 
t Dep. Keeper's Report, viii., app. 2, 18. 

X Harleian MSS. 604, f. 108 ; Aug. Off. Treas. Roll, ii., 45-48- Cited by 
Gasquet, ii., 465-6. 


There was also a definite reduction made of 4d. on each 
quarterly payment, by the officials of the Augmentation Office 
in London, or by the royal receiver of monastic properties 
appointed in different parts of the country. In the earlier days 
after the dissolution but few of the pensioners had to visit 
London to obtain their instalments, as there were official 
" receivers of augmentations " in almost every county or group 
of counties ; but as time went on and the monastic spoils became 
absorbed, the numbers of those who were obliged to go to 
headquarters or to send authorised agents materially increased, 
with the effect of still further reducing the amounts. 

After a few years' experience of the pension system, it was 
found that pressing necessity or the cajoling of unprincipled 
speculators had caused various of the disbanded religious to 
part with their pension-securing patents or certificates for small 
sums of ready money, " supplanting them to their utter undoing." 
To prevent this evil an Act was passed in the third year of 
Edward VI., entitled, " An Act against the crafty and deceitful 
buying of pensions from the late monasteries."* By this 
statute it was provided that all persons who had obtained 
pension patents, to which they were not entitled, were to restore 
them within six months, when they were to receive back what 
they had originally paid; but if they failed to restore it the 
grant was to be forfeited, and future payment made to the 
original holder. By the same statute all officials and receivers 
were ordered to pay all pensions on request under a penalty of 
^^5, and if they demanded more than the legal fee, they were 
to forfeit ten times the amount taken. 

To secure the due working of this Act, and to check all kinds 
of pension frauds, commissions were appointed to hold full 
inquiries in each county. Most of the reports of these county 
pension commissioners are extant, but some of those are 
imperfect. Among them is the interesting and full report 
for Derbyshire, to which, so far as I am aware, no one has 

2 and 3 Edward VI., cap. 7. 


hitherto referred, and I believe it is now printed for the first 

Appended to the report is the statement or confession of 
William Bolles, in his own hand, acknowledging to " the crafty 
and deceitful buying of pensions " or annuities in two several 
cases. It may be as well to put on record a few facts relative 
to this man who thus abused a position of trust. He dates 
his letter from Belvoir Castle, perhaps to overawe the 
commissioners, but his place of residence was at Felley, 
Nottinghamshire. William Bolles came from London as one 
of Cromwell's numerous agents to help in the work of monastic 
suppression. In April, 1536, he was appointed receiver of 
monastic spoils for the Crown for the counties of Derby, 
Nottingham and Cheshire, at a salary of J^2o, with " profits," 
that is to say, with a variety of fees and perquisites. In August 
of that year, when acting as receiver for Beauchief Abbey, he 
managed to secure several plots of land for himself. In addition 
to obtaining other small Crown grants of monastic lands,! he 
was able to obtain the grant of the house and site of Felley 
priory, turning the conventual buildings and church into his 
residence. He was also the receiver of all the plundered church 
plate and valuables throughout Derbyshire. In 1540, he was 

* Exch. Accts., K. R. Bundle Ixxvi., No. 12. 

t " Grant to Wm. Bolles out of the particular receivers of the Court of 
" Augmentations and to Lucy his wife in consideration of the sum of ;^236 los. 
"of the house and site of the late priory of St. Mary, Felley, Notts., with 
" all its lands in Felley and Annesley in as full a manner as Christopher Bolton, 
" the late Prior, held the same." 

(Pat. Rolls 30 Henry VIII., pt. vi., M. 19, i Sept.) 

The pedigree of Wm. Bolles is recorded in the Visitations of Notts., 1569 
and 1614, where he is represented as the son of "William Bolle, alias Bolls of 
" Wortham in Co. Suff., descended out of the house of Bolles of Haugh in 
com. Line." He was, in fact, " descended out of" the Jirst Bolles of Haugh, 
being a son of John Bolle, High Sheriff for Co. Line, 16 Edward IV. (1476), 
by his marriage with Katherine, daughter and co-heir of Richard Haugh, of 
Haugh, Co. Line. He bought a portion of the estate of Osberton, near 
Worksop, Co. Notts., from one of his brother Commissioners, viz., from 
Robert Dighton " one of the jobbers in the estates of the dissolved religious 
houses." The family " ultimately became possessed of the whole of Osberton, 
where they lived for several generations " (Thoroton). William Bolles died at 
Osberton in his 8Sth year and was buried at Worksop 5th April, 1583 
(Registers). A portion of an old window containing the first four generations 
of this family in pedigree form is preserved in the Museum at Osberton.— Ed. 


one of the King's commissioners for receiving the surrender of 
the collegiate church of Southwell. BoUes' avarice and cunning 
in securing Derbyshire monastic annuities was not his only 
venture in that field, for the Nottinghamshire commissioners 
found that he was holding the pension patent of a religious 
of Worksop priory.* 

It will be noticed in the report that those receiving annuities, 
as distinct from pensions, were very numerous, and survived in 
1548 in larger numbers than the religious. This may be readily 
accounted for, as the annuitants were, as a rule, men in far 
better and more easy circumstances as compared with the ejected 
pensioners. Who were these annuitants ? In the vast majority 
of cases they were friends of the King's visitors and commis- 
sioners, occasionally local magnates, but oftener humbler folk, 
who belauded Cromwell and his agents and endeavoured to help 
them in their suppressive work. The very last use, save sealing 
the surrender, to which the common seals of the religious houses 
were frequently put, sometimes even on the very day of the 
surrender, was the granting of these deceitful and crafty 
annuities, whereby the commissioners were enabled to recom- 
pense their tools. In a very small minority of cases, such 
as that of the corrodyt of Agnes Smythe at 40s. a year, the 
annuity was one which had been genuinely granted by the 
Darley convent in reward for some special grant or service. 
It would also appear that the old annual gift to one Elias 
RaggeJ of a coat of the best quality, by the same house, was 
also continued. 

If we look back to the arrangements made by the commissioners 
on the days when they granted the pensions for the three houses 
suppressed in 1538, we shall find that these annuities had then 
their origin, and were not granted, as might have been supposed, 
to the servants of the convents. In the case of Darley, for the 
surrender of which Dr. Legh, with William Cavendish as 

* Letters and Papers Henry VIII., xi., 216 ; xiii. (i), 1520; xiii. (2), 491 ; 
xvi., 93, 275 ; xvii., 220; xviii. (i), 226, etc. 
t See page 21, note. 
J See page 30. 


accountant, acted as commissioner, they had the face to write 
down "Mr. Doctor Legh " as an annuitant for ^6 13s. 4d. 
The Earl of Shrewsbury was entered as an annuitant for 
£2, 6s. 8d., and forty-one others for smaller sums, running up 
the total sum to be paid out of monastic property to secular 
pensioners to the annual sum of £6^ 7s. 2d. The same 
commissioners had the arrangements of the dissolution of 
Repton and Dale in their hands ; in the former case they put 
twelve civilians on the annuity list to the amount of ;£22 i8s., 
and in the latter case twelve others to the amount of 
£12, 13s. 4d. 

It is some satisfaction to find that Legh and Cavendish got 
into serious trouble over the winding up of the accounts of 
the suppression of these three Derbyshire and a few other 
midland houses, it being alleged that the latter had made entries 
after the clerks had withdrawn.* 

It only remains to add that the larger portion of this report 
is concerned with the pensions assigned to those who held 
chantry or collegiate or hospital preferments, and gives fresh 
information in several cases, particularly as regards the College 
of All Saints. The Act for securing the surrender of these to 
the King was passed in 1545; but Henry VIII. died before 
much of this destruction had been carried out, and its completion 
was left to his successor, Edward VI. t Letters patent, with 
the great seal of the Court of Augmentations, were issued on 
22 June, 2 Edw. VI., by Sir Walter Mildmay and Robert 
Keylwaye, general commissioners for the purpose, to fifty- 
seven different incumbents or ministers of suppressed colleges, 
chantries, free chapels, and stipendiary priests in the County 
of Derby4 

* Letters and Papers Henry VIII., xiii. (2), 1233. 

t Further particulars as to each of these suppressed chantries, etc., can be 
found in the four voUuiies on the Notes on the Churches of Derbyshire. 

% Aug. Office Accts., Exch., K. R. Bundle Ixxv., No. 8. 



Edward the Sixt by the grace of God King of England 
France & Ireland &c To our right trusty and well beloved 
S"^ William Cavendisshe knight Treasurer of our Chambre 
S'' John Byron knight Sr John Porte knight and Thos Powtrell 
esquyer send greeting Know ye that for the good opynion 
we have reposed in your wisdomes and dexterities we have 
ordeyned named constituted and appointed you to be our 
Commissioners giving to you thre or two of you full power and 
authorite to assemble yourselves in such and so many places 
in our Countie of Derby as to your discretions shalbe thought 
convenient and to enquire as well by the othes of honest and 
lawfull persons of our said countie as by all other wayes and 
meanes semyng to your discretions convenient for the tr}'all of 
the truthe in theise matters followinge ffirste ye shall enquire 
how many of the late Abbots Priours Abbesses Prioresses 
Monkes Channons ffr}'ers nonnys Incumbents and other mynyster 
of any Abbey Priory hospital howse of ffryers colleges chauntries 
ffree chapels guilds or ffratemityes and stipendiaiy priestes or 
eny other having rent chardge annuytie or pencion going oute or 
charged of any Abbey Priory hospital &c or out of any their 
possessions for term of life mentioned in a Sedule or book 
hereunto annexed be or shalbe at the tyme of your session deade 
and what time and where every of them died Also how many 
of the said persons named in the said Sedule be unpaid of 
their annuyties or pensions and for how long tyme and for what 
occasion they be so long unpaid. Also ye shall enquire how 
many of them have solde granted and assigned over their 
anuyties or pencions to whome when and for what somes of 
money the same sales grants & assignments over were made 
And further we give you full power and authoritie by theis 
j^resents to call before you at such tymes and places as ye shall 
appoint within our said countie as well all and every the persons 
in the said Sedule mentioned as all and ever)- other person 
whome ye shall thinke convenient and to examine them & every 


of them of the premisses as well by their corporall othes and 
sight of their patents or otherwise by your discretions And 
herein we will and command you and every of you to endevor 
yourselves with all dylygence for the speedie & perfecte 
accomplishmente of the premisses and that ye thre or two of 
you shall satisfie us of your doings and procedings herein 
distinctly and plainly into our court of Augmentations & 
Revenues of our Crown by writing in parchement subscribed with 
vour hands & sealled with your seallys or with the sealls of 
two of you at the least the morow next after the feast of S' 
Martin next comyng together with the Commission Straitly 
cherging & commanding as well the Sheriff of our said Countie 
as all other our officers & mynisters in the said county to be 
attendaunt ayding and assisting to you in thexecution of the 
premises as they tender our pleasure & will answer to the 
contrary In witness whereof we have caused these our letters 
to be made patent & sealed with the great seal of 
our Court of Augmentations & Revenues &c ist Sep' m the 
6'^' yeer of our reign 

[Letter attached to the Report] 
To the right worshipful S"^ William Caudisshe [Cavendish] 
S"^ John Porte & Master Thos Powtrell esquyer and others 
Commis" of our sovereyn lord the King for examynation of 
the patents of annuities pensions & others 

Right worshipful &c understanding that you (among others 
whom I know not) ar in Commyssyon for thexamination of 
sondry paymentes whereof Robert Goche esquier the Kyngs 
majestys receivor in the Counte of Derby take allowance at 
Mychelmas the 5''' Edwd VI As others (& I unworthy) ar 
in this shire of Not, pleeseth you to be advertised inasmoche 
as I bought of Robert Ragge of Derby goon a sixe yeres past 
for the some of twenty nobles or therabout one annuytie of 
fowrtye shillings by yere graunted owte of the late suppressed 
Abbey of Derley to the name of the said Robert. And also haue 
another anuytie of fourtye shillyngs by yere graunted by the 
late Prior & Convent of Repington to my own name of the 


which said two annuyties I am onpaid for two hooll years endid 
at Mychelmas last past for that ther are reconyngs betwixt the 
said receyvor and me moreover I bought one other annuytie 
graunted by the said late prior and convent of Repyngton to 
one Adam Bardissey for the which as I remember I paid six 
poundes and ye shall understand as I am creditly informed 
(by my lord Chaloner whose servant the said Adam Bardissey 
was) he the said Adam died of the swet after th Annunciation 
of our Lady the 5"" yere aforesaid And am owing for one half 
yere due at the said Annunciation for the cause above written 
Theis are to praye you of your lurful favours in the premises and 
to pardon me that I cannot personally wate upon you as I 
gladly wold (if Laissur wold permyt it) and if I can do for you 
or any of yours the lik pleasure you shall comaund me And 
thus praying you to give order unto this bringar Thomas Comyn 
my servant I rest at your comandemente From Belvoir Castel 
this last day but one of October (30th Oct) 1552 6 Ed 6 with 
the hand of yours to comaunde as before 

Wm Bolles 

Accounts &c 

Exchequer K R 

[Report Translated.] 

County of Derby 

Fees Annuities Pensions & Corrodres paid by Robert 
Goche esquire Receivor of the Court of Augmentations 
& Revenues of the Royal Crown in the said County in the 
Account of the said Receivor determined for the year 
finishing at the feast of St. Michael Archangel as appears 
by particulars below. 

P"ee of the Officer — John Beamond 
esquire surseyor of the lord King in 
the said county of Derby at 
^x^ 6 8 per ann ... ... ... nil because not paid 

Gresley — Pension of John Okeley late 

Prior there at ^6 per ann . . . £6 


[ £2s 

Bradsall park Annuity of William 

Dethycke esquire at 40- per ann... 40" 
Beawchyff — Annuity of Ellen Oxpringe 

at 20^ per ann ... ... ... 30* ior 1-^ yrs 

Pension of Thomas Harrison* at 106^ S'^ 

per ann 
Richard Machill at ;£6 per ann ... 6'' \ 

William Sandbanke at £,6 13 4 per ann 6.13.4 

Thomas Tofte at loo/^ per ann 100^ 

Trustram Banfford at 40/^ per ann 
Annuity of Herman Curte at 20^ per ann 
William Harrison at 20/* per ann 
Richard Poole at 20^ per ann ... 
Alice Bayley at 20^ per ann 
Gilbert Thacker at 40^ per ann ... 
Robert Warmyngton at 40^ per ann 
Thomas Brodeshawe (Bradshawe) at 40 

per ann 
Alice Lumley at 26^ S'* per ann ... 
John Cokerham at 53= 4^ per ann 
Elizeus Ragge at 20^ per ann ... 
Peter Pole at 20^ per arm 
Richard Waters at 40^ per ann ... 
Robert Ragge at 40^ per ann 
Anne Ragge at 66= 8<^ per ann ... 
Robert Barker at 20^ per ann ... 
Hugh Wilson at 20^ per ann 
Edward Merynge at 40^ per ann ... 
Thomas Sutton at 20= per ann ... 
George Eyre at ^6 13 4 per ann 
John Skelton at 26^ 8'^ per ann ... 
tCorridy of Agnes Smythe at 40^ per ann. 





1 3^ 4'^ first half of year 

o3 4 




nil because not paid 

40^ for . 

6" 13 4 
26^ 8d 



* Thomas Harrison, ex-canon of Darley Abbey, died in 1558 ; he was 

buried at St. Alkmiind's, Derby ; he is entered in the register as " presbiter. " 
t A Corrody was a yearly allowance in food and chambers, sometimes com- 
muted for money, granted by a convent for services rendered ; it was usually 
granted to old persons who assigned their property to the convent on condition 
of a life maintenance. 


John Brampton at 66= S^ per ann ... 66^ S"^ 

Sum ;£68 6^ S-i 
Fee of William & Henry Zacheverell 

Stewards of all the possessions there 

at 26= 8'^ per ann ... ... ... •,3'' 4^* for 2 yeres 

Pension of Ralph Harrison at 100^ per 

ann ... ... ... ... ...100^ 

John Cadman at 106^ 8"^ per ann ...106* 8'^ 

John Banks at 100= per ann ... ...100^ 

Richard Wetherby at 106= S'^ per ann...io65 S'* 
James Cleyton at 40^ per ann ... ... 40^ 

Gregory (George) Coke at 100^ per ann 50^ for first i yeer 

Richard Halsame at 106^ 8^ per ann ...106^ 8*^ 

John Shelmefeld at 66^ 8^ per ann ... 66^ 8^ 

John Bateman at 40^ per ann ... ... 20^ for first ^ year 

Robert Gerard at 16'' 8<^ per ann ... 16^ 8*^ 

James Conyholme at 66= 8<^ per ann ... 66^ 8^* 
Annuity of John Willoughbye at 20^ per 

ann ... ... ... ... ... nil because not paid 

Edward Thacker at 53^ 4"^ per ann ... 53^ 4^^ 
Adam Bardsley at 20^ per ann ... ... 20* 

Nicholas (Richard) Powtrell at 20^ per ann 20^ 
Sum ^46 6 8 
Pension of Thomas Webster at 100^ per 

ann ... ... ... ... ... nil because not paid 

Ralph Clarke at ^6 per ann ... ■■■ jQ^ 

Thomas Prate at 100^ per ann ... ...100^ 

Robert Warde at ^4 per ann ... ... ^4 

Thomas Stringer at 106^ 8'^ per ann ...106^ 8'' 
Thomas Cordall at 106^ S'' per ann ...106= 8^ 
Annuity of John Smythe at 40^ per ann 20* for first ^ yeer 
Robert Clarke at 13= 4^ per ann ... 20^ for one year 

Richard Haye at 40^ per ann ... ... 20'^ for first | yeer 

William Bolles at 40^ per ann ... ... nil because not paid 


Thomas Bradshawe at 53^ 4*^ per ann ... 53^ 4^^ 
Sum ^31 6 8 
The late Priory of S' John of Jerusalem.* 
Annuity of Robert Machell at 56^ 8'^ per 

ann 56^ 8*^ 

Fee of Henry Zacheverell Steward of all 

the possessions there at 40^ per ann jQ4 for two years 
Sum j£6 16 8 

Colleges Chantries & Gilds with land obits etc in said 

Pension of Richard Machyn priest late 

celebrating in the church of Yol- 

grave 4'' per ann ... ... .■■ 4'' 

William Fysher one of the incumbents of 

the Chantry of Boylston at 64^ per 

ann ... ... ... ... ... 64* 

William Bondy Incumbent of the chantr}- 

of Merstone at ^4 17 10 per ann ... 48^ 1 1'* for first | year 
Ralph Corke one of the incumbents of the 

Chantr)' of Boylstone 64* per ann ... 64^ 
John Marj^owe Incumbent of the Chantry 

of S' Nicholas & S' Katherine in 

Criche at jQ6 13 4 per ann ... ... ^6 13 4 

Robert White incumbent of the chantry 

of Alfreton at ^6 per ann . . . ^6 

Edward Benette one of the incumbents of 

the chantry in Houghe at 42^ S'' 

per ann ... ... ... ... 42^ 8"^ 

Richard Newbold at 100^ per ann one of 

the priests of the Guild of Chester- 

feld ... ... ... ... ...loos. 

William Topley incumbent of the chantry 

of ffeneye Bentleye at £4 4/- per 

ann i^4 4/- 

* The order was suppressed in 1 540, including the Derbyshire preceptory of 
Yeaveley (or Stydd) and Barrow. 


Richard Sandall incumbent of the chantry 

called Babington's Chantry in Assh- 

over at loo^ per ann ... ...loo* 

William Ragge one of the priests of the 

Gild of Chesterfeld at ioo= per ann-.-ioo" 
William Kinge one of the priests of the 

Gild aforesaid at loo^ per ann ...loo"' 
John Parre incumbent of the Chantry of 

Alkemanton Spittle at ^£4 18 2 per 

ann ... ... ... ... ... ^4 182 

Robert Bradshawe incumbent of the 

chantry of Saweley at 100^ per ann loo^ 
Thomas Robotham Incumbent of the 

chantry of Leighe at 52^ 84 per ann 52^ 8** 
Robert Bywater incumbent of the chantry 

of Werburghe in the town of Derby 

at ^6 per ann ... ... ... ^6 

Thomas Borough priest in the church of 

Walton at 65^ 3*^ per ann ... ... 65^ 3^' 

Christopher Lytton one of the incumbents 

of the chantry of Blessed Mary in 

Tiddeswelle at 100^ per ann ... ... 50^ for first ^ yeer 

Thomas Somersall incumbent of the 

chantry of Brampton at 71* 4'^ per 

ann ... ... ... ... ... 71^ 4'' 

Roger Bartilmewe priest of the late Gild 

of Holy Trinity in the parish of All 

Saints in the town of Derby at 66^* 8<^ 

per ann ... ... ... ... 66^ 8*^ 

Robert Swynestowe incumbent of the late 

Chantry of Blessed Mary in Criche 

at 100^ per ann ... ... ...100* 

Robert Handcoke one of the priests of the 

late Gild of Dronesfeld at ^4 per 

ann ^£4 


Michaell Bridwe late incumbent of the 
Chantr)- of Monyash at ;£ 4 13 4 per 
ann ^4 13 4 

Christopher Grene one of the incumbents 
of the chantry of Ekington at £^^ 10/ 
per ann ... ... ... ... £^i, i o/- 

WiUiam OldefTeld incumbent of the late 
chantry of Holy Cross in Bakewell 
£(i per ann ... £(i 

Relph Shawe one of the incumbents of 
the late chantry of Chadesdon at ^6 
per ann ... ... ... ... 60^ for first \ yeer 

Robert Thacker subdeacon of the late 
college or free chapel of All Saints in 
the town of Derby at ^6 124 per 
ann ^6124 

Richard Hill incumbent of the late chan- 
try of S' Michael in Chesterfield at 
loo^ per ann £,1 10 for i^ yeers 

Richard Jorden one of the fellows of the 

said late College at 100* per ann ... nil because not paid 

Thomas Gilbert one of the fellows of the 

same college at 100^ per ann nil because not paid 

Philip Durante one of the incumbents of 
the chantry of S' Michael in Chester- 
feld at 100^ per ann ... ...nil because not paid 

Christopher Synderbye one of the incum- 
bents of the chantry in Tiddeshall at 
100^ per ann ... ... ...100' 

George Hawkwell incumbent of the late 
chantry of blessed Mary in the parish 
of S' Peter in the town of Derby at 
48= 8<i per ann 48^ 8^ 

John Lorde incumbent of the late chantry 

of Bradborne at loo^ per ann ...loo^ 


William Cartleche incumbent of the late 
chantry or Gild of Chaddesdon at £,(y 
per ann ... ... • • • • ■ • £,^ 

Thomas Parker one of the incumbents of 
the chantry of Houghe at 42^ i,^ per 

ann 42' 8^ 

Thomas Bronehed at 48^ per ann incum- 
bent of the free chapel of Staleye ... 48= 
Edward Calton one of the incumbents of 
the late chantry or Gild of Chaddes- 

den at 6" per ann £fi 

Henry Jerves incumbent of the chantry 

in Boyton at ;£4 9 4 per ann ■■■ £,A 9 4 
Richard Wylkes one of the two preben- 
daries of the late college or free 
chapel of All Saints in the town of 
Derby at 40^ per ann ... ... 40^ 

Thomas Smythe one of the two chief 
secretaries of the lord King & one of 
the two prebenderies of the said late 

college at 60^ per ann 60* 

Christopher Haslame late incumbent of 
the chantry of Dronsfeld at 4" per 

ann ••• ... 40^ for first \ year 

John Wymesley (Wymeslowe) otherwise 
Savage incumbent of the Hospital of 

Castelton at 70= per ann 70^ 

Laurence Sponer incumbent of the chantry 
of Blessed Mary in the church of All 
Saints in Derby at 100^ per ann ...100" 
Richard Whiteworthe one of the preben- 
deries of the late Gild of Chesterfeld 
at 100^ per ann ... ■•■ ...loo^ 

Geoffrey Glyne late one of the prebends 
of the church of All Saints in Derby 
at 14^ 3"^ per ann .. ... ••• 14^ 3 


Richard Rawson late incumbent of the 
late chantry of S' Nicholas in Nether- 
haddon at loo^ per ann ... ...loo^ 

Richard Holme late " cantrist " of the 

chantry of Doveridge at jQ6 per ann _£6 
Miles Whitworthe late incumbent of the 
chantry of Blessed Mary in the parish 
at Asshover at 4'' per ann ... •••^4 

William Tayllor one of the prebenderies 
of the College of All Saints in Derby 
at 14* per ann ... ... ... 14' 

Henry Howe priest late celebrating the 
service of Blessed Mary in the parish 
of Hathersage at 74^ per ann ... 74* 

James Chereholme incumbent of the late 
chantry of S' Nicholas in the parish 
of St. Peter in Derby at 53'^ 4^^ per 

ami 53' 4" 

Fees jQio 

Annuities ;^5i 6 8 

Sum of all the payments aforesaid in the said County of 

Derby ;^36o 18 7 

whereof in pensions jQ2^^ 5 3 

Corrodies io6'* 8*^ 

Exam'* by me William Ryggs 

The certificate of John Porte knt and Thomas Powtrell 
esquire commissioners of our sovereign lord the King by virtue 
of his majestyez commission to them and others directed aswell 
declaryng all those whose names hereafter followe whiche 
appered offere us and shewed their patentes of ther 
annuyties and pencyons what they be by yere and how 
mych unpayed and the causez of their non payment as 
the names of the others whych did not appere whose note 
is made over ther heedes non comporant As also all those 
whyche be dead And when and where they dyed with the 


names of them whych have assygned over or sold ther petents 
and upon what consideration as hereafter more at large may 
appere made at Derby the syxt day of Novembre in the sixt 
yere of the raign of our most drad souerayn lord Edward the 
sixt by the grace of God Kyng of England ffrance and Irelond 
defender of the ffaythe and in earth supreme head of the church 
of England and also of Irelond 

John Beamond esquire surveyor of the county of Derby does 
not appear 

Monastery of Gresley 
John Okeley late prior there for pension 
^6 per ann : in arrears for one year 
who seythe upon his othe was for that 
M'' Gooche sayd he had a cummys- 
sion for the first half yere to stey the 
payment thereof until the Kyng's 
mejestyez pleasure were knowen 
Bradsall Park 
William Dethyck esquire for annuity 40* 
per ann 

Elena Oxpring does not appear 
The Earl of Shrewsbury chief steward of 
all the possessions there does not 

Monastery of Derley 

Thomas Harrison for pension per ann 

;£ 5 6 8 in arrears for one year who 

upon his othe seyth was as John 

Okeley affore hath seyd. 

Richard Machill for pension £fi in arrears 

for half a year 

William Sandbanke for pension per ann 

£^ d 13 4 in arrears for half a year 

Thomas Tofte for pension per ann £fi 

who ys the same man whiche is 


entred in the Sedule Thomas Tofte 

as S' WiUiam Sandbanke Thomas 

Harreson both late Chanons of the 

said late Monasterye and John 

Cokeram nowe baylyff of the seyd 

dyd depose by their corporal 1 othes 

affore us . And also they doe sey 

that Thomas Tofte was also late 

chanon of the seyd howse And the 

said John Cokeram said that he payed 

hym £,S by the year 3 or 4 yeres 

togeder but the seid Tofte sheved 

no patent 
Thrustram Bamfford does not appear.* 
Herman Curtail for annuity per ann 20^ 

in arrears for one year for cause as 

William Harryson for annuity per ann 20^ 

in arrears for one year for cause as 

Richard Pole for annuity per ann 20^ 

in arrears for one year for cause as 

John Okely has before said 
Alice Beyley widow for annuity per ann 

20^ in arrears for half a year 
Gilbert Thacker for annuity per ann 40= 

in arrears for half a year 
Robert Warmyngton does not appear 
Thomas Bradshawe for annuity per ann 

40^ in arrears for one year for cause 

as John Okeley has before said 
Alice Lumley does not appear 
John Cokerham for annuity per ann 

53S 4^ in arrears for half a year 

In most of the cases of non-appearance, it seems fair to assume that there 
had been some fraud which made the nominal pensioner or annuitant afraid to 
face the commissioners. 


Elizeus Ragge for annuity per ann 20^ in 

arrears for half a year And also his 

patent ys to have a cote of the best 

cloth yerely that they house dyd gyff 
Peter Poole per ann for annuity 20= in 

arrears for one year cause by John 

Okeley before said 
Richard Waters for annuity per ann 40^ in 

arrears for half a year 
Robert Ragge did not appere for he hath 

sold the same to William Bolles as 

appereth by this letter hereunto 

Anne Ragge now wife of Oliver Thacker 

for annuity jQt, 6 8 in arrears for half 

a year 
Robert Berker for annuity 20^ in arrears 

for one year for cause as John Okely 

has before said 
Hugh Wylson for annuit}' 20^ in arrears 

for one year for cause as John 

Okeley &c 
Edward Meryng for annuity 40^ in arrears 

for one year for cause as John 

Okeley &c 
Thomas Sutton does not appear 
Gregory Eyre who ys namyd George Eyre 

in the sedule dyed abowte pentycost 

last past 
John Skelston for annuity per ann 26* 8"^ 

in arrears for one year for cause that 

John Okely has before said 
Agnes Smythe for a corridy per ann 40' 

in arrears for one year for cause as 

John Okely &c 


John Bramston for a corrody per ann 
jQT) 6 8 in arrears for one year for 
cause as John Okeley &c 

Monastery of Dale 

Henry Sacheuerell and William Sacheu- 
erell do not appear but Richard 
Blackewall esquyercame affore us and 
deposed apon his othe that he hathe 
ther patent of 26^ 8^ rent charge at 
London in his studye whereby the 
said Henry and William are stuards 
of the possessions of Dale Abbey 
And that he hath also in lykewyse 
there another letter patent made to 
the said S"" Henry Sacheuerell of 40^ 
of yerely rent of Saynt John in Jeru- 
salem in England of a commandrye 
in Derbyshire called Yevale and 
Barrowe whyche patent of 40^ and 
nffyce therein the said S'' Henry for 
debyllyte of age hathe assygned over 
to the said Rychard and the said 
S' Henry ys yet in lyffe at Morley in 
the countye of Derbye And the said 
Feez are behind for 2 years bycause 
M'' Goche refused to paye it 

Ralph Harryson for pension per ann jQ~, 
in arreers for one year for cause as 
John Okeley &c 

John Cadman for pension per ann 
;^5 6 8 in arrears for half a year 
and the seyd John shewed affore us a 
dede under Covent seale of the seyd 
house of Dale of a corrody of 40'- 
by yere byhynd for \ a year 


John Banks for pension per ann ^5 in 
arrears for ^ a year 

Richard Wheyteley for pension per ann 
-Q^ .6.8 in arrears for one yeer for 
cause as John Okeley &c and further 
sayeth that ther be dead that had 
pensions further of the said house 
John Bebye last Abbot there who 
dyed at Stanley Grange in ye seyd 
countye of Derbye on Saynt 
Gregorye's day whiche shall be 12 
yeres now nexte and that Thomas 
Bagshawe dyed at lyttyll Eyton in ye 
seyd countye aboute 10 yeres now last 
past And Robert Hervye dyed at 
Alton in the countye of Stafford 
abowte 9 yeres last past and Wyllyam 
Smythe dyed at Stanley aforesaid 
abowt 10 yeres past and Robert Her- 
wood dyed abowt seven yeres past 

James Cleyton has not appeared 

George Cok who ys named in ye sedule 
Gregorye Coke for pension ^^5 in 
arrears \ a year 

Richard Halsume for pension per ann 
;^5 6 8 in arrears for one yeer for 
cause as John Okeley &c 

John Shelmefield for pension per ann 
^3 6 8 in arrears for \ ^ ye<ir 

John Bateman has not appeared 

Robert Gerard has not appeared 

James Conyholme for pension per ann 
jQt, 6 8 in arrears for one year for 
cause as John Okeley &c 

John Willoughbye has not appeared 


Edward Thacker for annuity per ann 

53^ 4<^ in arrears for ^ a year 
Adam Berdesley has not appeared 
The foreseyd John Cadman seyth that 

Rauff Hauk dyed in October in the 

5'*^ year of the King that now is 

And that Rychard Wheyteley dyed 

abowte 7 yeres past and Robert 

Wheyteley dyed abowte 6 yeres past 
Nicholas Powtrell for annuity per ann 20^ 

in arrears for one year because paid 

once a year 

Monastery of Repyngdon 
Thomas Webster has not appeered be- 
cause he dyed at Kyrby in the county 

of Leicester about the feast of the 

Assumption B V M in 5'^ Edward VI. 
Ralph Gierke for pension per ann ;^6 in 

arrears for one year cause as John 

Okeley &c 
Thomas Pratt for pension per ann ^^5 in 

arreers for one year cause as above 
Robert Warde for pension per ann ^4 in 

arrears for one year cause as above 
Thomas Stringer for pension per ann 

;^5 6 8 in arrears for one yere cause 

as above 
Thomas Cordall has not appeered 
John Smythe dyed in ffeb. last past and 

was unpayed for the half yere 20= as 

all they afforeseyd have seyd 
Robert Gierke has not appered 
Richard Heye for annuity per ann 40^ in 

arreers for one year and a half for 

cause as John Okeley &c 



William Bolles for annuity per ann — note 

his letter afore annexed 
Thomas Bradshawe for annuity per ann 

53^ 4^ in arrears for one yeer cause as 


The late priory of S* John of Jerusalem in England 
Robert Machell has not appeered 
Henry Sacheuerell has not appeared but 

ys certefyed in Richard Blackwall's 



Richard Machen for a pension per ann ^4 

in arreers for ^ a year 

Chantry of Boylston 

William Fyssher for pension per ann 

^3 4/- in arrears for one year cause 

as above 

Chantry of Merston 

William Bonde does not appear 

Chantry of Boylston 

Ralph Corke for pension per ann ^3 4/- 

in arrears for one year for cause 


Chantry of S' Peter & St Katherine 

in the Church of Cryche 

John Merryott for pension per ann 

^6 13 4 in arrears for | a year 

Chantry of Alferton 

Robert Wryghte for pension per ann -£6 

in arrears for h a year 

Chantry of Hough 

Edward Bennett for pension per ann 

42= S"^ in arrears for ^ a year, but 

he shewed no patent but toke his 

othe with wytness wyth hym that y« 

was Imbesyld from hym 


Gild of Chesterfield 
Richard Newbold for pension per ann ^5 
in arrears for ^ a year 

Chantr}' of ffynnye (Fenny Bentley) 
William Topley for pension per ann 
j£4 4/- in arrears for h a year 

Chantry of Assheover 
called Babyngton Chauntre 
Richard Sandall for pension per ann ;^5 
in arreer for i a year 

Gild of Chesterfield 
William Ragge for pension per ann ^5 
in arreers for ^ a year 

William Kyng for pension per ann ^5 
in arreers for ^ a year 

Chantr}' of Alkemanton Spyttill 
John Parre for pension per ann ^£4 18 2 
arreers for ^ a year 

Chantry of Sawley 
Robert Bradshawe for pension per ann ;£$ 
in arreers for h a year 

Chantry of Leigh 
Thomas Robothom for pension per ann 
52^ 8*^ in arrears for ^ year 

Chantry of S' Wilburghe (Werburgh) in the 
town of Derby 
Robert Bywater for pension per ann ^£6 
in arreers for one year for cause as 
John Okely has said 

Church of Walton 
Thomas Boroughe for pension per ann 
^3. 5. 3 in arrears for h a year 


Chantry of Blessed Mery 
in Tyddeswalle 
Christopher Lytton has not appeered 
because he died about the feast of 
S* John Baptist last past as 
Sr William ffrost deposed 

Chantry of Brampton 
Thomas Somersall for pension per ann 
£2, II 41" arrears for | a year 

Gild of Holy Trinity in the parish of All 
Saints in the town of Derby 
Roger Bertylmewe for pension per ann 
^3 6 8 in arrears for one year cause 
as above 

Chantry of Blessed Mary in Cryche 
Robert Swynestowe for pension per ann 
£$ in arreers for | a year 

Gild of Dronfield 

Robert Hancoke for pension per ann £4 

in arreers for one year cause as above 

Chantry of Monyasshe 

Mychell Brydwell for pension per ann 

;^ 4 13 4 in arrears for one year 

cause as above 

Ekyngton Chantry 
Christopher Grene for pension per ann 
jQ/[ 10 1 - in arrears for one year cause 
as above whoe seyeth upon his othe 
that Robert Hyde one of the 
chauntre prystes there dyed the 29'^ 
of May 3"''^ of Edwd 6. 

Chantry of Holy Cross in Bakewell 
William Oldesfeld for pension per ann 
jQ6 in arreers for one year cause 


Chantry of Chaddsson 
Ralph Shawe for pension per ann ^d in 

arreer for \ a year 

College or ffree chapel of All Saints in 
the town of Derby 
Robert Thacker for pension per ann 

;£fi 13 4 in arrears for \ a year 

Chantry of S* Michael in Chesterfield 
Richard Hill for pension per ann ;^5 in 

arreers for one year cause as above 

College of Derby 

Richard Jurden for pension per ann in 

arreers for one year & a J Who upon 

upon his othe seyth that at the sup- 
pression of the seyd college there 

were thre prysts to serve the cures 

belongyng thereto whereof he was one 

and admytted to a pension of _;^5 by 

yere of which he cold not have allow- 
ance except he wold serve the cure 

there as affore he had done whiche 

hath not bene served under £,6 13 4 

by the yere Whereupon the said 

Jurden hath opteyned a warrant from 

M"^ Chauncellor of thaugmentations 

to augment the same 33^ 4"^ by yere 

in consideration that the said Jurden 

Jurden shall serve the same as 

affore he hathe done whose patent and 

warrant dothe remayne with Master 

Bygges & Master Goche for that he 

hathe not the same readye to shewe 

In arrears \ a yere loke more in the 

end for the seying of Roger Bertyl- 

mewe one of the other prystes for 

servyng the cures there 


Thomas Gylbert for pension per ann ^5 
in arrears for 3 years whoe seyeth 
upon his othe he oft demaunded it 
and cold not gett it 

Chantry of S' Michael in Chesterfield 
Philip Durant whoe had a pension there 
of £,S by the yere dyed abowt 
Mydsomer 4 Edwd 6 as Richard 
Newbold reported 

Chantry of Tyddeswell 
Christopher Synderby for pension per ann 
_;^5 in arrears for \ a year 

Chantry of Blessed Mary in the parish of 
S* Peter in the town of Derby 
Gregory Hawkeswell came affore us and 
toke his othe that he is the same man 
that ys namyd in the sedule George 
Hawkeswell who was late Incumbent 
of the seid Chauntre which was 
in value £,6 18 10 And by the 
meanes of John Beamont esquyer who 
was then serveyor the said chauntre 
ys valued in M"" Myldmeyes offyce 
but 56^ ?>^ by means whereof the said 
Gregory had his pension graunted 
forth of the courte of Augmentacions 
but 48^ 8<^ And bycause he was soe 
wronged he repayred to London to sue 
for remedye thereof havyng of his 
counsell therein one Thomas Sutton 
esquyer with whom he hathe lefte his 
patent wherbye he hathe it not now 
ready to shewe in arreers for one 
yeer cause as above 


Chantry of Bradbume 
John Lord hath not appeared 

Chantry or Guild of Chaddesden 
Wilham Cartelache for pension per ann 
^6 in arrears for one year cause 
as above 

Chantry of Houghe 
Thomas Parker for pension per ann 
42^ S'^ in arrears for | a year 

Free chapel of Staleye 
Thomas Bromhed for pension per ann 48^ 
in arrears for one year cause as above 

Chantry or Gild of Chadesden 

Edmund Calton for pension there £,6 in 

arreers for one year cause as above 

Chantry of Boyton 

Henry Jerves for pension per ann ;£4 9 4 

in arrears for ^ a year 

Prebend of the late College or free chapel 
of All Saints in Derby 
Richard Wilkes has not appeared 
Thomas Smyth has not appeared 

Chantry of Dronfield 

Christopher Haslame dyed in October 

5 Ed 6 and was unpayed 40^ for half 

a yere as William Byng deposed upon 

his othe 

Hospital of Castelton 
John Wymesley otherwise Sahaye has not 

Chantry of Blessed Mery in the 
Church of All Saints Derby 
Laurence Sponer for pension per ann ^5 
in arrears for ^ a year 


Gild of Chesterfield 

Richard Whytwnrth for pension per ann 

j£^ in arrears for ^ year 

Prebend in the church of All Saints Derby 

Geoffrey Glyne has not appeared 

Chantry of S' Nicholas in Nether Haddon 

Richard Rawson for pension per ann jQ^ 

in arrears for one year cause as John 

Okeley &c 

Chantry of Dovebrig 

Richard Holme for pension per ann ;£6 
in arrears for one year cause as above 

Chantry of Blessed Mary in Asshover 
Miles Whytewurth for pension per ann 
^4 in arrears for ^ a year 

Prebend in the church of All Saints Derby 
William Teyly (?) has not appeared 

Chantry of Hathersage 
Henry Howe for pension per ann ;£^ 14/- 
in arrears for one year cause as above 

Chantry of S* Nicholas in the par 
of S' Peter Derby 
James Cheryholme for pension per ann 
53^ 4'^ in arrears for one yere cause 
as above 
Those whose names hereafter follow appered affore us which 
were not named in the Sedule 

Gild of Chesterfield 
William Heythcote appeared before us 
who hath of the said Gild by warrant 
not shown ^7 10/- in arrears for ^ 
a year 
William Lache of Chesterfield shewed 
affore us a patent made by Hugh 
Cluwurth late Aldereman of the 
Gyld afforesaid of 6= S^ by yere with 
a clause of distresse byhynd for 2 
years for lycense he wold not gve for 
it untill it came to a greater sum 


Chantry of Norton 
Robert Alen for pension per ann ;^5 6 8 

in arrears for i a year 

Chantry of Fennye Bentlye 
Thomas Bedford for pension per ann 30* 

in arrears for h a year 

College of Derby 
Henry Brytylbank clerk one of the 

Chauntre prystes there sayeth upon 

his othe that he had by warrant furth 

of the same college ;£io by yere and 

delivered the same warrant to M'' 

Rygges Auditor bycause he wold not 

take so great a cure upon him, his 

request was as he seythe to the seyd 

M' Rigges to gett him a patent of ^5 

by the yere And hathe bene payed 

the same ^5 vntyll this last yere for 

the cause afForesaid And also Robert 

Thacker late sub Dean of the said 

College Laurence Sponer clerk Roger 

Bertylmew clerke chauntre prystes 

there and Richard Jurden clerk one 

of the fellowez there upon upon their 

othes done affirme all the premysses 

to be true 
S"" William Frost of Todyngton in the 

parish of Bakewell which hath 5 

markes by the yere which goeth furth 

of a free chapell there by warrant 

not shewyd which doth remayn in the 

hands of M"^ Rygges Auditor behind 

for one year cause as above 
Roger Bertylmewe one other of the thre 

prystes which dothe serve the cures 

belongyng to the said College saythe 


that Thomas Gylbert named in the 

sedule one of the fellowez of the said 

College bycause he cold not haue 

further allowance servyng the said 

Cure then ^5 which he had for his 

pension wold not serve the same 

wheruppon the perysshioners there 

got the seyd Roger Bertylmewe to 

serve the same promyssyng hym for 

his steypend to opteyne a warrant to 

the Kyng's officers to paye hym 

^6 13 4 by the yeer as the other 

hath whiche he dyd accordyngly 

whereof he ys behynd for one hoole 


John Porte 
Thomas Powtrell 


Seven years after the drawing up of this Derbyshire pension 
roll of Edward VI., another inquiry was held throughout the 
country as to the pensions and annuities that were then being 
paid as the result of the various religious suppression Acts 
from 1536 to 1548. This inquiry produced the great parch- 
ment roll so often cited and generally known as Cardinal Pole's 
Pension Roll, which has been in the British Museum for nearly 
a century. It is dated Michaelmas, 1555 (2 and 3 Philip and 
Mary).* The Derbyshire entries follow the same order as the 
report of 1548, and show remarkably little alteration from the 
return of the earlier date ; only a very few of the names had 
dropped out. 

In one particular this latter return supplements the one of 
Edward, for it specifies six ex-chantry priests whose pensions 

* Add. MSS. 8,102. The skin.s relating to Derbyshire are numbered 
45 to so. 


had been paid by the Duchy of Lancaster. They were : — 
William Holme, chantry priest of the Holy Rood, Wirksworth, 
loos. ; George Davie, chantry priest of Scropton, J[^^; Thomas 
Haidake, chantry priest of Belper, £^i, ; Edward Bennett, chantry 
priest of St. Oswald, Ashbourne, loos. ; Robert Tarleton, 
chantry priest of Melbourne, 70s. ; and Thomas Russell, chantry 
priest of Kniveton chantry, ^^i,. 


Hittle p?ucftloto : Jits Customs anti ©in 

By S. O. Addy. 

HE village of Little Hucklow, in the parish of Hoi^e, 
is about midway between Bradwell and Tideswell. 
According to the six-inch Ordnance Survey, the 
ground on which the houses and their gardens stand 
embraces an area of rather more than seven acres. The houses 
are few, and are mostly built on the north and south sides 
of a piece of open land, which answers both for road and 
village green, and is called the Town Gate. The middle of 
this open land has been encroached on by a Sunday School, 
now used as a Dissenters' Chapel, built in 1854, and the owners 
of the various tenements have from time to time enclosed bits 
of the green to enlarge their homesteads. But some of the 
houses still abut on this open space. The road by which 
the houses stand goes from east to west up the hill to the 
top of the village, whence it still ascends in the direction of 
Peak Forest. Parallel to the road on the south side is a back 
lane, and between this lane and the road are the crofts of the 
houses, most of which are on the south side, and have a 
southern aspect. The village is nearly a thousand feet above 
the level of the sea, yet it is so sheltered from the prevailing 
wind that a crop of wheat, tall, strong, and golden, may be 
seen, as I am now writing, at this height. But if shelter from 
the wind is an advantage, the lack of water more than 
countervails it. Old people remember how the lads and lasses 
used to fetch water in the evening from a place called the 


Sittings (the first " i " is long), half a mile from the village. 
They carried it on their heads in large burn-cans,* which had 
a ring on the top and a handle at the side, their heads being 
padded with neatly-made round cushions, hollow in the middle 
like a quoit. 

A sycamore, an elm or two, or a mountain ash grow near 
one or two of the homesteads, but there is hardly a tree in the 
fields to protect the cattle from the heat and rain. The moor- 
land air is fresh and cool ; the short, green turf springs under 
the feet, and there is no better pasturage for sheep and cattle. 
A novelist might call the place Grey Walls. The grey lime- 
stone fences that surround the narrow enclosures are very 
numerous, and the building of them must have been costly, 
for they cover the green sward for miles together like patch- 
work on an old bed-quilt. On a bank near Windmill, looking 
to the south, a number of terraces, here called lenches, rise 
one above another, as if frequent ploughing had thrown the 
earth down the hill. Some of the enclosures near the village 
are long strips placed at right angles to each other. In these 
lenches and strips we have the remains of the ancient open- 
field husbandry. The homesteads of the village adjoined the 
unenclosed moorland on the west, whence the inhabitants 
fetched heath to light their fires. They call this heath 
" kindling," and a handful of it is enough to set a fire going, 
without using paper, the roots being turned upwards and the 
match applied to the flowers or leaves. You may still see a 
woman dragging a great bundle of kindling with a rope for a 
mile or more. 

The early settlers came here to dig for veins of lead, not 
to stub up heather and furze to make good land. This metal 
has been worked in the village beyond historic memory, and 
the discontinuance of lead-mining is said to be due not to 
the exhaustion of the mines, but to foreign competition, tithes, 
and manorial dues. The cessation of this industry has been 
followed by the decay of the village; nearly a third of the 

* Burft is used dialectically as a shortened form of burden. 


houses are unoccupied and ruinous, and the old men and women 
look back with regret to the days of their youth and manhood 
when, as lead-miners and little freeholders, they worked short 
hours in the mines, kept a cow or two each, and were as happy 
as the day is long. 

For more than two centuries the number of houses in the 
township has remained stationary. When the hearth-tax was 
imposed between 1663 and 1689 there were fifty houses, and 
the inhabitants of eight of them " paid to church and poor." 
Of these eight persons half were Poyntons — viz., Adam 
Poynton, whose name occurs first in the list, and who was 
probably the owner of the house which I shall describe further 
on; and Ellis, William, and Edward Poynton. Only four 
persons — viz., Adam Poynton, Adam Fumiss, Rowland Smith, 
and Willow Alleyn, had as many as two hearths each.* In 
1 85 1 there were 49 houses and 235 inhabitants.! In the present 
year (1905) there are 49 houses, of which 15 are unoccupied, 
and 105 inhabitants.! 

NO' distinction is made in Domesday between Great and 
Little Hucklow, the former being locally known as Big Hucklow. 
The word Hucklow (in Domesday Hochelai, and in the 
Hundred Rolls Hokelawe) means the burial-mound of Hoca, 
and the older form of the word would have been Hotan-hldw . 
Hoca, or Hocca, is a man's name, and Mr. Searle gives five 
examples of it in his Onomasticon. 

There are indications that the village had an organized 
community of landowners at an early time. There was an 
officer called the headborough, § known at a later time as the 
constable, and he, according to some, held two pieces of land, 
by way of salary, so long as he retained his office. These 
" headborough lands " lie in different parts of the township, and 

* From information kindly supplied by Miss Lega-Weekes. 

t White's Gazetteer of the County of Derby, 1857, p. 629. 

X Information kindly supplied by Mr. Martin Chapman, Assistant 

§ In 1833 the neighbouring township of Abney was " governed by a 
headborough." — Glover's History of Derbyshire, ii., p. 3. 


are otherwise known as Brockdale and Withered Bush. They 
are held in eleven undivided shares, six of which have become 
the property of one landowner, and there seems to be no reason 
why all the shares should not ultimately become the property 
of one man. For a long time past the shareholders have held 
the headborough lands in turn, usually for more than a year 
each. This periodical holding of land has been found to be 
very inconvenient, for the tenant for the time being could 
plough up and exhaust it, leaving it in a bad condition for his 
successor. Others say that these lands were left to the poor 
by an old woman whose name they do not remember. It 
seems to be very likely that the eleven landowners, or the 
owners for the time being of the eleven ancient messuages 
which may have composed the township, took the office of 
headborough in turn, and received payment in this way. We 
are reminded of the " town hams " in the Aston village 
community, such as the Constable's Ham, the Smith's Ham, 
the Water Steward's Ham, and so forth.* In 1903, the Charity 
Commissioners gave notice that the trustees of " the charity 
called the Constable Land, " containing la. or. 2op., at 
Wentworth, in the parish of Wath-upon-Dearne, proposed to 
sell it. It is a mistake to call such properties charities ; as 
well might the wastes and commons of a township be so 
described. They belong not to charities, but to the landowners 
of a township. I am told that at Treharris, in Glamorganshire, 
is a piece of land which belongs to the burgesses, and is 
divided into a certain number of shares ; when a shareholder 
dies, the next oldest burgess takes his share. 

Formerly the herbage by the road sides was let by candle 
to the highest bidder, and the money went to the overseers 
or township. There is a saying in the village that a yard 
of land is worth a pint of ale. In the county of Cavan, in 
Ireland, land was formerly measured by pints of six and a 
quarter acres, pottles of twelve and a half acres, and so on.t 

* Gomme's Village Community, p. 163. 

tO'Curry's Manners and Customs of the Ancient Irish, i., p. xlv. 


Now and then one hears a curious saying in the village, as " We 
shall all be on a level when we get into a bed without a pillow." 
An old inhabitant can remember that his father had a cart 
drawn by a bull. The bull used to lie down in the cart shafts 
when he was tired. As soon as the cows were milked, one of 
the milkers went round with an " aftering-can," into which 
the last drops were pressed from the udders. This was 
regarded as the best milk. 

A rope is tied across the road to impede the progress of 
a wedding party and make the bridegroom pay something. 
This is also done at Castleton, Bradwell, Edale, and Bamford. 
At Castleton a hay rope was used, and the bridegroom and 
bride had to jump over it. On the 6th of September, 1901, 
I saw a newly-married pair returning to Castleton after their 
honeymoon. A rope was tied across the road, the bells were 
rung, and people came out of their houses to throw rice at 

Sods were thrown at the bride and bridegroom at Castleton. 
People kicked these up with their feet or pulled them up with 
their hands in the churchyard. Horse-beans and hen-beans 
are still thrown by the farmers at Castleton, and these often 
hurt or cut the face. I have heard people say that sods mean 
luck in the produce of the earth, shoes plenty of clothes, and 
rice plenty of children. In some places they now throw bits 
of paper instead of rice. 

At weddings they had bunches of ribbons tied into love-knots, 
the men wearing theirs on their hats. On the morning after 
a wedding the neighbours came into the bedroom where the 
bride and bridegroom lay and pelted them with anything they 
could lay their hands on, such as brooms or clothes-brushes. 

* At New Mills, in Lancashire, the bride and bridegroom paid a fine 
called " pass money " on coming' out of church, the gate being fastened 
until payment. In Livonia the bridegroom held in his hand " a stick 
cleft at the upper end, where he puts a piece of brass money, which is 
given as a reward to the person who opens the wicket, through which he 
passes." — Scheffer's History of Lapland, ed. 1704, p. 399. Is not this 
English custom a survival of the old merchet or fine paid on the marriage 
of a daughter? 


On Shrove Tuesday the one who remained last in bed was 
called the "bed-churl," or "bed-chum,"* and was swept with 
a broom. An old woman describing this custom to me said 
that she was once a bed-churl, and " he kept sweeping me with 
his broom, and I kept skriking " (shrieking). To avoid being 
made bed-churls people have been known to stay up all night. 
On this day the miner who came last to his work had a pole 
or stake put under his legs, on which he was carried and 
"tippled down th' hillock." A miner who was being treated 
in this way once stabbed his persecutor with a knife. 

On New Year's Day a " barm-feast " was held in a barn. 

There is a spring on the hill to the east of the village called 
Silver Well, into which, both on Easter Sunday and Easter Mon- 
day, children threw pins, and then poured water from the well into 
bottles containing broken sweetmeats, and shook the bottles. 
A Methodist preacher who had asked a boy what happened on 
Easter Sunday was told " we shakken." At Chapel-en-le-Frith 
and at Doveholes, near Buxton, the process of filling the 
bottles with water and shaking them is called "rinsing," and 
Easter Sunday is called " Rinsing Day." This shows that the 
putting of sweetmeats into bottles is a modern addition to the 
rite, the object uf the shaking having been to cleanse or purify. 
At Tideswell they call the practice " Sugar-cupping." ( On 
Palm Sunday — the Sunday before Easter — they laid a ring of 
" palms " — i.e., the buds or catkins of the common sallow 
(salix cinerea) — round Silver Well, using no other flowers. | 
There are other wells called pin wells in the neighbourhood. 

* Bed-churn is more frequently heard than bed-churl, but I think the 
latter is right. 

t It is .so described in a letter from Tideswell, dated 1826, printed in 
Hone's Every-day Book, ii., 451. 

:J: Horace mentions the custom of offering flowers to springs: — 

O fons Bandusiae, splendidior vitro, 
Dulci digne mero non sine floribus. 

In Rochdale, Lancashire, Spaw Sunday was celebrated on the first that 
fell in May, " when the devout, provided with what were called spa-wen- 
bottles, betook themselves for the most part to a well called Brown Wardle." _ 
— March's Nomenclature of East Lancashire, p. 27. Here spaw is the ' 
O.N. s/>a, prophecy, divination, and a spaiven-bottle is a divining bottle. 


On Easter Monday the men " cucked up," or lifted, the 
women ; and the women cucked up the men on the next day, 
when they could. One of my informants remembers a man 
lying flat on the ground, defying the women to cuck him. This 
practice seems originally to have been a magical rite for the 
purpose of making the crops spring up, according to the well- 
known ancient belief that like actions produce like. If you 
imitate the rise of the crops from the earth by jumping or 
lifting people up, you will make them grow. 

The act of gathering the last wisp of hay or straw from a 
corner of the field was called the " hare-catching." The last 
wisp was supposed to be caught like a hare and put into the 

The wakes begin on the second Sunday in September, and 
last a week. On Wake Eve all kinds of mischief were indulged 
in. Gates were lifted off their hinges, " they took all loose 
things, such as brooms," and they "bowled th' carts down into 
th' watter " — i.e., into the wet place at the Sinings. It is 
curious that the same thing should have been done at Bradwell, 
two miles off, where they dragged their neighbours' carts into 
the stream at the bottom of the hill. They speak of " holding 
up " — i.e., maintaining — ^the wakes. 

They had a game called " pin-play " or " pin-holes." A 
hole was made in the ground, and each player laid a pin or 
two in, the pins being so arranged as to form a circle with 
a hole in the middle. He or she who could bowl a marble 
intO' the centre of the hole got a pin. 

A woman in the village bore the singular Christian name of 

Two of the houses in the village are worth describing, as 
they contain points of interest rarely to be found elsewhere. 

I. — The Divided House. 

The first of these is a building in the form of the letter 
T, standing in the Town Gate. This building now contains 
three dwelling-houses, which have been distinguished from each 

Ground -Plan 

Plans and Sections of Houses at Little Hucklow. 


Other by the letters A, B, and C on the plan, and by a difference 
in shading, so that the reader can see the whole arrangement 
at a glance. The building is niinous, and only the house 
marked " B " is now occupied. These three dwelling-houses 
have been formed by alterations and additions out of one 
house or original nucleus, which consisted of three bays and 
a half of "housing," marked respectively i, 2, 3, and ^ on 
the plan. 

The original house or nucleus can be readily distinguished from 
the alterations and additions, not only by the appearance of 
the walls themselves and the ashlar comer-stones of the original 
structure, but by the bays of that structure. It is now well 
ascertained that houses were usually built in bays, presumably 
of uniform size, buildings being described by surveyors as 
consisting of so many bays, including half-bays.* The bays 
are usually, but not always, separated from each other by pairs 
of "crucks," crutches (Lat. fitrca) or principal timbers, + which 
rested on stones placed near the ground, and extended from 
them to the ridge-piece, the partition walls between them being 
made of a framework of wooden beams, laths, and plaster. 
Two pairs of these " crucks " are yet in situ in the building 
which we are considering, and one of the pairs is represented 
in fig. I . The stones on which the " crucks " rest are here 
buried in the ground, and are not shown in the drawing. 

The existence of such " crucks " implies the existence of bays, 
and if we measure the bay numbered 2 in the house marked 
" A " we shall find that it is approximately sixteen feet in 
breadth by fifteen feet in length. In such measurements we 
must allow for error in the work of the old builders, and for 
the fact that in such houses the present external walls are rarely 
the original walls. In most cases wood and plaster walls have 
been replaced by stonework. 

* See my ''Evolution of the English House, p. 32 seqq., and Notes and 
Queries, 9th S., vi., 461. 

t The Anglo-Saxon word for such a beam may have been feor-studu 
(far beam?) which occurs in a vocabulary of the tenth or eleventh century, 
and renders the Lat. obstupum (for obstipum) an inclined post. — See the 
Wright-Wulcker Vocab., 281, 10, and 461, 3. 


It will be seen that the size of the bay numbered i conforms 
very nearly to the size of the bays numbered 2 and 3, and 
that the half-bay, numbered h, is approximately a moiety of 
the full bay which it adjoins. In these 3^ bays we get, as 
I have said, the whole of the original building. The barn and 
" shippon "* at the east end of the house marked " C " are not 
so old as the house itself, though they mav have replaced 
older outbuildings upon the same site. 

I have elsewhere tried to show that the bay of an English 
peasant's house was a space of 1 5 x 16 = 240 square feet, and 
it will be noticed how near the bays of the building which 
I am now describing come to this rule. It is obvious that such 
a rule, if firmly established, would be very useful in enabling 
us to distinguish the older parts of similar houses from 
later additions. And, in the days when houses were divided 
piecemeal between children and wives, uniformity in the area 
of bays would have been of great ser\dce — indeed, equality 
of partition would have been almost impossible without it. 

Turning now to the house marked " A," it will be seen from 
the plan that it is bounded on the south by a frail wooden 
partition which goes from the roof to the floor. It is bounded 
on the west by another man's land, on the north by the village 
green, and on the east by the houses marked " B " and " C,'" 
which belong to another person. Thus we have here the 
singular fact that the owner of the house marked " A '•' has 
not an inch of land adjoining it, except so far as he may claim 
a share in the green on which the end of his house abuts. On 
every side he is hemmed in by his neighbour's property. In a 
word, the owner of this house has no privilege — a term to 
which I shall refer again. There is a concealed tank or well 
on the green in front of the door, but no garden, outbuilding, 
or outside accommodation of any kind on the land surrounding 
the house. And yet this house, when occupied, was a farm- 
house! It contains on the ground floor a scullery with a 
bakestone (a) and a large cheese-press (b), a pantry, or dairy, 

* Anglo-Saxon scifen, w stall or fold for cattle. 


surrounded by milk benches, and a house-place, in which is a 
wooden staircase later in date than the rest of the building. 
Over the fireplace is the date 1723 (fig. 1); but the building 
is older than that, and the fireplace was put there when 
the original house was divided. On the upper floor are two 
bedrooms, and there has been a fireplace in the room over 
the house-place (fig. i), the fireplaces of both rooms being 
served by the same chimney. The owner of this remarkable 
farmhouse has a shippon, or cow-house, big enough to hold 
four cows, about seventy yards off on the other side of the 
green, with a pigsty and privy annexed, but no land adjoining 
these outbuildings. He has also a little more than five acres 
of old enclosure in different parts of the township, one of the 
fields containing " lenches," and five or six acres which were 
formerly common land, and allotted in respect of rights of 

If we ask ourselves the question how it came to i:)ass that 
a farmhouse should be thus inconveniently jammed in between 
other men's land and houses, the answer is not far to seek. 
It was once a frequent thing for a man to build his house on 
the verge of his neighbour's property, this being done to save 
expense in making walls. But that is not the main reason 
why the house marked " A " is a portion of a larger house. 
The main reason is that when a man died his wife and children, 
or other representatives, divided his buildings and land piece- 
meal amongst them, according to his will or the settlement 
which he had made of it.* In our time, when a division of 
property is contemplated, the owner settles it on trust for sale, 
so that the beneficiaries take not actual parts, but shares in 
the proceeds of sale — a practice which avoids the old and 
inconvenient method of doling out a bay of a house to the 
widow and the other bays amongst the children, or otherwise 
dividing the property into actual parts. 

The scullery and pantry of the house marked " A " are newer 

* We must not forget that the old rule was to divide the estates of 
intestates equally. 


than the rest of that house, and were probably added because 
bay 2, which was the portion allotted to a former co-parcener, 
was insufficient for the accommodation of a family. Fortu- 
nately, we know from written evidence that the practice was to 
allot single bays to widows and others as their portions, and 
as the bays were, in theory at all events, of uniform size, it 
was easy to make fair apportionments or divisions. Thus it 
appears from the marriage settlement in 1617 of Edmund 
Waterhouse, of Bradtield, and Helen, his wife, that if the wife 
survived the husband, and they were childless, she was to 
have " one bay of housing, with the chimney, being the west 
end of the fire -house (dwelling-house), with the chamber over 
the same." If children were bom of the marriage, she was 
to have the same bay and one-third of her husband's other 
buildings and lands as her full dower.* Again, in 1682, it is 
recorded that Thomas Jennings, senior, late of Sheffield, hard- 
wareman, was in his lifetime seised in fee of a moiety or half 
part of a house in Sheffield in which Abiel Rollinson then 
dwelt, and also of the fourth part of a house in Sheffield 
where Joshua Bayle then dwelt, together with two closes called 
Channel Ings.t Here, then, we have a house divided into 
four parts, and probably consisting of bays. Had the parts 
been undivided shares we should have been told so. Somebody 
— widow, perhaps, or child — had acquired a bay (bay 2) 
without a fireplace in the original house at Little Hucklow, 
which was separated from the next bay by a wooden partition 
wall, and which had also a wooden wall at its north end. 
Thus came the necessity for making a fireplace between the 
" crucks " in the north gable, and substituting a stone wall for 
the original wooden one. That this was done is made highly 
probable by the fact that the " crucks " are a foot from the 
north wall in the chamber over the fireplace, and by the fact 
that a large piece has been cut out of one of them to 

* Abstract by J. D. Leader in the " Local Notes and Queries " of the 

Sheffield and Rotherham Independent, 1876. 

t Sheffield Court Rolls. 


make room for a doorway between this chamber and the 
chamber over the scullery. Moreover, there are old sockets 
or mortices in the " crucks " showing that tie-beams and angle- 
braces have crossed them for the purpose of strengthening the 
wall, which was originally a gable end or outer wall. It is 
very likely that the side walls, now seven feet high, were 
originally lower, and that the roof was thatched, as some 
houses in the village have been within living memory. It is 
even possible that the thatch extended down to the ground. 

The houses marked " B " and " C " now belong to the same 
owner (not the owner of the house marked " A "), but have 
been separately occupied as long as can now be remembered. 
The scullery and pantry of the house marked " B " are under 
one of the chambers of the house marked " C." The scullery 
and pantry of the house marked " C " form an outshoot, with 
no chambers above them, and were evidently added at the time 
when the original house was divided into portions. To effect 
this division a line stone-mullioned window of four bays, or 
lights, was built up, and other changes made which cannot 
now be traced, though the large recess in the pantry of the 
house marked " C " makes it likely that a window corresponding 
to the built-up window stood there. A modern window on the 
south side of the house marked " C " has been omitted from 
the plan. 

Such an intermixture of dwellings must often have caused 
trouble. Disputes about rights of way, light, and air, to say 
nothing of questions about repairs of roofs and walls, can 
hardly fail to have been a source of annoyance and expense 
to the owners of such property. Yet one cannot but admire 
the ingenious way in which these three houses were made out 
of one. See, for example, how neatly the three pantries of 
the three houses, with their adjoining sculleries, are clustered 
or fitted together. When a man's house adjoined his neigh- 
bour's land it was difficult for him, without trespass, to rebuild 
his wall, to whitewash it, or repair it. Hence some property- 
owners in this neighbourhoad have claimed what they call a 


rij^ht i)f ladder-stcad — i.e., a right to put a ladder on the 
adjoining owners land to do repairs. 

The intermixture of houses and other buildings, such as 
barns, is not less remarkable than the scattered or intermixed 
ownership in the open fields of an ancient English village, to 
which Seebohm and other writers have drawn attention. No 
feature of the mediaeval land system is so puzzling and 
interesting as this, and various attempts have been made to 
explain it. Why, for example, should a man's holding have 
been composed, not of thirty acres in a ring fence, but of 
sixty strips of half an acre each lying on all sides of the 
township ? In endeavouring to answer such a question, we 
ought not to separate the house from the land, but to consider 
them together, for in both cases the intermixture may have 
arisen from the division of property amongst heirs or children. 
When we find, as we often do, that a man is described as the 
owner of a single bay of a barn and a strip of land in the 
fields held with it, we may be sure that we have to do with a 
case of partition. 

In 1568 a man came into the lord's court at Ecclesfield 
and obtained leave to inherit the sixth part of half a bovate 
of arable land and the sixth part of a messuage and certain 
arable lands in Ecclesfield.* Here we have a case of minute 
partition, the bovate being sjjlit into fractions of one acre and 
a rood each, and the house into six parts. To this day, parts 
of houses in Little Hucklow belong to different owners ; you 
find that an owner has bequeathed one part of a house to 
one child, and another part to another child, or else that the 
children have agreed to divide the house between them. To 
such an extent has this practice been carried that it is difficult, 
even yet, to get a complete house — you have to buy part of 
a building and get the other part if you can. At Aston, four 
miles off, a man has a barn in the middle of another mans 

* " Et flat domino iiijs pro licentia hereditandi sextam partem dimdias 
bovatae terrae . . . ac sextam partem unius mesuagii ac cartas terras 
in Ecclesfeld," etc. — Sheffield Court Rolls, in the custody of the Duke 
of Norfolk. 


(•(Uirtyard, with a right-of-way thereto, and he has also two 
fields in the middle of his neighbour's land. This is not less 
remarkable than the case of a single acre wedged in between 
two acres belonging to two other men, as we find it in the 
ancient open-field system. 

The two chambers of the house marked " C," one of which, 
as I have said, extends over the scullery and pantry of the 
house marked " B,'' are separated from each other by a wooden 
framework made of strong beams of oak resting on a thick 
joist (fig. 2), with a doorway in the centre. This framework, 
which stands in the position of the dotted line on the plan, 
is far too strong to have been intended as a mere partition 
wall, and the sockets or mortises in the blades or side-trees 
show that rafters have once been fitted into them. The present 
roof, therefore, is not the original roof, but was substituted 
for an older roof laid close to the blades, the side walls being 
raised when the new roof was put on. Hence, as may be 
seen in the photograph, the present decapitated chamber 
windows were originally dormer windows, the chambers being 
contracted and low. Owing to the ruinous and dangerous state 
of the building I could neither photograph nor measure the 
framework (fig. 2), and could only make a sketch. The 
framework is locally known as a coupling, and is very 
interesting because it gives us an actual representation of what 
was known in the fourteenth century as a coujjle of syles.* 

Writing of old Scottish buildings, Jamieson says in his 
Dictionary : "Two transverse beams go from one sile-blade to 
the other, to prevent the siles from being pressed down by the 
superincumbent load, which would soon make the walls ' skail ' 
— that is, jut outwards." The newer roof of the house marked 
" C " on the plan has already made the walls jut outwards to 
a dangerous extent. 

* " Unam domum, vocatam le Fire-house, continentem quinque copies 
de s)'Ies et duo gavelforkes." — Lease, dated 1392, in Greenwell's 
Feodarium Prioratus Dunelmensis (Surtees Soc), p. 167. The lease was 
for 200 years, and the lessees undertook to repair and maintain these 
" syles " and '' gavelforkes " during that period, and to yield them up 
at the end of the term in good condition. 


In the fourteenth century houses were estimated by the 
number of gavelforks (" crucks ") and couples of siles which 
they contained. Thus the " fire-house," or dwelling-house, 
mentioned in the last footnote contained five couples of siles 
and two gavelforks — i.e., one gavelfork at each end of the 
building. In other words, it contained six bays, and they, we 
may presume, were of uniform size. It will be seen that, whilst 
a gavelfork, or " cruck," extends down to the ground (fig. i), 
resting only on a stone, a sile rests on a tie-beam which serves 
as a joist for the chamber floor (fig. 2). These two kinds of 
coupling — viz., "crucks" and siles — were often used in the 
same building ; but " crucks " were the rule in this neighbour- 
hood, and this is the only " couple of siles " which I have 

This divided house, as I have called it, may remind us of 
the old days when equal division of real property was the rule 
after intestacy.* According to the Laws of Cnut, if a man died 
intestate his wife and children took the inheritance, probably 
following the Roman law.t And in the Laws of Cnut we 
have this enactment : " Where the husband dwelt without claim 
or contest, let the wife and children dwell in the same."! 
When, however, they continued to live in the house of the 
dead husband and father, they parcelled it out amongst them. 

II. — The Undivided House. 

I have now to describe another type of house, which differs 
essentially from those which have just been examined, and 
only resembles them in the fact that it consists, as they do, of 
a house-place, scullery, or pantry, and two chambers. Such 
are its present, and such were its original, contents, but the 
building was enlarged on the north side at a later time. This 
house, which belongs to me, is a colour-washed dwelling, built 

* Si quis paterfamilias casu aliquo sine testamento obierit, pueri inter 
se hereditatem equaliter dividant." — Laws of William the Conqueror, c. 33. 
The French version renders " pueri " as " les enfans." 

tC. 71. 

tC 73- 

The Undivided House (from the South 

LowKK East Window ok Undivided House. 


of the limestone of the district, with quoins and windows of 
ashlar. Its two best windows are in a broad east gable end. 
Half the south side is a blank wall, and part of the circum- 
ference of the stair-turret projects from that side. The build- 
ing is uninjured by modern change, and nearly in the same 
condition as it was when it left the builders hands. In a 
panel over the lower east window is the legend "A. P., 1661,' 
the initials standing for Adam Poynton.* For the last year or 
two I have used this place as a summer residence. Little as 
it is, we have managed to squeeze ourselves in, and we regard 
it as a stone tent on the moors where fresh air and open 
windows make us forget the luxuries of the town. Here, if 
anywhere, a man can lead " the simple life " ! 

The interest attaching to this building lies in the fact that 
it reproduces in the seventeenth century a type of dwelling- 
house which prevailed in the fourteenth century and earlier. 

The plans will show the sizes of the rooms. The house- 
place, or hall, is entered by a door on the north side, exactly 
opposite the winding stair, the door being protected by a 
screen, formerly known as a " spere," with an inner door. The 
passage thus formed is here called the lobby. Above the 
lobby is a cupboard which serves as a receptacle for hats, etc. 
This room is 8 ft. high. The rafters which support the 
floor above it are of oak, resting on the north and south walls 
and on a large oak beam which crosses the room from east 
to west. The beam is neatly moulded, and rests on stone 
corbels. The south window is recessed at a height of 3 ft. 4 in. 
from the floor, and its stone mullions are elegantly moulded. 
The small west window has no mullions, and appears to be of 
more recent date than the other windows in the house. The 
" spere " also api>ears to be modern, as one or two of the old 
inhabitants say that they can remember when it was put up 
thirty or forty years ago. The stone projection, i ft. 6 in. 
high and 9 in. broad, next to the east jamb of the fireplace, 

* I have had a search made at Lichfield down to 1700 for his will, but 
nothing was found. In 1658 Hercules Poynton and his daughter paid is. 8d. 
for Easter dues. — Dcihyshire Archtcoloqha7 Joiintal, XI., p. 28. 


may have been used, in the days when the fireplace was open, 
for the same purpose as the modern hob is now used — i.e., to 
put kettles or cooking vessels on. There is another of these 
projections in the house marked " C '" on the plan of the 
divided house already described. 

Adjoining the house-place is the scullery, or "bower," as we 
call it, entered by a doonvay only 5 ft. 3 in. high. To get in 
you descend a step as you go through the doorway. The 
floor is of concrete. This room is only well lighted in the 
morning, and the absence of a window in the south wall makes 
it rather gloomy and damp. A cellar, here called a pantry, 
lies beneath the northern half of the floor, which is supported 
by a stone arch. The cellar steps are guarded by an oak 
framework reared on a foundation of stone. A small sink- 
stone, not drawn on the plan, has been fitted into the window, 
which is recessed at a height of 2 ft. 4 in. from the floor. Oak 
rafters support the floor above. This room is 7 ft. high. 

The two chambers or upper rooms are approached by a 
winding stair, formerly known as a " vice " or " turngrees.' 
We are so accustomed to our modern stairs, and regard them 
with such indifference, that we are apt tO' lose sight of the 
difficulty which the means of ascent from a lower to a higher 
storey presented to the old builders. At Padley Hall, near 
Hathersage, there was a winding stair, now removed, outside 
the house ; at Overton Hall, near the same village, the stair- 
case is a rectangular projection from the building, like a tower, 
inside which wooden steps go circling round in sets of four. 
At Garner House, near Bamford, the stone steps were con- 
tained in a round case, the outer half of which projects from 
the north side of the building like a segment of a round tower. 
There is a winding stone stair in a house at Upper Midhope, 
near Penistone. Examples of such stairs are now rare in 
English domestic architecture. The outside staircase was, 
however, frequent in English houses of the thirteenth century, 
and the upper rooms of an old Egyptian house were reached 
by such a contrivance.* It is probable that many of these 
* Maspero's Manual of Egyptian Archeology (Enijlish ed.), p. 11. 

Top of Stair in Undivided House. 


Structures have been destroyed to be replaced by something 
more in accordance with modem taste ; indeed, I have been 
advised by utilitarian people to knock down the stairs and put 
a front door there ! In very many old houses the stair is, in 
fact, enclosed in a case with a door at the bottom, which you 
might think led into a cupboard, and sometimes a door at the 
top. Here and there this door has degenerated into a mere 
wicket or piece of lattice-work. 

Such doors can only have been intended as a protection against 
intrusion, or against cold draughts. In this house at Little 
Hucklow there is an oak door, painted black on the outside, 
at the foot of the stair. It has a wooden latch and a wooden 
hasp, and you raise the latch by putting your finger through 
a hole in the door. The turret is lighted by a small latticed 
window, headed by a semi-circular arch. The window is 
splayed inwardly, and is glazed by old bottle-green glass, so 
that if you sleep next the "spere," and the moonlight comes 
through the open stair-door upon your face, you may fancy that 
you are l\ing in an old church, so quaint and weird is the 

The steps radiate from a newel, which, like the doorway of 
the staircase, is 6 ft. high. Ascending eight steps and keeping 
to the right you find yourself at the door, 5 ft. 3 in. high, 
of the east chamber, here called the house chamber, into 
which you enter by another step. The eighth step is made 
broad enough to form a small landing in front of the door 
of this room, and from this landing you ascend two other steps 
to another small landing in front of the door of the west 
chamber, into which you enter by another step, making the 
floor of the west chamber i ft. 3 in. higher than that of the 
east chamber. The last-named landing is guarded by an 
oak framework, now whitewashed, and it is very interesting 
lo notice that this rude contrivance is the original or simplest 
form of the rails, often elaborately decorated, which guard 
nur modern stairs and landings. There is only just room to turn 
round on a landing 2 ft. in length an<l i ft. 7 in. in breadth. 


Nevertheless, this stair, though rather dangerous, is not 
altogether inconvenient, for there is room enough to carry up 
furniture, such as beds and chests of drawers. The cutting 
and fitting of these steps, from the rounded ends of which 
the newel is formed, must have been costly, and the builder 
has shown great ingenuity in adapting the stair to the two 
upper rooms, so that the one could be entered without going 
through the other. It is in such work that the character of 
the house appears. The owner of .such an appendage to a 
house would naturally regard it with some pride, for a mere 
ladder was a sign of poverty and rusticity, as when the men 
of Totley, in this county, taunted their neighbours of Dore 
by saying : 

Up a ladder .ind down a wall, 
A penny loaf will serve you all. 

The doorway of the east chamber, here called the kitchen 
chamber, is 5 ft. high. The height of this chamber, measured 
to the place where the rafters spring from the walls, is 
7 ft. 9 in. ; to the ridge-piece it is 12 ft. 2 in. It is lighted 
by a beautiful window in massive stonework of three lights, 
the central light being exactly a foot higher than the others. 
The recess of the window is 2 ft. 11 in. from the floor. There 
is no fireplace in this room, and it can only be ventilated by 
opening the window and door. As both the upper rooms 
were insufficiently lighted by the old windows, I have had two 
" glass slates " put in the roof of the east room, and three in 
that of the west room. These take the place of ordinary 
slates, and are fixed between the rafters. Hence they do not 
disfigure the building, and make the interior brighter, drier, 
and healthier. The practice may be recommended to all 
occupants of old houses with small windows and open roofs. 
The flue of the fireplace in the hall projects 2 ft. from the 
wall of the room above, and tapers on all sides upwards. 
It is of stone, and not of wood, as some old flues of this period 
are, but so thin and porous that the smoke of the fire below 
colours it like a meerschaum pipe. You may whitewash it as 
often as you like, it still turns brown. The height of the west 

Upper East Window of Undivided H 



chamber, measured to the place where the rafters spring from 
the walls, is 6 ft. 7 in. ; to the ridge-piece it is 10 ft. 7 in. 
The recess of the window is 2 ft. i in. from the floor ; the 
lintel of the window is i ft. 3 in. from the rafters. The fire- 
place was original!} open ; it is not in the middle of the wall, 
but placed a little to the north, so that the flue may escape 
the ridge-piece. The timbers which support the spars of the 
open roofs of the two chambers are oak trees, of irregular shape, 
roughly squared by the adze, and now whitewashed. The 
thickest of them has a circumference of 42 in. Adjoining the 
north side of the house are two apartments, now roofless, the 
larger one being still called the weaving-room. This room 
has a fireplace of good ashlar stone, with an overhanging 
mantelpiece and moulded jambs. Near the fireplace a bake- 
stone stood. The room was lighted by three small windows, 
now built up, and has a door in its east wall. An aged woman 
who lived in this house in childhood remembers a loom and 
two spinning-wheels in this weaving-room. She remembers, too, 
a printed song nailed to the loom, which a woman .sang as she 
wove. It began : 

When first from sea I landed 

I had a roving mind ; 
Undaunted then I rambled 

Mv true love for to find. 

Her bare neck was shaded 

With her long raven hair ; 
And they called her pretty Susan, 

The pride of Kildare. 

Addison, in The Spectator (No. 85), mentions the printed 
papers which, in his time, were pasted on the walls of countr}' 
houses, one of these being the old ballad of " The Two 
Children in the Wood." 

The apartment to the north of the weaving-room is said to 
have been a bakehouse, and it had a window, now built up. 
on its west side. These two apartments had a lean-to roof 
sloping to the east. The masonry of these buildings differs 
from that of the older part of the house ; there are no grit- 


stone quoins, and the stonework of the windows is plain and 
unmoulded. Moreover, the doorway between the hall and 
weaving-room is only 2 ft. wide ; an original doorway would 
probably have been made wider by setting the fireplace more 
to the east. There is no doubt that these two apartments on 
the north side are comparatively modern additions. This is 
proved not only by the style of building, but by the fact that 
Adam Poynton only paid tax on two hearths. 

The small building at the south-east corner of the house, 
now used as a coal-place, is a later addition, and was intended 
for what is here called a pig-spot. It is only shown in the photo- 
graph. The word " spot " is used in this neighbourhood as 
the name of anv small outbuilding — e.g., a calf-spot, a hen-spot. 
At the bottom of the two little crofts on the south side of the 
house is an old barn which formerly had other buildings on 
either si(ie of it. Over the south door of the barn is an arched 
lintel, and on it the figures 1619 are cut. This stone has 
been removed from some other building, now destroyed. 

It does not seem to have occurred to the builder of this house 
that a fireplace in an upper room could have been erected 
most conveniently over the fireplace in the room below, so 
that one chimney-stack would suffice for both. The fireplace 
in the chamber over the hall is formed in the wall, 2 ft. 8 in. 
thick, which divides the building into two unequal parts, and 
extends from the floor of the cellar to the ridge-piece. This 
is the thickest wall in the house. Such an arrangement 
involved an unnecessary loss of space as well as expenditure 
of money ; to find room for a chimney the partition wall was 
made six inches thicker than the outer walls. Originally both 
the fireplaces were open — that is to say, a fire of wood or 
])it-coal burnt on the hearth-stones. 

There are eight holes in the walls, which were formerly userl 
as repositories for keeping things.* Three of these holes are 
in the room over the hall — one at the head of the winding 

* In Percivall's Spanish Diclionarie, ijqi, we h:ive : " Alhiiztna, a 
hole in a wal to set things in, an Anibrie." 


Stair, one in the hall, and three in the kitchen. These rect- 
angular apertures are of various sizes, the largest being about 
I ft. 6 in. square; the depth is about i ft. In an old house 
near Sheffield one of such holes is filled by a small oak cupboard 
with figures carved on the door. Similar holes in walls, with 
arched tops, resembling the so-called piscina: of churches, are 
found in houses of the thirteenth century. One of these at 
Stoke Say is near the jamb of the fireplace in the solar,* just as 
here there is a hole near the jamb of the fireplace in the room 
over the hall. 

The house is built of the limestone of the district, except that 
the comer stones, the stonework of the windows and fireplaces, 
and the corbels which hold beams are of ashlar, or " greatstone," 
as it is called in the neighbourhood. The stairs are, however, of 
limestone, much worn by use. The outer walls are rough-casted 
with grey plaster, and until late years have been whitewashed ; 
but the stonework of the windows has been coloured light red, 
and the date and initials over the lower east window blue. 
That these red and blue colours were laid on when the house 
was built is rendered probable by the fact that they are the 
lowest of numerous layers that have been scraped off. The 
south windows are now coloured yellow, as many others in the 
village are, the custom being to renew these decorations yearly 
at the wakes. The inside walls have been coloured by a deep 
tint of archil; they are now whitewashed. Our Enghsh 
ancestors disliked bare stones, and they coloured them, often 
with gaudy hues. I have seen the stone mullions of old houses 
in Yorkshire coloured by archil on the outside. Few objects 
in a landscape are more beautiful that an old whitewashed 
cottage glistening in the morning or evening sun. 

On removing the plaster or whitewash from the inner parts 
of the window-jambs certain marks were found. In the east 
chamber on the south side of the window a pair of cross 
scythes is incised, with the blades turned outwardly. 

On each of the stones forming the window-jambs of the 
*T. Hudson Turner's Domestic Architecture in England, 1851, p. 160. 


north side is also a pair of cross scythes, with the blades 
turned inwardly. The handles of the scythes are about three 
inches in length. Taverns have often been called " Cross 
Scythes." On the west jamb of the south window in the hall 
is a representation of the swastika. No marks of this kind 
have been discovered in other parts of the house ; they are 
only found on the jambs of the upper east window and the 
lower south window, and they are in such a position that 
the light of the morning and mid-day sun would fall upon them. 
In Derbyshire the sign of the cross is still made to attract the 
sun. Thus it is said that " if it rains hard and j'ou wish it to 
be fine, lay two straws across and the rain will cease.* 
Moreover, it is well-known that the swastika was intended to 
be a representation of the sun. It may be, therefore, that 
these marks are not symbols used by masons to distinguish 
their own work, but magical devices intended to attract sun 
and light to- the building. 

I have now to compare this house at Little Hucklow with 
a much larger and much older house called Padley Hall, near 
Hathersage. The comparison will show that the two houses, 
separated as they are in time by an interval of perhaps three 
hundred years, are examples of the same type of building, 
and closely resemble each other. 

1. In the first place each house consists of a larger and 
a smaller room on the ground floor with corresponding rooms 

2. In both houses the best \vindows are in the east gable 
end, one in the upper room, and one in the lower. In the 
photograph the east window of the lower east room at Padley 
is concealed from view. 

3. If the photographs of the two houses, printed on the same 
page, be compared, it will be seen that at Padley as well as 
at Little Hucklow a winding stair, built against the wall, 

* Addy's Household Tales, etc., p. 85. 

t I have given plans of the house at Padley in Evolution of the English 
House, pp. 136, 141. 

House at Little Hucklow (from the South). 

Padley Hall (fr-im im. X^ikiiiI^n^i 


once led to the upper rooms and served them both. At 
Padley the winding stair has been removed, but the two 
doorways at its summit, one for each upper room, will be seen 
in the photograph, and it will also be seen that one doorway 
is higher than the other, as at Little Hucklow. If a portion 
of the turret at Little Hucklow were removed, so as to exhibit 
a section, two doorways would also be seen, one higher than 
the other. At Padley, as at Little Hucklow, the floor of one 
upper room is higher than the other. 

4. In each house the winding stair is exactly opposite the 
entrance, and in each house the entrance is in one of the 
long sides. 

5. In both houses there is a fireplace in each of the two 
larger rooms, and none in the smaller. 

In a word, the house at Little Hucklow is a later, plainer, 
and diminished copy of the house at Padley — that is to say, 
both houses belong to> the same type. We may call it the 
" hall-and-bower " type. 

The land on the south boundary of my house belongs to 
one man, and the*- on the west boundary to another man, so 
that, having a bit of land on the north and east sides, I am 
better off than the owner of the house marked " A," who has 
no land on any side. Land adjoining a house is here called 
" privilege," and perhaps I ought to consider myself lucky in 
having such an advantage on two sides, even though my 
neighbours tell me that my privilege was formerly stolen from 
the village green. 

In old times there were in England houses which were not 
divisible amongst co-heirs. Bracton, who died in 1 268, has 
told us that when several co-heirs were entitled to a messuage 
it was to be divided into shares, unless they could agree that 
one should take the whole and pay compensation to the rest. 
Even when the property was held by military tenure, " a hall," 
he tells us, " is sometimes divided into two or more parts, 
and sometimes a chamber is divided from the hall, and so 
with regard to the several buildings (donnis) in the court 


{curia).'' But as regards the larger houses held by military 
tenure, he says that the capital mansions of a county, or 
barony, castles, and other edifices, were not divisible.* They 
followed the rule of primogeniture. 

Now, with regard to the hall at Padley, it appears that in 
1451 Robert Eyre, Esq., held it of John Talbot, Earl of 
Shrewsbury, by the service of the fortieth part of a knight's fee, 
and by two reasonable aids.f It was, therefore, held by military 
tenure, and from its size, the character of its architecture, and 
its strength, we may presume that it was not divisible. At all 
events, nO' signs of partition can be discovered in the existing 
building. It seems to have been nO' more divisible than a 
castle was. I do not, of course, suggest that the house at 
Little Hucklow was held by military tenure — indeed, such 
tenures were abolished in the very year when it was built. 
But it is evident that the two houses which I have compared 
belong to one and the same type, the similarity being due 
to imitation. 

The plans have been drawn by me and copied by 
Mr. J. R. Wigfull, of Sheffield, architect, who' is not responsible 
for their accuracy. Mr. Wigfull has also kindly supplied one 
of the photographs. 

* Bracton, De Legibus, etc., ed. Sir Travers Twiss, i., p. 602 seq. 
t MS. Feodarium in the custody of the Duke of Norfolk. 

Richard Shallcross, 8 Jac. I. 

Walker, Quartered by Shallcross, temp. Car. II. 


€f|e ©toners of Sl^allcvoss.* 

By THE Rev. W. H. Shawcross, Vicar of Bretforton, 
Co. Worcester. 

(i) The Name and Place. — The surname of the long line of 
owners is the identical name given by its Norse progenitors 
and others to A Cross, erected between a.d. 627-685, 
which gave its name to a vill, not mentioned in Domesday, 
within the King's liberty and Forest of the High Peak, in 
the north-west boundary of this county, and it was assumed 
by the family befoi., the time of Henry I., a.d. 1103. 
An enumeration of some variations of orthography, of 
which Shacklecross, Shallcross, and Shawcross are the 
standard forms, shews that this ancient place-name, wherein a 
store of history lies couched, has undergone some remarkable 
handling. We find, in the twelfth century, Sachalcros, Scakel- 
cros ; in the thirteenth century, Sakelcros., St. Cruce, 
Shacrosse, Shorecroft, Schalkros, Schalkiros, Schakilkros ; 
fourteenth century, Schakilcros, Schalecros, Scalecros, Shakel- 
cros, St. Schalcross, Schallecrosse, Schalcrosse ; fifteenth century, 
Schalcros de Shalcros, Schalcress ; sixteenth century, Shalcrosse, 
Shawcrosse of Shawcrosse, Shawlccrowe, Shakel(s)cross, 
Shacrost, Shallcrosse or Shawcrosse, Shawcrofte, Sharcrofte, 
Shallcross, Shawcross ; seventeenth century, Shaw-Crosse, Shal- 
croste, Shalcroft, Sholecross, Scholecrofte, Shacrofte, Shawcroft, 

*And, incidentally, of Yeardsley. We enlarge on the Jodrell con- 
nections in view of Mr. Gunson's articles on these Halls in the last foiirnal. 
Vol. x.xvii., p. 185. 


Shalcrowe, Shercross, Shedcrosse, Showcross ; eighteenth century, 
Shaircross, Shellcross, Sholcross, Shallcrop, Shallcraft, Shall- 
crass ; and in the nineteenth century, Shellcross, Sarlcrosse, 
Chalcross, Shaucross, Shullcross. Among many suggestions on 
the difficult etymology we have now only space to note that 
this patronymic is of Scandinavian derivation — there are traces 
of Danish settlements between 855 and 1016 in the Peak; 
and that the Anglo-Saxon scacal, or sccccal, or shaft, or shackle, 
may explain the first half of the name, contracting to Shall and 
Shaw. Before Mr. Andrew's find,* Professor Skeat had thought 
(in 1896) the spellings scakel, schakil, and schakel, more likely to 
be right. He adds : " The contraction from Shackle to Shall is 
violent, but not without precedent : and I do not see what else 
it is. The old spellings are too numerous and consistent to 
be explained away. It is clear, in any case, that the ' Shaw ' in 
Shawcross is a totally different word from the ' shaw ' in 
Bradshaw. The latter is merely the common shaw, a wood, 
A. S. sceaga ; which never could have been Shall at any time." 
As to the terminal " cross," Norse kross and cros, the last form 
being first used in that part of England which was occupied by 
the Danes, it may be added that Shallcross is near the junction 
of four ancient roads, spots frequently sanctified in early Chris- 
tian days by the erection of wayside crosses. On the whole 
name I express cordial concurrence with Mr. Andrew's article, 
upon his interesting discovery of the original shaft of The 
Shallcross, in the last Journal, pp. 201-4. We cannot spare 
the regret that neither the evident beauty of its workmanship, 
nor its utility as a landmark, nor its pre-Gothic antiquity, nor 
its connection with an ancient and worthy family, spared this 
relic of early Christianity, the sign of the victory that over- 
cometh the world {in hoc signo vinces), from the merciless havoc 
of the time. 

Sachalcros, as it is written under the first orthography, between 
1103-8, was within the great Peak possessions of William 
Peverel, I. To the Clugniac priory of Lenton, founded by him 

*Vol. xxvii., page 201, of this Journal. 


at this period, he gave, for its support,* tithes out of his 
pastures in Sachalcros. Later, in 1272, an inquisition of tithes 
due to Lenton gives, amongst others, Shalcross and Fernilee, i is. 
Three generations of the Peverels held the Castle of the High 
Peak. The Shallcross family had a descent from Peverel 
through the Gousell family, lineal ancestors of the wife of 
Leonard (XIII.). The Gousells, of Hoveringham, co. Notts, 
sometime lords of Hathersage, through marriage with its heiress, 
also espoused Elizabeth, an heiress of the Fitzalans, Earls of 
Arundel, who brought with her, among other quarterings, viz., 
Fitzalan, Albany, Meschines, Lupus (Earl of Chester), Hamlyn 
Plantagenet (as. floreitee or, on a bordure gu., eight lions of 
England), Warren, Marshall, De Clare, and Macmurrough, 
the arms of the fierce and haughty Peverel {quarterly, gu. and 
voire, or and az. a lion ramp. org.). 

(2) The Owners: their Male Succession. — The earliest certain 
patriarch of this house appears, like that of the house of 
Douglas, in the tree, not in the sapling. Of those who bore 
the early place-name of this family, both the Widdrington Roll 
{infra) and Jewitt's Pedigree! commence with the Danish name 
(Sueno, Suanus, Suenus, or Svanus) of 

SVAIN DE SCAKELCROS, or Skakelcros (I.), of Scakel- 
cros, the immediate founder of this ancient family. He 
lived, temp. John and Henry III., within the vill of Scakel- 
cros, in the wide parish of Chapel-en-le-Frith, in a wild 
and romantic part of England, on the banks of the Goyt, 
a stream which divides Shallcross from Taxal, the counties of 
Derbyshire and Cheshire, and the Forests of the High Peak and 
of Macclesfield. It is certain that Svain was a landowner, 
and derived his name from the vill. A brother of this 
Svain, or at least a near relative, may appear in John de 
Shakelcrosse, dead in 36 Hen. III., who in 7-12 Hen. III.,| 

*He gave a tithe of game, viz., of stags and hinds, of bucks and 
does, and of boars and sows (Mon. Angl., i., p. 648). 
t Jieliqttaiy, vol. vi. 

X Feudal History of Derhyshin. liy Mr. Pym Veatman, Section VI. 
Other valuable items are from this work. 


assarted five acres at Kinder, part of Longdendale, Thomas 
fil. Richard being the tenant. His relative, Oswalda, or Oswyn, 
born temp. Hen. II., daughter of Stephen Shalcrosse, married 
temp. John, Walter, son of Sir John Rudston, lord of Hayton, 
county York (Arg. three hulls' heads couped sa. two and one). 
Svain, who may have been bom temp. Ric. I., lived 
apparently e. 1 197-1265, and was probably one of the foresters 
who shared in the original building, c. 1225, of the "Chapel" 
in the frith. Dying about the time of the battle of Evesham, 
where Ferrars, eighth Earl of Derby, fought against his King, 
Svain left issue, possibly by a daughter of Benedict de Worth, 
of the Worths of Worth {arg. a cross raguled sa.); the Shal- 
crosses invariably married in " a fair degree '" : — 
I. — Richard, of whom presently. 
II. — ^John, living 1259-60. 

III. — Robert, bail, with others, in 36 Hen. III. for Mathew 
de Scorches. 

His son and successor, 

RICHARD DE SCAKELCROS (II.), of Scalcelcros, of 
whom, with his younger brother John, we first hear in con- 
nection with amercements under the forest laws in 1259-60. In 
36 Hen. III. he was bail, with others, for Peter de Gaham. 
In the same year he was amerced in vert in the demesne Park, 
6d., and fined ^d. in the same year. In 41 & 42 Hen. III., a 
Richard Shakelcross rented land at Chapel-en-le-Frith. This 
Richard held lands purchased by him in fee from Sir Robert de 
Hyde, as we note from the family chartularj', to which we must 
now advert. 

Two copies of the chartulary of the Shallcross family were 
made under the supervision of John (XV.) after the visitation of 
1634, which are still extant. Of the original charters, which 
would be upon small membranes, nothing seems known. These 
copies are preserved in three quarters, viz. : — (i) In the breviate 
of 5 July, 1639, found in Harleian 1093, ff. 19-22. (2) In a 
roll of a skeleton pedigree of the family, upon paper mounted 
on strong linen, made probably in connection with (i). 


Originally among the Shallcross muniments, it is even now in the 
possession of the heirs of line.* This important document, 
which is 8 ft. 4 in. long by 2 ft. i in. wide, is expanded with 
twenty copies of the original charters. The pedigree is illus- 
trated with forty-two uncoloured shields, 2^ in. by 2^ in., of the 
family, sixteen being impaled with its alliances; i, Wendesley; 
2, Beresford; 3, Jodrell; 4, Bagshawe of Ridge; 5, Browne of 
Marsh; 6, Jodrell; 7, Davenport; 8, Jodrell; 9, Downes; 10, 
Bradshaw; 11, Walker; 12, Cressy; 13, Smith; 14, Jodrell; 
15, Walker; and 16, Bagshawe of Ridge. This skeleton pedi- 
gree, which has the names within circles, commences with 
Suanie de Skakelcros, to whom is given the family coat, and 
it terminates with the birth of six children of John (XV.). A 
third copy of the charters (3) is to be found in T/ie Reliquary, 
vol. vi., printed from the Harleian MSS. by Mr. Jewitt, with 
a skeleton pedigree of Shallcross. Copies were fortunately 
available of the appendant seals, where they occur, in each of 
these three transcripts. 

The present and fourth copy of these documents has been 
sorted out from each of these three quarters, in elucidation of 
the mediaeval history of the family; and these Latin deeds 
appear for the first time in order and in English. They number 
twenty-three, and according to date may be thus described : — 
Eight have no date, and, as we have not the assistance 
afforded by a sight of the mediaeval handwriting, we classify 
them before 1290; there are twelve between 1290 and 1400, and 
three after 1400. They name many persons and places of 
historical interest, over which our present limits do not allow 
us to linger. 

The first purchase is within the vill of Scakelcross itself, 
and refers to land purchased by Richard de Scakelcross before 
55 Hen. III., from Sir Robert Hyde, Knt., lord of several 
manors in Cheshire, and of Shalcross and Femeley in Derbyshire. 

* I would express my acknowledgments to Mr. Shallcross F. Widdrington 
of Newlon Hall, for the kind loan of this valuable roll, which I have named 
the " Widdrington Roll " for convenient reference. 


This vill, " de Sakelcros,' and Fernilee, came to the Hydes 
between 1209 and 1228; the charter was witnessed by Roger de 
Dunes and Benedict de Worth, infra; and the land remained 
with them till sold by Sir John Hyde,* who served under 
the Black Prince. Sir Robert Hyde married the cousin and 
heiress of Thomas de Norbury, of Norbury, in Stockport parish, 
and there, observes Webb in 1615, is " the fair seat and demean 
of the Hides." Leonard (XHL), in his Will, speaks of 
Hamnett,t son and heir of Robert Hyde, of Northbury {as. a 
chcv. or heiw. three lozenges of the second), as his kinsman ; and 
it is stated in the Old Halls of Derbyshire, vol. i., p. 164, 
that the Peak Hydes, whose coat was similar to that of Shalcross, 
but with the addition of a chief ermine, and who were, perhaps, 
connected with the old Cheshire house, intermarried with the 
Shalcrosses. This charter thus runs : — 

[Undated, temp. Hen. HI., 1216-1272.] 

With a Seal of Richard de Scakelcros. 

No. 1. — Know all men, etc., that I, Robert, lord of Norbury, give 
and yield and by this my present charter confirm to Richard, son of 
Svain de Scakelcros a moiety (medietatum) of all the arable land (terra) 
in Scakelcross exceptj that land which Hamor de ffernley holds (or 
held). To hold, etc., to him and his heirs freely and quietly in fee and 
heirship, in wood, in arable, in meadow, in pasture, and in all other 
liberties to the aforesaid vill of Scakelcros appertaining. Paying thence 
annually to me and my heirs 18 pence on the feast of the Apostles Peter 
and Paul for all service. And for this grant I have received 20 shillings 
and I horse and my wife i cow. These being witnesses : — Sir Roland, 

then Steward of the Peak, Sir S de Beyley, Richard de Hedneshouse, 

Hamor de ffernley, Robert Talebott, Richard de flfernley, and others. 

Appendant to this charter is a copy of the personal seal of 
Richard de Scakelcros, which was upon green wax. This may 
be an armorial ensign, anterior to the coat-armour borne 
16 Edw. III., being an heraldic lily, surmounted by a cross 
and capital S. There is no legend. There is a similar device 
upon a headstone in Didsbury Churchyard to the memory of 

* John Joudrel, of the Yeardsley family, was an archer under him. 

t 1563-1643- 

+ V^ide Charier 13. 

Richard de Scakelcros, 

temp. Hen. III. 

(page 74). 

Sir Richard Shawcross, 

i6 Edw. III. 

(page 83). 

Shai.cross Traders' 

Token, circa 1670 

(page 114). 

Arms and Crests of Leonard Shali.cross, from the Visitation 
OF 1569 (page 97). 


William Shalcruss, of Withington, who died 1648. We give 
facsimiles (x) from the Harleian and (2) Widdrington transcripts. 
In 8 Edw. I., 1279, this Richard assarted six acres of land at 
Shakelcross. At the same date he held in Shakelcross six acres 
of the fee of Thomas le Ragged, and enclosed it by a ditch. 
On the south side of Shallcross Hall there is a curious serai- 
circular mound enclosing about six acres, which may be the 
remains of an ancient mound and ditch. It is now the site of 
an avenue of forest trees.* In the same year he, with others, 
was bail for William de Bagshawe, who had committed an 
offence against the forest laws. In 13 Edw. I., this Richard 
was amerced in vert under the forest laws — doubtless the family 
often tasted the royal venison. He was a witness, a decade 
later, to a grant from Adam de Ferneley to Luke Heyley. 
Subsequently, this deed came into Richard's own possession : — 

[Before 23 Edw. I., 1294. Widdrington Roll.] 
l"ith a Seal. 

No. 2 recites that Adam, son of William de Fernely, grants to Luke, 
son of Geoflfrey de Heyley and his heirs, one whole fourth part of his land 
in the Midliste Fernilev, together with the Puxhill to the same land 
pertaining, which land Aldusa, mother of the said Luke, formerly held. 
Witnesses — Thomas le Ragged, Richard de Schalicros, and others. 

[23 Edw. I., A.D. 1294.] 

No. 3. — Know all men, etc., that I, Luke, son of Geoffrey de Heyley, 
have given, etc., to Richard de Schalcross for a certain sum of money 
which the same Richard has given me, the whole of the fourth part 
of my land in the Middilfernyleye which fourth part I had by gift and 
feoffment from Adam the son of William de fferneley. To have and to 
hold, the aforesaid Richard and his heirs and assigns from the Chief 
Lord without let or hindrance. Attached to it is the Pughull, a piece 
of the aforesaid land which my mother Aldusa at one time held on 
that vill ; from this was rendered to the Chief Lord customary service, 
viz., three silver pence at the end of the year, etc. In witness whereof, 
etc., these being witnesses: — Richard de Huitemon, Bailiff of the Peak, 
Robert le Ragged, and others. Given, etc., in the 23rd year of the 
reign of King Edward. 

* Journal, vol. xxvii., p. 193. 

t A copy of a private secretum, a common thirteenth century device of 
an estoile and crescent ; oval, i in. bv f in. ; the marginal legend 
probably :—S.[igillum] ADA[MI . DE . FERE]NLE[IE.]. 


About this time Richard acquired the land which was called 

Birtherley : — 

[Undated, before 19 Edw. I., 1290.] 

Not in Widdrington Roll. 

No. 4. — To all Christ's faithful people, etc., Thomas le Ragged, 
health in the Lord. Know all men that I have given, etc., to Richard 
de Schakilkros and his heirs or assigns all that land as it is more 
fully (sicut plenius jacet) in the place which is called Birtherley, which 
land I held by the gift and feoffment of Richard de ffernley, with two 
acres of new land with the appurts, etc., to hold to the said Richard 
de Schakilcross and his heirs, etc. In witness, etc., these being wit- 
nesses : — William Folejaumbe, then Bailiff of the Peak, Thomas le 
Ragged, Lord of Berde, Richard de Esebury, Henry de Tunsted, 
John de Smalleye, and others. 

This Richard, who was apparently living c. 1230-90, probably 
married a daughter of Downes, lord of the manors of Downes 
and Taxal. Ormerod gives some interesting particulars relative 
to the tenure by Downes of the ancient manor of Taxal. From 
charter 6, which refers to property on the Cheshire side, it will 
be observed that Benedict (III.) was a " cousin " of Edmund de 
Dounes, who was of Dounes and Taxal, and a forester of the 
forest of Macclesfield, 18 Edw. III. These families also inter- 
married later. Richard had, at least, several sons, including : — 
I. — Benedict, his successor. 
II. — ^William, living 35 Edw. I. and 1 Edw. II.* 

III. — Another son, possibly the John de Holshawecroft living 
14 Edw. I. He may have been the father of John de Schal- 
CROSSE who became Parson of Taxal in 40 Edw. III., presented 
thereto by a relative, Edmund de Dounes. In 50 Edw. III. 
he was executor to the Will of William Joudrell, who was with 
the Black Prince, and a Shallcross ancestor, vide under Anthony 
XII., to that of William de Shore (Shore witnesses charter 22), 
and to the Will of Agnes his wife.f To him, 52 Edw. III., the 
Abbot of St. Werburgh, county Chester, granted certain burial 

* Chester Eyre Roll, No. i, 6 m. The Eyre Roll extracts from the 
Record Office were kindly communicated by Mr. Arthur Carrington, 
together with another copy of the Fine of 19 Edw. II., etc. 

t Eyre Rolls, No. 13, m. 29. 


rights and mortuaries at Prestbury. Later, in 3 Ric. II., he 
fines by licence of Robert del Leigh (Legh witnesses charter 22) 
and Robert del Dounes.* He died 1383. 

Dying at Scakelcros, after 23 Edw. I., having lived apparently 
c. 1230-90, Richard (II.) was succeeded by his eldest son, 

Benedict de Schalecros (iil), of Schaiecros, 

born about 1260, who may have received his Christian name to 
honour the memory of Benedict de Worth, related to the Condys, 
living before 13 Hen. III., his possible ancestor. (See under 
Svain (I.) and charter 8.) He was a regarder and verderer of 
the forest, 12 Edw. II., and a forester in fee of the Peak. 
The latter held hereditary office by virtue of their lands. Chaucer's 
forester will be remembered.! About 1290 Benedict extended the 
privileges of the family in an important concession. The mill 
was a valuable property of ^-he lord, its owner, and especially 
when each neighbouring family was compelled to grind its corn 

[Undated, temp. Edw. I. or Edw. II. — Harl.'] 
No. 5 is a deed similar to No. 6, but without the last clause. The 
same witnesses sign both these instruments. Thomas de Hyde mav 
have been the Thomas, youngest son of the Sir John Hyde [Harl. 2161), 
who sold the manor and estate of Shalcross. 

[Undated, temp. Edw. I., a.d. 1272-1307.] 
No. 6. — Know all men, etc., that I, Edmund de Dounis, have given, 
etc., to Benedict de Schalcros, my kinsman by blood, in consideration of 
kinship and affection, and of a certain sum of money which the same 
Benedict has paid me in hand, that the same Benedict and his heirs 
be quit of toll and toll paid at mill (multura) for ever in my mill of 
Tacysall, with all their corn for their own table to be there ground 
without hindrance whenever they wish to come there for grinding. So 
that neither I, Edmund, nor any of my heirs and assigns shall have 
power to exact and recover in any way for ever from the aforesaid 
Benedict or his heirs anything in name of toll or mill-toll on account 
of their own corn as aforesaid, in the aforesaid mill. In witness, etc., 
these being witnesses: — ^John de Sawtton,J Thomas de Hyde, etc. 

In 8 or 10 Edw. II., 1314-16, Benedict was third witness to a 
Fritbom charter (No. 12 irtfra). In 8 Edw. II. he was first 

* Eyre Tiolls, m. 35. f Prologue, 101-17. % Sutton. 


witness to a deed of the Femeley family (No. i6, infra) at 
Ferneley. Soon afterwards he appropriated a certain waste 

land : — 

[lo Edw. III., A.D. 1335.] 
No. 7 is an indenture, 10 Edw. III., between Thomas, son of Thomas 
le Ragged, and Benedict de Schalkros, whereby the latter, for himself 
and his heirs, encloses a certain piece of waste land (name undeciphered 
by seventeenth century copyists). 

Benedict's wife's name was Margery {Eyre Rolls), who in 
34 Edw. III. was executrix of the Will of Roger de Bosdon, a 
suit being brought against her that year by Robert del Bothes.* 
She may have been of the Bosdonf family {arg. a fesse sa. bdw. 
three fish hooks of the second). In 32 Edw III. she had a servant 
Isabel!. I They had issue at least four sons and one 
daughter : — 

I. — Richard, in holy orders, of whom presently. 
II. — John, apparently the first of the nine representatives of 
this family name, of whom hereafter. 

III. — Robert. He was living apparently between 1290 and 
1370, and was a witness of the deed of 16 Edw. III. (No. 15). 
He extended his possessions at Schalcross by purchase, 
19 Edw. III., as evidenced by the next charters: — 

[Undated, temp. Hen. III., a.d. 1216-1272.] 

No. 8 recites that Robert de Worth grants to Henry de Condy, his 
nephew, all his lands in the vill of Schakilcros which Adam de Worth, 
his brother, formerly held of him, nf which he had confirmation of 
King Henry. Witnesses: — Robert de Dounis,§ Richard le Ragged, 
Richard de ffernilegh, and others. 

This record, referring to lands in Shalcross, may be attached 
to the next one, wherein Sir Robert Holland, knt.,|| gives a 

* Eyre Rolls, No. 14, m. 25. 

t Earwaker mentions several isolated members of this family. Entered 
at Visit, of Cheshire, 1613. 

XEyre Rolls, No. 19, m. 18. 

§ A forester of Macclesfield Forest, 16 Edw. I., and father of Edmund, 
charter 6. 

II Eldest son of Robert de Holland, who received large grants in 
Derbyshire from the Crown, 1307. In 1335 he had livery of all his 
father's lands, and was in the expedition against France, 1342. In the 
latter year he was summoned to Parliament, as the second baron. He 
died in 1373. The wife of Leonard Shallcross (XIII.) descended from 
his brother Thomas, who became Earl of Kent on his marriage with 
Joan Plantagenet, 


warrant or formal power of attorney for conveyance of 
land : - 

[19 Edw. III., A.D. 1344.] 
No. 9. — Be it known to all by these presents that I, Robert de 
Holland, lent., have authorized and appointed in my place Richard 
Burchecar, my attorney, to deliver to Robert de Schalcros full possession 
of I messuage 22 acres of land, and i plot of ground called Personeshogh, 
and 3 shillings of Rent, with the appurts, in Schalcross, for the term 
of his natural life. Settled and agreed, etc., in witness whereof, etc. 
Given, etc., in the 19th year of the reign of King Edward the Third 
after the Conquest. 

Dying probably before his brothers, Robert made a conveyance 
to his elder brother John, in whom the male line of the family 
was continued ; it runs : — 

[20 Edw. III., A.D. 1345.] 

Bracketed portion omitted (a clerical error) in Widdrington Roll. 
No. 10. — To all Christ's faithful people, etc. ; Robert the son of 
Benedict de Schalcros, eternal health. I fully make known that I have 
granted to John the son of Benedict de Schalcross my brother, his 
heirs and assigns, all the right which I have in those lands and 
tenements, with their appurtenances, together with the tributes of 
homage and service which the aforesaid John had by gift and feoflfment 
from Richard de Schalcros, Chaplain, his brother, in the Middleleste 
fernilegh [below the village of Wormhill, etc. In witness whereof, etc., 
these being witnesses: — Hugh de Stredelegh], then Bailiff of the Peak, 
and others. Given at the Mideliste fernilegh, A.D. 1345. 

He is probably not identical with the Robert Shalcrosse who, 
in 27 Edw. III., was charged in that he cut off dead wood in the 
forest at Noryndwode, to the damage of the Earl of Chester, 
and fined 4od. Dying at Schalcros, he left issue, Margaret, 
living 12 Edw. III., who married her neighbour, William, 
living II Richard II., son and heir of Thomas de Bagschagh,* 
of the Ridge {arg. a bugle horn sa., stringed vert, betw. three roses 
gu., barbed and seeded ppr.). This William probably witnessed 
charter 18. The Add. MSS. 6668, f. 399, mentions certain 
evidences in the custody of Mr. Bagshawe of the Ridge, including 

* Oii the first mention of this name, I would express special thanks 
for the courteous and constant assistance of Mr. W. H. (J. Bagshawe, 
of Ford Hall, in compiling this paper. 


" 42 Edw. III. A ffeoffmt by William Bagshawe of his landes to 
Margaret, daughter of Robert Shawcrosse, for her life, the 
remainder to y<= heires."' This deed is now missing. 

IV. — Thomas, the fourth son, probably the witness to 
charter 13. His son, Thomas, assessed to the Poll Tax, 
4 Ric. II., at 2s. 2d., and grandson, John, i2d. 

V. — Agnes, the daughter of Benedict, married William, son of 
Thomas de le Lee, of Somersal. Her marriage settlement is 
now in the possession of Major FitzHerbert, of Somersal Hall, 
being one of the 22 mediaeval deeds given to his family by the 
present Mr. S. F. Widdrington, to whom we are indebted for 
a sight of the " roll." Nothing seems known about the Lees, 
except that a family of that name. Ley, was resident in 
Somersall between 1648-62, who may have been of the same 
blood as the de le Lees of the fourteenth century. It thus 

[*24 July, A.D. 1325.] 

Know all men, etc., that I, Thomas de le Lee, of Somersale, have given, 
granted, and by this my present charter confirmed unto William, my 
son, and unto Agnes, daughter of Benedict de Schalecros, and her 
heirs between herself and the said William lawfully begotten, All that 
land with the messuage and rent^ adjoining in lower Somersale, which 
land with the appurtenances I sometime purchased of Robert my 
brother, together with one plot of meadow which I purchased of William 
de Saundebi. To have and to hold the aforesaid land of the Chief Lords 
of that fee by the services therefore due and of right accustomed. And 
I the said Thomas de le Lee of Somersale and my heirs will warrant 
against all persons all the aforesaid land in lower Somersale which 
I bought of Robert my brother with all its appurtenances as is aforesaid 
to the aforesaid William my son, and to Agnes the daughter of Benedict 
de Schalecros, and the heirs of their bodies lawfully begotten. And 
if it chance that the said Agnes die, then the said land with the 
appurtenances shall revert to the said Thomas without any gainsaying. 
In witness whereof I have set my sealf to this present charter. These 
being witnesses: — Sir Henry fitz Herebert, then Chaplain of Somersale; 
William at Wood of Doubregge ; John of the same place ; John de 
ScliaWenton ; Thomas son of Margery of upper Somersale, and others. 
Given at Scalecros on the eve of St. James, a.d. 1325. 

* For original, in Latin, see Journal, vol. iv., p. 
t The seal is wanting. 


The long days of Benedict were now drawing to a close. He 
died at Shalecros, 14 Edw. III., 1339. In the Receipt Roll, 
Mortuary Lists, from the appropriated parishes of the Dean and 
Chapter of Lichfield, is the entry : " Parochia de Hope, Bene- 
dictus de Shakelcros pro decimis de Femilee, xij^" He was 
succeeded by his eldest son, 

Richard de Schalkiros (iv.), of Schaikiros, in 

holy orders. He was apparently living from circa 1290 to the 
middle of the fourteenth century, and he largely increased the 
family estate. He had previously purchased land in his 
father's lifetime, in 1314 or 13 16, his father being a witness, as 
thus evidenced : — 

[23 Edw. I., 1294 (Widdrington Roll) ; temp. Edw. I. or Edw. II. 
No. II recites that Richard le fFritborne grants to Hugh his son and 
his heirs, an whole eighth part of the land lying in Midliste fernileye 
with the appurtenances. Witnesses: — Richard de Hotteman,* then 
Bailiff of the Peak ; Richard, son of Luke f ; John de Smalelheyes ; 
Richard de Schakilcros ; and others. 

\Cir. 8 or 10 Edw. II., a.d. 1314-16 (Widdrington).] 
[Cir. Edw. II. {Harl.).^ 
No. 12. — To all Christ's faithful people, etc., Hugh, son of Richard 
de ffritborn, health, know ye that I have given to Richard, son of 
Benedict de Schalkros, and his heirs or assigns one whole eighth part of 
land with appurtenances, lying in the Middilyste fernileye adjoining, etc., 
to have, etc., yielding thereout to the Lords of that fee i^ pence per 
quarter at the two terms of the year, etc., in consideration of a certain 
sum of money which he has paid me in hand. In witness whereof, 
etc., these being witnesses: — John de Smalley, Adam de fferniley, 
Benedict de Schalkros, and others. 

Shortly after Richard was further acquiring land in Femeylee, 
and another member of his family is introduced as a witness : — 

[12 Edw. II., A.D. 1318.] 
No. 13. — Know all men, etc., that I, Richard, son of Adam, son 
of Hamor de ffernileche, have given, etc., to Richard son of Benedict 
de Schalcros one piece of land in Upper ffernilech with all appurtenances, 
which is called the Brocflet, and the Broche adjoining, etc., to have, 
etc. In witness, etc., these being witnesses:- — John Weyt, then Bailiff 

* Compare Charter No. 3. t ? de Heyley. 



of the Peak, Thomas le Ragged, Richard de Bucston, John de Smaleleyes, 
Thomas de Schalcros, William de Bradeschaye, and others. Given at 
ffernileghe in the 12th year of King Edward,* son of Edward the King. 

Concerning this Richard we find an, entry in the Calendar of 
Fines, ^ 17 Edw. II. — ^Over Farmleygh, Ric. de S. v. Adam de 
Farmleygh, Mich. (No. 152, Record Office); and the deed is 
found in both the Harleian and Widdrington chartularies. Ihe 
transaction was a transfer of land, though nominally the 
official memorandum of the " Finis '' of a fictitious judicial action. 
It thus runs : — 

[Feet of Fines, York, 17 Edw. II., a.d., 1323.] 
Words in brackets are from Record Office copy. 

No. 14.- — This is a " Final Concord " made in the Court of our 
Lord the King, at York, within 15 days after the day of St. Michael,! 
in the 17th year of the reign of King Edward the son of King Edward, 
before William de Bereford, John de Mutford [Mitford], William de 
Herle [John de Bousser, Walter de ffriskeneye, Justices, and other 
faithful lieges of our Lord the King then and there present], between 
Richard, son of Benedict de Shakilcros, " complainer," and Adam 
son of William de fiernelegh, " deforciator," concerning i dwelling 
house, 30 acres of land, 30 acres of pasture, 8^d. of rent, and the 
rent of one barbed arrow, with the appurts, in Over farnileygh, whence 
[this] " plea of convention " was raised between them into [this] same 
court. Namely, that the aforesaid Adam admits that the aforesaid 
tenements with the appurts are the right of the said Richard, And 
he remises and quit claims the same for himself and his heirs for ever. 
And further the said Adam grants for himself and his heirs that they 
will warrant to the aforesaid Richard and his heirs the aforesaid tenements 
with their appurts against all men for ever. And for this acknow- 
ledgment, remission, quit claim, warranty, fine and concord the same 
Richard gave the aforesaid Adam 20 silver marks. 

This Richard subsequently followed his youngest brother 
Robert's fraternal example (charter 10) and conveyed some of 
his lands, those by inheritance of his father, to his second 
brother, John, the next family representative : — 

.* The copy of this deed in The Reliquary, vi., p. 15T, is incorrectly 

t Other early fines were: — 4 Edw. I., Eyton. Ric. de Shorecroft 
V. Nich. de Mertynton, Trin. No. 9. 4 Edw. III. Horwych. Ric, de 
Shakelcross v. Thomas de Wormehull, Trin. No. 35. 

X i.e., in Michaelmas Term. 


[16 Edw. III., A.D. 1341.] 
With a Seal of Arms of Richard de Schalcros. 

No. 15. — Know all men, etc., that I Richard de Schalcros, Chaplain, 
have given to John son of Benedict de Schalcros, my brother, and his 
heirs and deputies, all my lands and tenements with the appurts, which 
I held by the gift and feoffment of the aforesaid Benedict de Schalcros, 
my father, and Hugh de Guyt,* in the Middeliste fernilegh, etc.. To 
have, etc.. Paying therefore annually as rent to me and my heirs one 
pair of white gloves at the feast of the Translation of St. Thomas the 
Martyr, etc. In witness whereof, etc., these being witnesses : Hugh de 
ffredelegh,t then Bailiff of the Peak, Robert son of Benedict de 
St. Schalcross, and others. Given at fferneleigh the Saturday next 
after the feast of St. Dionysius the Martyr, A.D. 1342. 

The ancient armsj of the Shallcross family (A saltire between 
four annulets), within an ornamental border, appear on the two 
copies of the Seal attached to this deed. That in the Widdring- 
ton Chartulary is somewhat larger than in Harl. 1093. 

This charter apparently concerns this property : — 
[8 Edw. II., A.D. 1314.] 

No. 16 recites that Maud, daughter of William de ffernley, remises 
to Adam, her brother, her right and claim which she has in her father's 
lands and tenements in Middlefernley. Witnesses: — Benedict de 
Schakelcross, Thomas son of Thomas le Ragged, and others. Given 
at flfernilegh. 

*(?) Fritborn. 

+ Stredelegh, vide charter 10. 

+ The arms of Shallcross were painted on the walls of Taxal Church, 
1586, together with Jodrell and Downes (Earwaker). There were also 
" two coates in the glasse " of Shalcrosse and Downes. The arms were 
fully displayed, with helmet and mantling, as of Shawcrosse of Shaw- 
crosse, by Randle Holme, Harl. 21 13, f. 38. 

All the seals mentioned in the text, whether originals or drawings, 
are preserved in the British Museum. There is, however, another old 
seal extant, not there, that of John Shall Crosse, of Bledlow, together 
with his signature, on a deed of 1681. He died in 1723, aged sixty-five, 
and was buried in Bledlow Church, under a slab with an inscription. 
He was probably a member of the Tower Ward branch. His wife was 
a daughter of Paul Jodrell, of Dufiield, clerk to the House of Commons, 
of a younger branch of Jodrell of Yeardsley [vide Jodrell, Bart., in 
Baronetage), so that — singular to relate — the Shallcrosses intermarried 
with both the senior and junior lines, though widely separated, of 
Jodrell. He left a son, Henry, B.A., Oxford. 

Showcrosse, co. Dorset, bore the arms of the High Peak family. 


Dying at Schalcros, probably about 25 Edw. III., or later, 
(Sir) Richard was succeeded in the representation of the family 
by his younger brother, 

John DE SHALCROSSE (V.), of Schalcrosse, through 
whom, not through Robert, the direct line was continued. He 
may have been Benedict's youngest son. We have already 
noticed, in deeds Nos. 10 and 15, that his brothers Robert and 
Richard largely dowered him with their lands. Little is known 
about him, except that he died, aged, probably soon after 
48 Edw. HI., 1373. He was probably progenitor of the two 
Edward Shalcrosses, and the James Shalcrosse of the 
Indictment Roll of 147 1 by younger sons. 

His eldest son, 

JOHN DE SCHALCROSSE (VI.), de Schalcrosse, is men- 
tioned, his father living, 48 Edw. III.* He is described as a 
forester in 1375, and may have been living cir. 1320-95. He 
and his wife were assessed at zs. ^d. under the Poll Tax of 
4 Ric. II. He was a juryman of the Forest Court. He may be 
identical with the John who, temp, early Richard II., was fined 
40 pence in that he overburdened the pasture of Taxal with one 
horse, doing damage to the amount of 11 pence, f This repre- 
sentative parted with some of his landed estate : — 

[8 Rich. II., a.d. 1384.] 
No. 17. — Know all men, etc., that I, John de Shalcrosse, have given 
etc., to John de Walkeden, Nicholas de Ravenow, and others, the half 
of my estate in ffernilegh, near the Guyt in the Okenclow, etc., to 
have, etc. In witness whereof, etc., these being w-itnesses : — John 
Hally, X etc. Given at Shalcross on the Saturday next after the feast 
of St. Barnabas the Apostle, the 8th year of King Richard II., after 
the Conquest. 

Regarding this John, there is a copy of a bond of reference in 
a suit at law, which introduces another of this surname, without 
doubt nearly related; there was another Henry later, in 10 
Edw. IV., of Hordern, Ridge, and Whitehills; which thus runs 
(Norman-French) : — 

* Cal. of Indictments, No. 2. 
t Fines and Amercements, m. 3. 
% (?) Heyley. 


[is Ric. IL, 1389.] 

Not in the Widdrington Roll. Wi//i Seals {copies wauling). 

No. 18. — This Indenture made between Henry Schalcrosse of 
Wingworth of the one part and John de Schalcrosse of Schalcrosse of 
the other part, Witnesseth that the said Henry and John have taken 
oath and sworn upon the Holy Gospels at Derby in the presence of 
Sir Robert Redych, Chaplain, William Bagschagh, etc., and all those 
who were summoned on the Assize of novel disseisin between the said 
Henry de Schalcrosse and John de Schalcrosse to bind themselves each 
to other in ;^2o of good money to submit to the decision and judgment 
of Thomas de Tildesey and John Pygot, Hugh del Clough, and Richard 
del Ferme, touching all the lands and tenements which the said Henry 
claims as his right in a place called The Over fernelegh within the vill 
of Wormehull in the High Peak, and that in case the said Thomas 
Tildesey and his three associates may not be at leisure nor produced by 
the said Henry and John de Shalcrosse, then they will take four others 
of a similar position, to wit : two men of law of the realm and two 
other good persons. And that in case the said four cannot agree without 
an umpire, they shall take an umpire. And that he that refuses of 
the said Henry Schalcrosse or John Schalcrosse to stand by the decision 
and judgment of the said Thomas and his associates, or the four others 
of a similar position as aforesaid, or of the umpire with respect to the 
aforesaid lands and tenements, then he shall forfeit _zf2o and pay it to 
him who agrees to submit to their decision, so that an end be put to 
this matter before the feast of Saint Martin the Evangelist Bishop in 
winter, and that in case the said Thomas and his associates, or the four 
others of a similar position, or the umpire neither put an end (to the 
matter) nor give judgment between the said Henry and John before 
the said Feast, then they shall be at large and in the same position 
as they were previously. In witness of which things the aforesaid parties 
have in duplicate to these present indentures put their seals. Given 
at Derby the Wednesday next after the feast of Saint Cedde, in the 
13th year of King Richard the Second after the Conquest. 

Nine years later we find this John enjoying landed posses- 
sions : — 

[Harlcian Charter, 17 Ric. II., a.d. 1393.] 
Missing in Widdrington Roll. 

No. 19. — Let all know by these presents that we, Robert Bukhard 
and Gregory Broune, Chaplain, have remised, released, etc., to John 
de Shalcross and his heirs the whole right and claim which we have, 
etc., in all lands and tenements with the appurtenances, which we 
had lately by gift and feoffment from John himself, in Shalcrosse, 
ffernylegh, Horewich, Wormyl, Herdewickwall, and Moinesall, in the 
county of Derby. Yet so, etc. In testimony, etc. Given at Shalcross 
on Friday next after the feast of the Circumcision of our Lord in 
the 17th year of the reign of King Richard. 


His sun and successor, 

Robert DE SCHALCROSSE (VII.), of Schalcrosse, was 
a considerable landowner, apparently content without buying or 
selling. An interesting reference to certain dues and tenures 
appropriate to this representative on some adjoining lands, 
appears, however, in the following deed, which seems too late 
for his great uncle, though rather early for this Robert : — 

[38 Edw. III., A.D. 1363.] 
No. 20. — Know all men, that I, Maurice, the son of Adam de Clogh, 
have given, etc., to John, the son of Roger de Ashton, all the lands 
and tenements together with one place called the ffalle, and another 
place called the Rondeokker, which formerly belonged to Richard 
de Clogh, and his heirs, etc., Paying in rent therefore annually to 
Robert de Schallecrosse, his heirs and assigns, six silver pence, etc. 
In witness whereof, etc. Given at Horewich in the year of the Lord, 

Robert de Shalcrosse apparently married Margery, daughter of 
Richard, son of Margery de Longstone {purple, an eagle disp. 
with two heads, or), by Joan, daughter of Nicholas de Ingwardby. 
The Longstones were of Little Longstone, in Hope, in the 
twelfth century ; they had a charter of free warren* ; they built 
here their old Manor House. Living probably from about 1340 
till the usurpation of Bolingbroke, this representative, dying 
under 50, left a son, 

John Schalcrosse (vhl), de schaicrosse, bom about 

1363. In 1384 he appears to have sued Robert Derby and 
Isabella, his wife, for 5 marks of rent in Little Longeston. 
Between 13 Hen. IV. and 10 Hen. VI., this John, or his son 
and successor, held an ancient farm in Fernilee,+ and was still 
in possession of rents from the lands last recited : — 
[9 Hen. v., A.D. 1420.] 

No. 21. — Know all men, etc., that I, John Ashton, have given and 
granted and by this charter have confirmed to my son Roger a certain 
piece of land with the appurtenances called Horwych, and a piece of 
land called Rondeokker, lying below the Township of Wormhull, to be 
held by the aforesaid Roger my son and his heirs or assigns, without 

* Reliquary, vol. ix. t Duchy Rent Roll. 


let or hindrance for ever, paying thence annually as rent to Jnhn 
Schalcrosse, his heirs and assigns, six silver pence on the feast of the 
Assumption of the B. Mary, and rendering to the Chief Lords of the 
fee the services therefore due and of right accustomed. In witness 
whereof, etc. Given, etc., in the 9th year of the reign of King 
Henry V. after the Conquest of England. 

This representative left issue, by Ellen his wife, 
I. — John, of whom presently. 

II. — Another son ; probably the father of Benedict Shal- 
CROSS, yeoman, whose son, John, and some of his relatives and 
friends we find outlawed on a " plea of land " in the following 

Court held at Chester before Lord Stanley, Knt., 12 Ed. IV. And 
that John Shalcrosse, late of Fernelegh, in co. Derby, gentleman, 
Edward Shalcrosse, late of the same, etc., gentleman, James Shalcrosse, 
late of the same, gentleman, John Shalcrosse, late of the same, gentle- 
man, John Bronkehurst, Richard Coup, Thomas Benet, Thomas Redferne, 
of the same, yeomen, John Shalcrosse, son of Benedict Shalcrosse, of 
the same, yeoman, Edward Shalcrosse, late of the same, yeoman, Richard, 
son of Robert Pedley, late of Horwich, yeoman, Thomas Pedley, brother 
of the said Richard, of the same, yeoman, etc., Nicholas Broune, son of 
Edward Browne, late of Taxsall, yeoman, on the Saturday next after 
the feast of the Annunciation (10 Ed. IV.) at Ketelshulme, with force 
and armed, viz., with swords, bows, and arrows, in 2 acres of land 
and appurtenances of Peter Duttonf and Elizabeth his wife, who was 
the daughter and heiress of Robert Grosvenor,+ now dead, forced their 
way and expelled them from the premises and disseized them of the 
occupation and tenancy thereof, in contempt of the Lord the King, and 
against the statute made and provided. 

III. — Ellen ; who probably married George Lister, of Little 
Chester {erm. on a fesse sa. three mullets or). 

John de Schalcros died, like his father, in middle age, 
5 Hen. VI., immediately after making the following deed : — 

[5 Hen. VI., A.D. 1426.] 
No. 22. — Know all, etc., that I, John de Schalcros, de Schalcros, 
have given, etc., to John my son and Agnes his wife all my lands and 

* Indictment Holt, No. 15, 18 m., Welsh Records. 

t Of Hatton, buried in the chancel at Waverton. 

+ Lord of Hulme ; see Peerage, under Duke of Westminster. His 
grandfather was the defendant in the Scrope and Grosvenor contro- 
versy. It was doubtless of the Shalcrosses mentioned above that the 
Richard Shawcross derived who married Catherine (born temp. 
Henry VIII. ), daughter of Sir Thomas Grosvenor. 


tenements, with all their appurtenances, in the Over ferneleigh in the 
vill of WormehuU, in the county of Derby, to have and to hold, etc., 
paying in rent to me the aforesaid John de Schalcros and to my heirs 
four shillings. In witness whereof, etc., these being witnesses: — James 
le legh, Richard de Shore, John de Bradeshawe,* and many others. 
Given at Chapel-en-le-Frith on the Tuesday next after the feast of 
St. Luke the Evangelist, in the 5th year of the reign of King Henry VI. 
after the Conquest of England. 

He left as successor his son, 

cross.t In his favour his mother immediately made a release of 
her widow's dower : — 

[5 Hen. VI., A.D. 1426.] 

No. 23. — Know all men by these presents that I, Ellen, formerly 
wife of John, son of Robert de Shalcros, in my free widowhood have 
given, granted, released, and for myself altogether quitclaimed to John 
my son, the whole right and claim which I had, or in any wise in future 
can have, by reason of any statute, feoffment, or dower in all those lands 
and tenements in the Over fernelegh in the vill of Wormehall in the 
county of Derby, etc. In witness whereof, etc., these being witnesses : — 
James de Legh, William de Ashton, and others. Given at Chapel-en- 
le-flryth on Friday next after the feast of the Nativity of St. John Baptist, 
in the 5th year of the reign of Henry VI. after the Conquest of England. 

Among the Bagshawe of Ridge Hall evidences there is a note 
of one, now lost, dated 9 Hen. VI., "A feoffment from Thomas 
Sonne of William de Bagshawe, to Edm. Trafford, Knt., and 
Geffrey Bagshaw, Preist, of all his lands in the county of 
Derby, with lettre of attorney to John Shawcrosse to make 
livery." In 1431-2 he had rights of property at Tunstead 
Wood. He was assessed as "gentleman" at the inquest of 
knight's fees, 9 Hen. VI., having free tenure by socage land 
in Wormhill. He appears to have inherited his father-in-law's 
fidelity to the House of Lancaster, with other residents in the 
Duchy, being enrolled among the gentry of the county in the 
Return of the Commissioners, 12 Hen. VI., an enactment of the 
Commons presumed as intended to disclose and restrain the 
favourers of York. In 1441 he appears to have been excused 

* Vide " Bradshawes of Bradshaw," Journal, vol. xxiii., pp. 20, 21. 
t Shawcrosse de Shawcrosse, Add. MSS. 6668, f. 392. 


frank-pledge at Hucklow. In the Subsidy Roll of 28 Hen. VI. 
he is assessed at 2s. 6^d. He was a witness to a deed at 
Chapel-en-le-Frith, 23 Hen. VI.* He may be the free tenant — 
John Shalcross, Esq. — named in default of service at Chelmorton, 
147 1, and also identical with the John Shalcross, senior, who 
was witness to a deed in 14 Edw. IV. t It is possible that he was 
concerned with other members of the Shalcrosse family, together 
with members of the Kirke and Bagshawe families, in the assault 
at Tideswell, 1442, on the house of Nicholas and Henry Brad- 
shawe.| He married Agnes, a daughter, it would appear, 
of Sir Thomas de Wendesley, of Wendesley, knight of the 
shire, 13 and 17 Ric. II.; of a family seated there before the 
reign of John. There was another of his name and place at 
this period who married Agnes, a daughter of Robert de 
Downes, of Shrigley, which Agnes was bom in 1376 and was 
living 15 Hen. VI. The arms of Shallcross and Wendesley 
{erm. on a bend gii. three escallops or) are impaled in the 
Widdrington Roll. This Sir Thomas, the patron of the prior 
of Breadsall, in 1384, was "an exceedingly despotic knight"; 
he fell mortally wounded at Shrewsbury, with sword in hand 
for the Red rose. He was buried under an altar-tomb in 
Bakewell Church ; his effigy, in armour, wears the SS. collar, 
the crux antiqiiarioriim ; on his helmet is the inscription " Ihc 

Lineal ancestors of the Shallcross family were engaged on 
opposite sides in Shrewsbury field. For the King, besides Sir 
Thomas, were Sir Hugh Shirley§ and Sir Edmund Cokayne,|| 
the two last being ancestors of the wife of Colonel Shallcross 
(XV.). From Peter Warburton, who fought for the elder royal 
line, represented by Roger Mortimer, the wife of Leonard (XIII.) 
lineally derived. 

* Hutland Charters. 

t Rutland Charters. 

X There is another side to this story, in an assault " from sunrise 
to sunset " by the above Bradshawes on the house of Bagshawe, brother 
of Edward of Ridge Hall, at Tideswell [Rutland Papers). — Archceological 
Journal, vol. xxiii., p. 55. 

§ Burke's Peerage, under Ferrers. 

11 Glover. 


By his alliance with this equestrian house — his wife was a 
babe when her father was slain — John de Schalcros had issue, 
I. — John, of whom presently. 

II.- — Edward, living i8 Edw. IV., married a daughter of 
Broster, widow to Hollingshed. He bore the family arms, 
tinctured gu. and or, differenced with a crescent sable.''' His male 
line, descended from his son Ottwell, of 
ton Roll), whose two sons, Edward and Darby, left surviving 
sons, Charles, Ottiwell, Lawrence, John, Darby, and 
Edward, has been traced with details to temp. Chas. II., 
and beyond, with probability, in some of the families in 
Cheshire, and in Lancashire bordering on the Cheshire 
boundary.t It included Shallcross of Tower Ward, who bore 
an annulet for difference (Visit of London, 1633). The great- 
grandson of this Edward, Randle Smith, married Anne, daughter 
of Anthony (XL). 

III. — Anne, married Edward Allen, or Aleyn, of Wheston 
Hall, near Tideswell {sa. a cross potent or), a near relative of 
one whom Punsglove made feoffee of the Grammar School at 
Tideswell ; of an ancient Peak family, enrolled among the 
gentry in 1570, whose male line expired in i7oo.;J: There is a 
notice of Thomas Aleyn under John (X.). Their old house 
came to the twelfth Duke of Norfolk, by whom it was sold. 

IV.- — Elizabeth, married, temp. Ric. III., Christopher Need- 
ham, of Thornsett (arg. a bend engrailed as. betw. two bucks' 
heads cabosscd sa.), and left issue. § Her son, Ottiwell Needham, 
married the heiress of Cadman of Cowley. Her daughter Agnes 
married John Cresswell,|| county Chester, and has issue, pro- 
bably, Robert Cresswell, who married Dorothy, daughter of 
Leonard (XIII.). 

* Harl. 1535, f. 26, where the arms of " Shawcross of Stowshawe " 
are coloured. See also Visit, of Cheshire, 1580; Harl. 1424 and 1505; 
Lane. Visitations, seventeenth century. 

t Including the family of the writer. 

+ Glover, ii., 304. 

§ Harl. 1484, f. 36. 

il In 1438, John de Cresswall signs an inquisition at Macclesfield. 
Perhaps son of the John Cresswell, forester, who died 1397. 


V. — Another daughter (Emma) ; she married Edward Browne, 
of Marsh Hall,*of that old Peak family (arg. on a chcv. gu. three 
roses of the field). Her son, Nicholas Browne, married Eliza- 
beth, daughter of John (X.), and continued his line. A 
daughter married Nicholas Bagshawe of Abney and continued 
that line. 

VI. — Another unnamed daughter ; she married Nicholas Bag- 
shawe, of Abney, and probably had issue Nicholas Bagshawe, 
of Wormhill and Abney, temp. Hen. VI., who continued his 
line (arms as Bagshawe of The Ridge, but the field or). 

John de Schalcros attained probably the ripest years of any 
of this family. He died at his ancestral home, and was buried 
at Taxal, crossing the Goyt for the last time; apparently living 
about 1400-92, and seeing all the Wars of the Roses. He 
was succeeded by his eldest son, 

John SHAKELCROSSE, or Schalcross, or Shawcrosse 
(X.),t of Shalrros, or Shawcrosse. He held the office of Bailiff 
of the High Peak, 12 May, 8 Hen. VII., 1492. 1 There is a 
complaint, temp. Hen. VII., to the Chancellor of the Duchy by 
Robert Hollingworth, of Bowden, that this John Shalcross, and 
others, pulled down the floors of his house, carried off divers 
" grete arkes and coffers " and other " erlomes " ; the answer 
being that Hollingworth was attainted of felony. § He may have 
had to do, as Bailiff, with the complaint against a relative, John 
Shalcross, of Greenlow,|( 10 Oct., 13 Hen. VII. (Court Roll), for 
being seen in the forest by night with greyhounds and bows. 
He married Alice, eldest daughter, but among the younger of the 
twenty-one children of Thomas Beresford, of Fenny Bentley, 
who here built his castellated stone mansion ; and she 
has her place among the shrouded figures on her parents' 

* Add. MSS. 6668, f. 392. 

■\Add. MSS. 6668, f. 392. 

+ Duchy of Lan., Miscell. Books, No. 21, p. ggb, Patents. 

§ Cox's Royal Forests, p. 170. 

!| A list of disconnected but undoubted kinsmen might be added 
from the various Duchv and Court Rolls, etc. The above was perhaps 
identical with the John Shalcross of Greenlow Grange, 3 Hen. VII. 
[Court Roll). 


altar-tomb in the chancel at Fenny Bentley. Her father* 
participated in the glory of Agincourt,t and died in 
1473. The arms of Shallcross and Beresford {arg. a bear 
saliant sa. armed gu., tmizzled, collared, and chained, or) are 
impaled in Harl. 6592, f. 25, and in the Widdrington Roll. 
These families again intermarried, vide under Richard, XVI. 
They had issue, descended maternally from Hassall, of Arcluyd, 
county Chester, and Basset, of Blore, county Stafford, the 
following : — J 

I. — Anthony, next representative. 

II. — John. May be identical with the John Schalcros, who 
with Humphrey, pledged themselves before the justices of the 
peace at Derby, in 1496, to pay 2s. for a fine due from James 
Carryngton, of Chapel-en-le-fryth, for trespass. They were also 
pledged for similar amounts due from Thomas Aleyn and 
George Baylle, also of the same place. § In 12 Hen. VIII., 
1520, a John Shalcross was a juror. {Court Roll.) 

III. — Another son, Humphrey, named after his uncle Hum- 
phrey Beresford, of Newton Grange. From whom Humphrey 
Shalcrosse, whoi bore a mullet for difference {Visit, of London, 
1633). His seal is found on a conveyance from Thomas Savile, 
Earl of Sussex, Receiver of the Honour of the High Peak, 
1629, to Francis and Sandford Neville, 1647. The seal is red, 
indistinct, from a signet ring with marks of the setting, | in. 
by I in., on the saltire is an obscure mark of cadency; crest. 
The Will of this Humphrey was sealed with his seal. His son, 
Humphrey, a loyalist, who purchased the manor of Digswell, 
CO. Herts., about 1625, left a daughter, Dorothy, whose arms 
are impaled with her husband, Sandford Nevill, of Chevet, on 
a fine marble tomb in the chancel of Roystone Church, co. York ; 
her daughter Dorothy married Algernon, second son of William, 
second Earl of Salisbury, and had issue. Humphrey's eldest 

* Burke's Peerage, under Waterford. 

t A Beresford was at Cressy and Poictiers bearing banner or pennant 
charged with black bear [Eight Centuries of a Gentle Family). 
X Harl. 886, f. 15. 
§ Butlerage of the Y OTCits, Exchequer Accounts, Bundle 113, No. 39. 


son, Francis, of Degsworth, a spendthrift, married Julia, one of 
the daughters and coheirs of Sir Francis Boteler, Knt.,* of 
Hatfield Woodhall, and the arms of Shallcrosse and Boteler {gu. 
a fesse, cheqtiy or and sa. beiw. six crosses pattec ar.) are displayed 
quarterly, in Hatfield Church, on the monument of their son, 
Francis Boteler Shallcross, who died in i6if, aged 17 
years. To' this Julia Shallcrosse her cousin. Dean Stanhope, 
dedicated, in 1742, his edition of the Imitation. Humphrey's 
fourth son, Henry, of Diggeswell, left an extant seal, 1695 ; red, 
f in. by | in., oval shield. The male line of this family expired 
with Thomas, of Digswell Manor House, who died in 1770, 
aged 77 years. His seal, 1716, is preserved; red, en placard, on 
tape, I in. by \ in. ; crest only, within oval shield. This 
gentleman lies at Digswell, under an altar tomb bearing the 
Shallcross arms. Many details are known about this branch. 

HI. — Jane, or Johanna, named after her aunt Johan Beresford, 
married her neighbour, Edward Bagshawe, of Ridge Hall,t and 
had issue, which continued that line. Her great-granddaughter, 
Elizabeth Bagshawe, married Colonel Shallcross (XV.). The 
arms of Shallcross were emblazoned with others at the Ridge in 
stained glass, existing 17 10. if 

IV. — Elizabeth, married her cousin, Nicholas, son of 
Edward Browne, of the Marsh Hall, a grandson of John (IX.); 
vide a notice of him in the interesting Indictment Roll, under 
John (VIII.) They had issue, Nicholas (Will of Leonard, 
1605). A descendant, Edmund Bradburj', of Ollerset Hall, 
married Helen Jodrell, of Yeardsley Hall, and had a son, 
Edmund Bradbury, whose Godfather was Edmund Jodrell of 
Yeardsley Hall. With him that line suddenly expired. 

V. — Agnes ; named after her aunt Agnes Beresford. In the 
Widdrington Roll, where the arms are impaled, she married 
Roger Jodrell of the family of Yeardsley Hall. 

* His wife was Anne, sister of Sir Aston Cokayne, of Ashbourne. 

t The late Mr. W. A. Carrington, of Bakewell, who descended from this 
marriage, took much interest in the Shallcross family, and his widow 
kindly allowed me to make the abstracts of Wills in this paper from his 
valuable MSS. 

X Reliquary, vol. viii. Arms impaled in Widdrington Roll. 


John de Shakelcross died probably not many yearsi after his 
aged father, and not long before the foundation of the chantry 
at Fenny Bentley,* 4 Hen. VIII., by his brother-in-law. Canon 
James Beresford, LL.D. He was succeeded by his eldest son, 

ANTHONY SHALCROSSE (XL), of Shalcrosse. We can- 
not suggest why " Anthony," which is not among the names of 
his notable Beresford uncles. The period of 179 years between 
the determined dates, 1426, when John (IX.) flourished, and 
1605, when Leonard (XIII.) died, appeared to require more 
than four generations. The formal visitations are not always 
authoritative, nor the Widdrington Roll, and a search disclosed 
this representative.! His first alliance was with a daughter 
of Bagshawe of " the Rigge " ; his second, with a daughter of 
William Davenport, of Bramhall Hall, co. Chester. He left 

I. — Anthony, of whom presently. 

11. — Agnes or Amy, married Nicholas Jodrell, of Yeardsley,J 
who died 1528. She had three sons and three daughters, who 
continued the line of her husband's ancient family, and hence 
derived the wives of Leonard (XIII. ), and of Richard (XIV.). 
From this marriage descended Edmund Jodrell, a cavalier, and 
other distinguished soldiers ; and, through the Leighs of Jodrell 
Hall and High Leigh, who are lineal descendants, the second 
Lord Dunfermline, K.C.B., born 1803; and hence also lineally 
derives the present Col. E. T. D. Cotton-Jodrell, the owner 
of Shallcross Hall, and also of Yeardsley Hall, who is twelfth 
in descent from Agnes Shalcrosse. 

III. — There was, at least, another daughter, Anne, who 
married Randle Smith, of Oldhaugh, a descendant of John 
(IX.), and whose son, Randulph, married Amy, daughter of 
Leonard (XIII.). 

Living apparently c. 1460-1520, Anthony Shalcrosse was 

*John Shawcrosse, of Shawcrosse, is named in this chantry deed, with 
his wife Alice, to be prayed for. 
t Harl. 6592, f. 35b. 
I We here follow the old pedigrees. 


buried at Taxal with a stone memorial. He was succeeded 
by his son, 

Anthony SHALCROSS, or Shawcross (Xn.) of Shal- 
cross, or Shawcross.* It may have been in his time, perhaps 
later, or even after the Civil Wars, that researches were made 
upon the estate for coal, which became a source of profit to the 
family. They were among the oldest collieries in North 
Derbyshire. In Glover's list of collieries they bear the 
family name — " Shallcross, or Shawcross, E. of Taxhall, 
2^ m. W.S.W. of Chapel-en-le-Frith." He was doubtless the 
last representative who lived and died in the original Hall, 
described in the last volume of this Journal. His estate in an 
inquisition, 7 Eliz., is called the Old Feofment, or Shalcros- 
HALL Manor. He married before 1528+ Eleanor, daughter of 
Nicholas Jawdrell, of Yeardsley Hall, in Taxall, of a family 
settled in the Peak in the thirteenth century, and descended from 
Roger Jaudrell, of Yeardsley, an esquire of the body to 
Richard II., and at Agincourt ; which Roger was son of William 
Joudrel, with the Black Prince (to whom John de Schalcrosse 
was executor, supra). The wife of Anthony Shalcrosse was 
lineally descended from the old families of Bradshaw, Sutton J 
of Sutton (Sir Richard Sutton, who died 16 Hen. VIII., a co- 
founder of Brasenose College, was nephew of George Jodrell, of 
Yeardsley), Le Despencer, Dutton of Button, Venables of 
Kinderton, and Savage. She traced a descent from the Earls of 
Chester and of Mercia through the families of Davenport of 
Woodford, Arderne of Arden and Alvanley, Orreby, Montalt, 
Albini (Earls of Arundel), Ranulf I. and II., and Hugh II., 
Earls of Chester, and De Talbois, to Algar, of Mercia, son of 
Leofric, of Mercia, renowned for his ecclesiastical foundations. 

Anthony Shalcross was overseer in 1529 to the Will of Roger 

* Add. MSS. 6668, f. 397. 

t The Shallcrosses were a halfway house, connecting the chivalrous 
honours of the long descended Cheshire lines with the best of the Peak 
families. The arms are impaled in the Widdrington Roll ; sa. three buckles 
arg., for Jodrell. 

t Sutton witnesses charter No. 6. 


Jodrell, his brother-in-law, his son Leonard being left a stryke 
of corn. In 1548 Ellin Jodrell of Yeardsley, widow, bequeathed 
to her brother-in-law Anthony Shalcross x\s. 

By Eleanor, or Helen, his wife, Anthony Shalcrosse left issue, 
I. — Leonard, or Lionell, of whom presently. 

IL — Peter. Living 1565. Apparently of defective intellect. 
Named as an executor, with his brother, of their father's Will. 

IIL — Emma, married, about 1554, Godfrey, son of William 
Bradshaw, of Bradshaw Hall (arms* impaled Harl. 6592, f. 16). 
But in the Widdrington Roll, Godfrey is described as of Windley, 
county Derby (arg. two bendlets betw. as many martlets sa. — seal 
of Bradshaw of Windley, 1431, in B.M.). The first is, how- 
ever, correct.! Thus he was a descendant of John de 
Bradshawe, jun., who- signs the Shallcross charter No. 22. J 
This Godfrey died in 1607, aged 76, when letters of 
administration were granted his widow. She was great-aunt of 
President Bradshaw. Her son, Francis Bradshaw, of Eyam 
Hall {jure uxoris), was overseer to the Will of Leonard (XHL), 
1605, and was a visitor at Shallcross Hall in 161 4. 

IV. — Anne, married, after 1565, Humphrey Downes, probably 
the second son of John Downes, of Overton, Downes, and 
Taxal, which Humphrey died before 1588. They had issue, 
Reginald Downes, 1577- 16 10, in whom that line was continued. 
The arms of Downes {sa. a hart lodged arg.) and Shalcross are 
impaled in the Widdrington Roll. 

Anthony Shalcrosse died, aged about 75, in his mediaeval 
Hall§ in 1565, his wife surviving him. His Will was dated 
3 August, 1557, and proved, P.C.C, 29 May, 1565 (abstract): — 

To be buried in Taxall Churchyard under the same stone my father 
was buried. To Leonard my son ii best oxen, xii silver spoons, a 
challice, etc., ii best potts and ii best pannes, and vi of my best 

* An annulet for diflference, both here and ia the Widdrington Roll. 

t Bradshawes of Bradshaw, Journal, vol. xxiii. 

t A William de Bradeschaye signs charter 13. 

§ Said to have been haunted. We are unaware of the tradition, or of 
any family skeleton. Inconstantioe duae illae quas in hoc libello citamus 
a lectore vigil! observari possunt. 


qwnstens.* To every one of mv sisters, ijs. To my son's chililren, 
each a sheep. To my daughter Anne, ^^40 on her marriage. She to 
keep from Nicholas Marchington, or otherwise to have nothing. To 
my son Peter ii messuages for his life, with remainder to my rightful 
heirs, etc. Leonard to be good to him. My wife to live with son 
Leonard ; if she will not, then she shall have ;^20 of my goods, with 
certain houses and land for her life=J^d share. To my daughter Em', 
los. To Whaley brigge, ^^vi towards the making of a landshowte.f To 
my poor men my gowns of black clothe, to be with me after my decease till 
I be buried, and if I die in the night I will be buried or none, the nexte 
daye following, as my executors will make answer in another world. All 
such as do come to Shalcrosse to have meate and drink enough, and 
I give XX nobles to xx of my poorest neighbours. My two sons executors. 
Witnesses: — Master Raygnolde Downes, John Caryngton, Nicholas 
fidlaT,^: parson of tacsale. 

Anthony Shalcrosse was succeecled by his son, 
Leonard SHALLCROSS, or Shawcross (XIII.), of Shall- 
cross. Born before the Reformation, c. 1520, he was probably 
named after " Saynt Leonard att Tackessall.'' The Visitation 
(Flower) of 1569 entered his pedigree and arms.§ There are 
two crests — (i) A martlet arg. holding in the beak a cross pattee 
f tehee gu., and (2) A cross pattee fitchee gu. ; the last being of 
unique occurrence. 

Leonard was enrolled among the lando\\aiers of the High 
Peak in 1570. The Attorney General of the Duchy entered a 
pleading against him in 1585 for various encroachments on 
Tunstead Wood, Hon\'ich, and the Marshe. On 26th March, 
1588, he contributed ^25 to the fund for the defence of the 
kingdom, on the threatened invasion by the Spanish Armada. 
The following year he paid his contribution to the forced loan 
in Derbyshire. He was summoned, 19th January, 1593, with 
Nich. Browne, of the Marshe, and John Pott, of Stancliff, to 
appear at Tideswell. In the same year he was executor to 
the Will of his eldest son, who died in his father's lifetime. In 
June, 1595, the High Peak Bailiff collected 6s. from this 
Leonard towards furnishing three horsemen to serve in Ireland, 

* Quernstones. fLandshut. J Rector of Taxal, 1532-88. Witness 
also to the will of Roger Jodrell, of Yeardsley, 1547-8. 

§ Harl. 886, f. 14b ; 1093, ff. 19-22. 


and again for four horses in 1599-1600, and again in 1601 for 
three horses, r5s. He was commended by Sir Edward 
Hastings, of the Abbey of Leicester, whose father was Lord-Lieu- 
tenant of the county in 1552, in a letter to the Lord High 
Treasurer, 1591-4: — 

Jan. 23rd. Leicester Abbey. No. 23. Sir Edw. Hastings to Lord 
Burghley. Recommends Leonard Shawcross, of Shawcross, in the High 
Peak, as a fit person to be put into the Commission, he being a religious 
and honest man, and the only gentleman in all the Peak who is a 
favourer of religion, that part of the country being mostly frequented 
by recusants.* 

In 1597 Leonard Shalcross had his arms carved upon an 
oak panel, now in the possession of Mr. S. F. Widdrington, 
who has kindly sent a drawing for this paper. 

The His/. MSS. Commission (Duke of Rutland) has preserved 
a copy of an autograph letter from him to his cot/sin, Roger 
Rowe (Rowe of Macclesfield) : — 

6 Sept. 1599. — Shalcrosse. — I have sent my shepherd, Ralph Bagshawe, 
to you, to Haddon, to receive the money owing for my wethers. (Signed.) 

In i6or, in connection with his eldest son's untimely death, 
he made an agreement with his grandson and successor, Richard 

This representative doubtless built the second of the three 
Halls of the family,! towards the end of the sixteenth century. 
It was erected in the Elizabethan style, with its walls adorned 
with tapestry of silk and silver. 

Leonard Shallcross married, first, before 1557, Margaret, 
daughter of William Davenport, t of Bramhall Hall (his MS. 
copy of Wycliffe's Bible sold a few years ago for ^1,750). 
She was a sister of Sir William Davenport, knighted in Scot- 
land in 1544, who' was grandfather of the Sir William Davenport, 
an executor of Leonard's Will, 1601. The arms of Shalcross, 
impaling Davenport (quartering Bromell), are in Harl. 6592, 
f. 16 {arg. a cltev. beiw. three crosses-crosslet fichee, sa., for 

* Roman Catholics. 

t Taxal Church was rebuilt about the same time. 

t Male line extinct in 1829. The Davenports were rangers of Maccles- 
field Forest : their crest, the haltered felon. 




























































< C N ro •+ 


Davenport). Leonard was himself a descendant of Davenport 
of Woodford, the parent stock; and his wife, descended from 
the ancient Cheshire houses of Warren of Poynton, Eton, Legh 
of Adlington, Bulkeley, Wynnington, Hesketh of Rufford, and 
Fitton of Gawsworth, had also royal lineage. She was a grandchild 
of Sir John Warburton, of Arley, who was with Richmond at 
Bosworth in 1485, which Sir John, who was great-grandson 
of Peter Warburton, who fought for Mortimer at Shrewsbury, 
married Jane, daughter of Sir William Stanley, of Holt, whose 
mother, Jean Goushill (see descent from Peverel, under Intro- 
duction), was grandchild of Richard Fitzalan, tenth Earl of 
Arundel, by his wife Elizabeth, daughter of William de Bohun, 
commander of the second division at Cressy, who was son of 
Humphrey de Bohun, fourth Earl of Hereford, by his wife, 
Elizabeth, daughter of King Edward I. and Eleanor of Castile. 
Again, the wife of the above Sir William Stanley, of Holt, 
Joyce Cherlton* (see under Peverel descent, Introduction), was 
grandchild of Thomas Holland, second Earl of Kent, who 
was son of Joan, mother of Richard II., which Princess Joan's 
father, Edmund of Woodstock, was son of Edward I. by his 
second wife, Margaret of France. By Margaret Davenport 
Leonard had issue, 

I. — John, of whom hereafter. 
II. — Edward, ob : s. p. 

III. — Anthony, living i6i|. 

IV. — William, living 1601. 
V. — Leonard. He was of Leek, having, apparently, by 
his wife Jane a son, Leonard, who died in 1671. 

VI. — Peter, ob : s. p. 

VII. — Dorothy, married Robert Cresswell,! whO' may have been 
grandson of Elizabeth, daughter of John (IX.) Arms: — 
Quarterly of six gu. and or, three squirrels sejant bctw. as many 
trefoils slipped all counter changed. 

* The Duke of Rutland quarters the arms of Edmund Plantayenet, 
Earl of Kent, through this Joyce Cherlton. 

t Ralph Cresswell purchased lands at Edale in 1619, and founded the 
Chapel there in 1630. This family resided there until the end of the 
eighteenth century. 


VIII. — Anne, married Rowland Litton. Arni-s : — ILrm. on 
a chief indeiiied as. tliree crowns or. Probably not identical 
with Sir Rowland Litton, who died in 1601, aged 38, who sold 
Lytton in 1597, but a descendant of a younger branch of the 
Lyttons of Lytton. They had issue, Nicholas* and Ann.t 

IX. — Alice, married Nicholas Clayton, probably of Clayton 
of Kettleshome, and perhaps connected with Christopher 
Clayton, of Strindes Hall, county Chester, whose daughter, 
Margaret Clayton, married William de Bradshaw, of Bradshaw, 
whose son married Emma Shalcross, the aunt of this Alice. 
There was a daughter, Elizabeth. " Atque Elizabethae supra- 
dictae Alicias filiae putativge, ;£5." + 

X. — Bridget, married John Sherd, § or Shirt, or Shert, son 
of William Sherd of Sherd and Disley, Forester of Maccles- 
field Forest by inheritance, whose grandfather, William Sherd 
of Sherd, was slain at Flodden. Kxm.%:—Arg. on a bend sa. 
a rose of the field, in the sinister canton a hiintittg-horn of the 
second. They had no issue. He appears to have been shiftless. 

XL— Ellen. 

Leonard Shallcross married, secondly, his cousin Bridgett, 
daughter of Roger Jodrell, of Yeardsley Hall, and relict of 
John Pott, of Dunge, in Kettleshulme, county Chester. In 
the Widdrington Roll she married, secondly, John Pott ; she 
was, however, his widow. By her Leonard had issue, 

XII. — Elianor, unmarried. 

XIII. — Mary, married William Cressy, of Owldcotts, county 
Notts., II living 16 14 {arg. a lion ramp. doj4ble queued sa., impaled 
in the Widdrington Roll), and left issue, with others, Leonard. 1 
Both executors to the Will of her mother, 1608. 

*Will of L. S., 1603. 
twill of B. S., 1608. 

J Will of L. S., 1603. ) 

§ Nicholas del Sherd was an executor to the will of Roger Jodrell, 
\\Harl. Soc, xxxvii. 526. 
IT Will of L. S., 1603. 


XIV. — Amy, or Anne, married Randall Smith," of Oldhaugh, 
county Chester, bailiff of Warmincham, 1599 {per pale or and 
gu. three fieurs-de-lis, counter changed, impaled in the Widdrington 
Roll), and a descendant of John Shalcross (IX.). They had 
issue, Walburga Smith, who married John Pott, of Stancliffe 
Hall, in Darley Dale (barry of ten, arg. and sa. ; on a bend az. 
three trefoils slipped, or), and had issue. This John Pott was 
son of Leonard's second wife. 

Leonard Shallcross died under the roof of his new mansion 
at a good old age, July 7th, 1605, and was buried in Taxal 
Churchyard. His Will, dated 9 Nov., 1603, was proved, 
P. C. C, 10 Feb., 1605-6. An abstract: — 

Recites deed dated i6 Jan. 44 Eliz. (1601) between the Testator and 
Richard Shallcross cousin (described as grandchild and heir-apparent 
later on) and heir-apparent of the testator, Sir William Davenport, of 
Bramhall, Knt. ; and Edmund Jodrell, of Yeardsley, Esq. My will is 
that Bridget my wife have all my lands (tenements, limited in the above 
recited deed). To my grandchild Anne Shallcross, sister of Dorothy 
Walker, wife of George Walker, ;^5o. To my daughter Alice, wife of 
Nicholas Clayton, ^^15. To my daughter Anne Litton, _^5. To my 
son-in-law William Cressye and to Mary his wife £,t,o. To Leonard Cressye 
son of the said William ^^5. To Randle Smith my son-in-law and Amye 
his wife ;^2o. To my son Anthony one bed with furniture. To my son- 
in-law Francis Lodge and Bridget his wife ^20 to use of William and 
Peter, his two sons. To my daughter Bridget Shert ;^io to be deducted 
from the money her husband oweth me. To my sister Emma Bradshaw 
;^io. To my cousin Anthony Browne ;^io. To my godson Leonard 
Pott, of Macclesfield, _;^5. To Leonard Pott, son of Henry and Grace 
Pott, ;^5. To Nicholas, son of Rowland Litton, ^^5. To my Godson 
Mr. Henry Bagshawe, 40s. To my son-in-law Mr. Jo. Pott, 40s. To 
my loving kinsman, Nicholas Browne the elder, 40s. To my son William 
j^ioo. Residue of goods to Leonard my son. Appoints cousin and 
friend Sir William Davenport of Bramhall and his wife Bridget executors. 
Overseers, his kinsman Hamnett Hyde,t son and heir of Robert Hyde, 
of Northbury, co. Cheshire, and Francis Bradshaw^: of Eyam, gent. 

His widow, Bridgett, died three years later, and was buried 
at Taxal. To elucidate the otherwise conflicting Wills, we add 

■'"' Pedigree of Smith, of Oldhaugh, in Ormerod, iii., 231, old ed. 

t Vide Charter i. Hamnet Hyde, of Norbury and Hyde, 1563-1643, 
was grandson of Robert Hyde, 1541-71, by his wife, Jane Davenport, the 
sister-in-law of Leonard Shalcross. 

t See under Anthony (XII.). 


the names of her previous family: — (i) John Pott, of Stancliff, 
in 1611, married, first, EHzabeth Newsom, and had issue, 
George and Percival, who both left issue ; he married, 
secondly, Walburga, daughter of Randall and Amy Smith {nee 
Shalcross), and had issue, John, Thomas, Edward, Bridgett, 
and Edmund. (2) Leonard Pott, of Dunge, had issue, Leonard 
and John. (3) Bridgett, married Francis Lodge, and had issue, 
William and Peter. (4) Grace, married Henry Pott, and had 
issue, Leonard and Mary. We append an abstract of her Will, 
dated February 24th, 1607-8, and proved June 14th, 1608 : — 

To be buried in Taxall Churchyard among my ancestors, and near to 
mv late husband Leonard Shallcross. To my sister Emma Bradshaw* 20/- 
To Leonard Shallcross, my son-in-law, 20/-, and to Jane, his wife, 20/-. 
To my cousin Robert Eyre of the Spittle, near Blithe, co. Notts, gent., 
20/- To my son John Pott,t gent., who has had the benefit of Dunge 
Farm, in which I have a life interest, certain bequests. I have already 
given Randall Smith, my son-in-law, and Anne his wife, my daughter, 
;^2o. I have already given Francis Lodge, my son-in-law, and Bridget 
his wife, my daughter, £20. I give unto Henry Pott, my son-in-law, and 
Grace his wife, my daughter, ;^2o. I give to Bridget Pott, my God- 
daughter, and daughter of my son John Pott, _^5. To Mary, daughter 
of Henry Pott, 30/- To John Pott, grandchild and Godson, and son of 
Leonard Pott my son, 20/-, and to Leonard Pott my grandchild, and son 
of my said son Leonard Pott, 10/- To Bridget Shirt, my daughter-in-law, 
a debt due to me made by John Shirt her husband. To Alice Clayton, 
my daughter-in-law, wife of Nicholas Clayton, one cow. To Anne, 
daughter of Rowland Lytton, one cow, and to Anne, wife of the said 
Rowland Lytton, 10/- To Dorothy Walker, my Goddaughter, a ryall of 
gold. To my cousin Elizabeth Cressey, 40/-, to Susan Cressey my grand- 
child, 40/-, to every other Cressey child, my grandchildren, each 40/- 
To William Cressey, my son-in-law, and to Mary Cressey, my daughter, 
at the entreaty of my late husband Leonard Shallcross her father, all my 
goods and chattels at Oldcotes, co. Notts. Legacies to their children. 
The said William Cressey, and Maiy his wife, executors and residuary 

Leonard Shalcross was succeeded at his demise, at an 
advanced period of life, by his grandson, Richard, the only 
son of his eldest son. This eldest son of Leonard, 

* Vol. XXV., p. 32, of this Journal. 

t John Potte of tlie Dunge was witness of the Wills of Roger Jodrell, of 
Yeardsley, 1547, and of his wife, 1548. 


John SHALLCROSS, was bom before 1565,- and was of 
Leek, county Stafford. His first wife was Prue, second 
daughter and co-heiress (wdth her sister Isabel), who married 
Anthony Kinardsley, of Loxley, living 34 Eliz., and, dying 1624, 
left issue) of Lewis or Ludowick Walker, of Bramshall,t near 
Uttoxeter, by whom he left issue, 

L — Richard, successor to his grandfather. 

n. — Anne, unmarried in 1601. Buried at Taxal June 14th, 

HL — Dorothy, or Prew, God-daughter of Bridget Shallcross, 
married before 1601 George Walker, of Weston, county of 
Stafford, a scion of Walker of Salt, who died 1662, and had 
issue. Under Walker of Salt at the Visitation of county 
Stafford, 1663, the wife of George Walker is described as the 
daughter of George Shallcross of Shallcross. \ But the present 
entry seems correct, as it corresponds with the Wills (1603) 
and with the Widdrington Roll, where the arms {vide 
Richard XIV.) are impaled. They had issue. 

John Shalcross married, secondly, Ellen ( ? daughter of John 
Vernon, of Ipstons), relict of William Forde,§ of Mosse, near 
Leek, but had no further issue. His Will, an important one 
in elucidation of the family pedigree, is dated October 19th, 
1592, and was proved P. C. C, July 2nd, 1593. Abstract: — ■ 

To be buried in the Church of Leek. To my wife Ellen Jrd of goxls 
To my son Richard, and Margaret his wife, a silver flaggon. To my 
daughters Anne and Dorothy Shallcross the other two parts of my goods. 
Lands for two daughter's benefit, until my son Richard attains 21 years. 
Residue to my wife Ellen, and daughters. Executors, Ellen my wife, 
and Leonard Shallcrosse, the elder, my father. Overseers, Mr. Henry 

* Grandfather's will. 

t The old Church, destroyed in 1835, did not contain any monuments. 

+ A George Shallcross, of " the ffoarde," Chapel-en-le-Frilh, who died 
1637, left by Jane his wife, who died 1664, a son Richard, born 1633, 
and a daughter Elizabeth, born r636. 

§ Pedigree of Forde, of Forde Green, in Sleigh's Leek, p. 65. Arms — 
Per /esse or and erm., a lion ramp. az. 


Bagshaw* of the Ridge, and Mr. Nicholas Brn\vne+ of the Marsh, ^'ent. 
Witness, Will'm Shallcrosse,J gent. Lands in Uttoxeter, Baggotts Brom- 
ley, Stoneshall, and Marchenton Woodland. 

This John Shallcross thus never succeeded to the family 
estate, and desired to be buried elsewhere than among his 
ancestors at Taxal. There does not appear tO' be any memorial 
within Leek Church, and the registers do not go back further 
than 1637. His only son, 

Richard ShALCROSS (XIV.), of Shallcross, was under 
age in 1592, and about 33 years old on succeeding, at his grand- 
father's death, to the family estate. He was entitled to quarter 
the arms of Walker of Bramshall with his paternal saltire — 
viz., Argent, on a chevron ringed at the poitii, between three 
crescents sable, two plates. It is thus depicted in the 
Widdrington Roll ; but it is noticeable that in the Kynnersley 
pedigree, 1648, which has been communicated by Rev. 
G. A. Sneyd, who has a portrait of Isabel Kinnersley, sister 
of Prue Shalcross, in his possession, the impaled arms are :— 
Argent, on a chevron sable between three pellets, as many 
crescents of the field. Richard Shallcross attended the Heralds 
(St. George) in i6ii,§ and his arms are drawn,]! the tinctures 
being now gules and or, formerly gules and argent. 

Francis Bradshaw ( ? senior, of Eyam) writes from the house 
of his relative at Shalcross in 16 14 to Sir George Manners, the 
father of the eighth Earl of Rutland, at Haddon, returning him 
" the Council's letter and orders concerning the eating of flesh 
meat, and a warrant to the High Constable for effectuating the 
same." A poor man " who died at Shallcross Hall " was buried 
at Chapel-en-le-Frith, September 2nd, 1622. Richard 

* Grandfather of the wife of J. S. (XV.). 

+ Ob. 1624. 

+ Perhaps testator's brother. There was, in Leek, Shallcross of Moote Hall, 
and at Leek, in 1852, died Mary S., aged 100 years 3 mo. and 19 days. 

%Harl., i486, f. 32, b., etc. 

\\Harl., 1537, f. 10. 


Shalcross first married, before 1592, in his nonage, Margaret,* 
daughter of WilUam Forde the younger,! of Mosse, Leek, his 
stepmother's daughter, and widow of John Wedgwood, of 
Harracles, who died 1658, aged 87 years, by whom he had no 
issue. He married, secondly, Mary, daughter of Edmund 
Jodderell, of Yeardsley Hall and Twemlow (arms impaled in 
the Widdrington Roll), sister of Edmund Jodrell, High Sheriff 
of Cheshire 1650-1. By her, who was buried at Taxal 
March 24th, 1652-3, aged about 80, he left issue, 
I. — John, of whom presently. 
n. — Edmund. B.A., Oxford, 1625, from Emman. Coll., 
Camb., M.A. 1629, in holy orders, paid ship-money, ;^i4, in 1636, 
and was presented to the rectory of Stockport July 3rd, 1637, by 
his mother, Mary, widow. He was named as one of the 
disaffected clergy by Sir W. Brereton, in the list of delinquents, 
as having " the parsonage house at Stockport, J the glebe land 
thereto belonging and severall tenements in the sayd towne 
and tythes of the parish . . . sequestred about the loth of 
August, 1644." § His goods valued at ^268 14^. 10^., of 
which a list is given, || were seized for the use of Parliament, 
Februar)', 1644, some being claimed out of the inventory by 
his wife and by Mrs. Rideard, Mary Hullme, the Mrs. Maid, 
and some glasses by Mrs. Jodrell; and his wife tried to hide 
some of her own treasures, valued at ;^34 15s., in a chimney. 
He appealed, and journeying, as before, to London to see the 
Committee, in July, 1645, with an escort of Parliamentary 

* Her son, John Wedgwood, of Harnicles and Mosse, was buried at 
Leek in 165 1, leaving male issue. A lineal descendant was Penelope 
Boothby, to whom the monument in Ashbourne Church by Banks. Her 
daughter, Elizabeth Wedgwood, married John Jodrell, of Moor-house, 
Leek, a scion of Yeardsley, and left issue. 

t Son of W. Forde, of the Mosse, by his wife Margaret, daughter of 
John Bowyer, of Knipersley. 

t There is a tradition at Stockport that his father was a physician, and 
attended the Sovereign on several occasions. Thomas Sliallcross, Esq., 
was a gentleman of the Privy Chamber in 1737. 

%Add MSS. 1569, f. 125. 

\\Harl. 2130, ff. 151-4. 


Horse, they were attacked by the King's party while passing 
Dudley Castle, and he was accidentally slain, aged about 42 
years, and there buried. He had found much opposition from 
Mr. Sergeant (President) Eradshaw. An administration of his 
goods was granted in P.C.C. June 26th, 1646, to his brother, 
Edmund Shalcross, who is described as a man of ability, benevolent, 
strictly just, and of learning. His study contained 588 volumes,* 
secured with one Roger Harpur, of Stockport, and viewed 
under the sequestrator's orders by William Thomson, of 
Eramall. In the Stockport registers are five autograph entries 
of sums received by him in connection with bequests to the 
poor. He married Mary, or Margaret, daughter of Thomas 
Rudyerd, of Rudyerd, county Stafford {arg. freity sa., on a 
canton gu. a crescent of the f.cld), of an eminent Saxon family 
(Royalists), which then contained Sir Benjamin Rudyerd, a 
statesman and orator, and, as poet, commended by Ben Jonson, 
but he died without issue. His widow made her Will, in 
1677, with charitable bequests. James Rudyeard, of the Abbey, 
confirms in his Will, dated 1709, a grant made by his aunt 
of twenty shillings yearly, on Roach-grange, for repairing books 
left by her to Leek Vicarage, and for buying new ones.+ 

Richard Shallcross died at The Hall in 1623, aged about 
51 years, and was succeeded by his son, 

John Shallcross (xv.), of Shaiicross, bom in 1603. 

He and his wife appear to have resided at Ridge Hall, with her 
parents, until his father's death. He is named in the Lay 
Subsidy Roll of 2 Car. I.; and as " armiger," 1633, in 
the Freeholders of Derbyshire. He received from the King 
in 1634 the office of Receiver and Bailiff of the King's Rents 
in his honour of High Peak. His report, " Comp. Johannis 
Shallcross, Armigeri, Receptoris et Ballivi ibidem,']: makes the 
total receipts ^361 "jS. 4^. In the same year the Heralds 
(Chitting) took down " Mr. Shawcrosse of Shawcrosse his 

* An Edward Hill was his servant for seven years. 

t See Earwaker's East Cheshire, i., 386-7, for further information. 

XHarl. 6673, ff. 129-152. 


pedigree."* Some additions were then made to the visitation 
of 1611,+ and the breviate of 1639 may about this time have 
been added, or later, by the same representative, in 1663; 
and the brief but important pedigree, with twenty inclusive 
copies of the charters (the Widdrington Roll), was made under 
his direction about this time {vide under Richard (II.). He 
was High Sheriff of the county in 1638. We find in 1639 a 
long lease between the King and John Shalcross, Esq., 
concerning land in Bowden Middlecale, and nine cottages in 
Youlgrave, and other small plots and houses over the Peak 
district.^ He made an indenture of feoffment June 3rd, 1640, 
with Philip, fourth Earl of Pembroke, whereby he received, 
on payment of ^1,600, two parts in three in the manors of 
Monyash, Chelmorton, and Flagg. John Shallcross,§ loyal to 
the King in esse — us was his progenitor, John (IX.) — became 
Colonel of Horse in the royal forces. In particular, during the 
Civil Wars a petition for compensation was made by some 
Parliamentary soldiers who were wounded in their assault upon 
his Hall at Shallcross. The old house, || the scene of this 
rencontre, stood a little to the west of the present Hall. In 
September, 1645,^1 the Colonel gallantly held Chatsworth (old 
house) for the King, on behalf of the young Earl of Devon- 
shire, with a fresh garrison from Welbeck, from the Earl of 
Newcastle, and a skirmishing force of three hundred horse. 
It was then besieged by Major MoUanus for fourteen days with 
four hundred foot, but the siege was raised by command of 
Colonel Cell, who ordered the Major and his forces to return 
to Derby (Glover). The year after these deeds of honour he 
sold, probably from necessity, some of his estate. An abstract 
of a conveyance, February 26th, is found in Add. MSS., 6670, 
f. 453, from him to Thomas Gladwin, of Tupton Hall, of 

'» Add. MSS., 6668. 

t Harl., 1093. 

% Duchy Misc. Books, No. 58, f. 108. 

§ Another John Shalcross, of Stockport and Hyde, about 1640, was 
Li Royalist. He had children baptized at Stockport. 

II See Mr. Gunson's pajier in Journal, vol. xxvii., pp. 186-7 

liThe King marched through the Peak, with about 3,000 men, the month 
before, from Ashbourne to Doncaster. 


his two shares of the manor of Monyash, the purchase-money 
being _;£^i,7i5. About the year 1645* an official return was 
made of all the estates in the Macclesfield Hundred which were 
owned by delinquents, and which Parliament had sequestrated 
for the use of the public ; among them : — - 

John Shalcrosse, Esquire, hath an auntient message and some cottages 
in the parish of Taxall, all of them sequestred about the time ut supra. 

The number of those who sought to obtain peace and freedom 
from the Parliament now largely increased as the Royalist 
cause sank ; yet it was doubtless with a keen pang, especially 
under his private circumstances, that the Colonel the next year 
sued out his pardon, paid the fine, took the Solemn League 
and Covenant, and swore never to bear arms against the 
ParUament. He was cleared of delinquency January 3rd, 

John Shalcross of Shalcross, Esquier. — He is a Darbieshire man, and 
hath sued out his pardon. 

It is deducible that this staunch Cavalier kept the peace 

for about three years, and his wife possibly resented the 

precarious allowance, not more than one-fifth of the delinquent's 

income, which was then all that was allowed them. She 

thought that the estate, free from fines, should have been 

allowed her, as she had ever been loyal to the Parliament, and 

she made an application for the benefit of the Colonel's 

sequestration. But subsequently, in 165 1, the Colonel, probably 

deeply moved by the event! of 1648, was again restless, for the 

following entries concern him in the Calendar of State 

Papers : — 

1051. Warrants from the Council of State. To apprehend Col. 

from C. (J. b. John Shalcross, who corresponds with the enemy, and seize 

. ''^' all the papers & writings in his lodjjings and brin" them 

Serjeant ij^r^-i 

Dendv sealed to Council. 

lOS'- No. 15. Col. John Shalcross to be discharged on like 

bond in ;^i,ooo, with two sureties in ^500. 


May Council of State. Day's Proceedings. 

27. No. 5. John Shalcross to have liberty to continue in 

London for one month to settle his estate, & the order 
of Council for seizing and securing his estate to be taken 
ofiF, unless there be some other cause for continuing it. 

* Harl. MSS., 2130, f. 26, etc. 

t He lineally derived from Bradshaw through Jodrel of Yeardsley. 



June Council of State to the Sequestration Commissioners, co's 

2. Cheshire & Derby. We formerly gave order for seizing 

& securing the estate of John Shalcross, but having since 
taken oflf such seizure we desire you to do so & set free 
his estate, unless there shall be some other cause for con- 
tinuing it under security than the Order of Council. 

An autograph letter from him to John Kendal, in 1652, on 
one side of a paper 8 in. by 6 in., on a business matter, is 
preserved in the Egerton MSS.* We add a facsimile of his 
signature : — 

I have caused those words Mr Tourner writ wtli his owne hand and thought 
fit to be Inserted in Mrs. Rigbys Answer unto the bill prferred by the 
Attorney Gen'erall to be put in to macke the same plene.t And uppon 
the execusyon of the commissyon saw her swere+ soe that I question not 
now you will hould It full to all the charges therein expressed and lickwise 
preside § wth effeckt to Joyne In com'issyon & soe to herringe.jl Mrs. 
Rigby Intending to prfere a crosse bill hath caused her son in law Mr. 
Allexander Rigby sarved with a suppinell & whom hath promised to 
appere and not Rune Into contempe the bill. My son'e will show vou-& 
Deliver you the suppine & I shall Desier your p'^formanse according to your 
undertack in the note you gave Me under y' hand. 


To his Respeckted frend Mr. John Kendall, May 17, 1652, thes p'sent. 
We find him again unsettled in 1654. 

«•:» April 4. Council. Day's Proceedings. No. 4. A bond entered into 
May 23, 1651, to the late Council of State by John Shalcross of Shalcross, 
CO. Derby, also by Nich. Higgenbotham and Anth. Leyborne, for Shal- 
cross' appearance before Council when summoned, and doing nothing to 
the prejudice of the State, to be delivered up to Mr. Shalcross, to be 

[648, f. 198. t Plain. X Swear. § Proceed. 
Cal. of State Papers. 

I Hearing. H Subpoena. 


In 1655 he compounded for his estate, the composition 
money being ;^400 ; the fines inflicted on composition varying 
from two-thirds tO' one-tenth of the compounder's estate, when 
money was worth four and a half times its present value. 
Next year occurred the marriage, at Hope, of his eldest 
surviving son. In 1658 he was, at six shillings, a subscriber 
among the thirty-one from Shalcrosse to- the Easter Roll (total, 
^35 3-^-) for the parish of Hope. In the following year he 
was again in trouble : — 

* 1659. .Sept. 14. No. 29. Col. Shawcrosset and the 2 taken with 
him, to be sent up in custody to Council. 

Happily, this stout and valiant soldier lived to witness the 
rejoicings of the Restoration. Subsequently he recorded his 
arms and pedigree at the Visitation (Dugdale) taken 
September 17th, 1663. J This pedigree is in the records of the 
College of Arms, and a copy§ was truly extracted in 1779 by 
J. C. Brooke, Somerset, for the Rev. Simon Jacson. The 
arms are arg. and gu., and the pedigree, the last taken at the 
Visitations, is of eight descents, ending with three children of 
Richard and Anne Shalcrosse. But these pedigrees are scanty. 
He sat on the magisterial bench at Bakewell March 27th, 1673, in 
which year he died. 

He married Elizabeth, eldest of the three daughters of 
Thomas Bagshawe, of the Ridge, who was descended from John 
Shalcross (X.), whose arms — impaled in the Widdrington Roll — • 
show the quarterings of Cockayne, Herthull, Deyville, Savage, 
Rossington, and Edensor, with a seventh quartering of unknown 
derivation. Unfortunately, Mrs. Shallcross strongly differed 
from her husband's politics. Her political sympathies were 
so objectionable to the Royalists, that Sir William Savile writes 
thus, under date September 22nd, 1643 — "for L'. Coll. Shaw- 

» CaL of State Papers. 

t Not the first of his name to be apprehended (Shackles on Schakihros] 
for political troubles, for in 1582 William " Shacrost," described as an 
honest citizen, was a prisoner in the Tower of London. 

XAdd. MSS. 6668, f. 390. 

§ Kindly lent by Col. J. H. J. Jacson. 


crosse wife, if you can conveniently gett her, take her prisoner, 
and wee will treat of the rest of the businesse" — in a letter to 
Major Beaumont, Governor of Sheffield Castle.* We find her 
name mentioned, subsequently, under the ordinance of 
March 27th, 1643,! in a payment to William Barrett, collector 
for the Macclesfield Hundred : — 

Item, Received Sept. 6, 1644, of Mris Elizabeth Shallcrosse of 

Shallcrosse for Cookes ffarme which was omitted in my hist accompts, 
li. 12 : J. 00 : d.oo. 

Item, more of Mris Shalcross of Shalcross for books bought of the 

Comittee for Sequestration, wh. bookes were part of sequestred 
goods belonging to Edmund Shalcross late parson of Stockport, a 
delinquent deceased, li. 13 : s.od : d.o8. 

The last entry may refer to Edmund's mother. 

Their political differences were probably accentuated by the 
dolorous fates of their respective brothers, for of the lady's 
two brothers who fought for the Parliament, Edward and 
Henry, the former was slain at Tutbury. Nor would the attack 
on their mansion, nor the lady s tending the beds of the 
Parliamentary wounded, nor the Colonel's wars and financial 
troubles, relieve their domestic disunion. We find an affidavit 
fiom her in 1647 in apparent connection with her claims upon 
her husband's estate. This affidavit does not contain all the 
facts mentioned in her depositions, for she charged Mr. Bretland 
with obstructing her brother, either Edward or Henry, when 
he was at Glossop, and preventing, as far as he was able, 
recruits from joining the Parliamentary Standard. This 
interesting document thus runs (abstract) : — 

Royalist Composition Papers, June 2nd, 1647. Bullocke Smithy. 
Elizabeth the wife of John Shallcross of Shallcross, Esquire, aged 42 years, 
sworne and examined saith. That about a' month agone Captain Henry 
Bagshawe, her brother, told her that he being in Glossop in a house 
there in company withe John Bretland of Thornclifle in the County of 
Chester, he heard the same John Bretland utter these words following 
viz., that Sir John Gell, Sir Wm. Brereton, Sir John: Curson and divers 
others were no better than traitors. And this deponent saith that Sir Joh^ 
Gell, Sir William Brereton, and Sir John Curson are to this deponents 

* \l\M.\.ix^% HaUamshire, p. 139. 

t Return of Estates of Delinquents, p. 270. 


knowledge friends to the Parliament, and so also are those whom Bret- 
land named not friends to the Parliament. And this deponent saith that 
about two years agone she hearing that Mr. Bretland had gotten the 
books whereby his Majesty's rents were formerly gathered by her said 
husband of & for the hundred of the High Peak and being in Chapel-en- 
le-Frith demanded of him the said books, that she might procure (if she 
could) the place granted over to her brother Captain Edward Bagshawe, 
now deceased, for the better maintaining of herself and her family (her 
husband's estate being then under sequestration) he Mr. Bretland answered 
that he would not part with it for that he took it for her husband's good 
(who was then a delinquent) whereinto she answered " Why then will you 
not deliver them unto me?" To which he said, " Because the Country 
saith you are your husband's enemy," which Sir Edward Bagshawe, Knt., 
being then in (our) company hearing said, " I pray you. Sir, wherein is 
she her husband's enemy," to which Mr. Bretland said, " In that she is of 
a contrary opinion to him, and would dispose of it to such persons as her 
husband would not have to deal with it." And further, this deponent 
being asked whether Mr. Bretland were well affected to the Parliament, 
she saith she hath heard it generally reported that he is a man disaffected 
to the Parliament, and she rather is induced to believe so because she has 
known him several times to travell on the fast days and not come to 
Church. Elizabeth Shallcross. 

From the above affidavit it would appear that the benefit of 
Colonel Shallcross's sequestration was first given to Captain 
Edward Bagshawe, and that after his death Mr. Bretland (of 
Thornclifif Hall, 1607-54) obtained it, or, at least, the collection 
of the King's rents. 

By Elizabeth Bagshawe, who was 17 years old at the time 

of her marriage, he had issue : 

I. — A son, buried in the chancel at Chapel-en-le-Frith 
January 15th, 162I, unbaptized. 

II. — John, bom 1629, living 1638, died before 1650, s.p. 
III. — Richard, born 1631, his successor. 
IV. — Edmund, baptized at Taxal April ist, 1633. Buried 

April 4th, 1633. 

V. — Leonard, baptized at Taxal July 26th, 1634; he had a 

daughter, Sarah, baptized at Taxal July 24th, 1692. (A Leonard 

was buried in 1637.) 

VI. — Thomas, of Brasenose College, Oxford, matriculated 

July 23rd, 1656; died before 1675 (Will of R. S.). 


VII-— A daughter, buried in the chancel at Chapel-en-le- 
Frith, December i8th, 1623. 

VIII.— Elizabeth, baptized at Chapel-en-le-Frith December 
22nd, 1624; married Edward Downes, of Shrigley and 
Worth, 1630-94, and had issue Edward Dowries, 1662-1747, 
who continued his line.* She was buried at Prestbury July 20th, 

IX- — Frances, married Thomas Higginbotham,t of 
Buglawton, Macclesfield.]: They had issue, Frances, her uncle 
Richard's God-daughter, living 1675, and Elizabeth, who married 
Hulme, of Buglawton. This Elizabeth, in 1725, left ^4 per 
annum for providing clothes for six poor inhabitants of Taxal, 
distributed on St. Thomas's Day; io.f. for a sermon on the i6th 
of October, being tlie day of the death of her father; 5^. 
yearly to be laid out in penny loaves ; and 5^. to be expended 
in repairing the tomb of the family (Earwaker). Mr. Joshua 
Hulme used to pay this charity. The 5s. for tomb repairs is 
annually paid into the Whaley Bridge bank. 

The vicissitudes of the career of Colonel Shallcross ended 
in 1673, when hedied§ aged 70 years, and was interred at Taxal. 
We hope that the little rift within the lute — differences which 
had allied the Shallcross and Bramhall cousins against their 
relatives at the Yeardsley and Ridge Halls— had been long 
healed, and both, we trust, dormiunt in somno pads. His wife 
may have been intombed January i8th, 1681. Upon an extant 
altar-tomb, with an arched canopy, east of the Church, is an 
inscription II on the flat-stone under the canopy, which thus 
runs : — 

Here Lyeth the Body of Elizabeth | Shallcross Wife of Jo" Shallcross, Esq.-^] 
of Shallcross, & y^ Body of Frances | Higginbothom, Daughter of y^ said | 
Jo" Shallcross, Wife of Tho. Hig|ginbothom, Esq. of Buglowton j Buried y^ 
2d day of Decern' 1682. j Also y<= body of Tho. Higginbothom, | Esq. buried 
October ye 21 | Anno Domini 1706. 

* Earwaker's East Cheshire, vol. ii., p. 321. 
t He gave a silver paten to Taxal Church the year he died 
t Will of R. S. (XVI. ) 

§ Another Jo. Shalcross of Shallcross died in 1667. 
II It is remarkable that this memorial does not notice the Colonel's burial 
Ihere is an obvious conjecture. 


We append an abstract of the Colonel's Will, dated April 6th, 
1672, proved December 6th, 1673 : — 

To be buried in Taxall Churchyard where my ancestors have been buried. 
To Edward Downes of Shrigley, Gent, and Elizabeth his wife, my 
daughter, ;^5o ; and to every child ;^io. To Thomas Higginbotham, of 
Buglawton, co. Chester, gent., my son in law, and to my daughter 
Frances, his wife, £40, and to every child XX nobles. Residue of lands, 
leases, goods, chattels, &c., unto my son and heir-apparent, Richard 
Shallcross, the sole executor. 

He was succeeded by his eldest surviving son, 

Richard Shallcross (xvl), of shaiicross, or shaw- 

crosse of Shawcrosse,* baptized at Taxal February ist, 163^. 
He was admitted to Gray's Inn November 12th, 1650, as his 
father's son and heir. Here he probably met Roger Rowley " de 
hospicio Grayensi," whose daughter he married. He would 
appear to have been concerned at an early period in his gallant 
father's affairs, as may be noticed in the letter, 1652 {supra), and 
if he be identical with the following : — f 

No. 27. The petition of Richard Shalcross, for discharge from the 
extraordinary tax,+ set on lands mentioned in deeds recited in the petition, 
referred to the Major-General and Commissioners for co. Derby, to settle 
the matter at their next full meeting. Approved 8 Jan. 

He was Surveyor of the North Duchy of Lancaster and Bailiff 
of the High Peak. Either he or his father, or perhaps his 
son, issued a copper token, still extant, § in connection with 
his coal mines. Sir John Evans describes it as especially 
interesting (see illustration). 

Richard's generosity is engraven in brass in the school 
at Buxton : " A gift by Richard Shallcross, of Shallcross Hall, 
of ;^5 towards the establishment of the Grammar School, 1674." 
He was made a justice for the county July 17th, 1675. He 
appears to have purchased the land of the Heathcotes|| in 

*Add. MSS. 6668, f. 39. 

+ Cal. of State Papers, 1656-7, Jan. i. 

X The decimation tax, against which Humph. Shallcross petitioned for 
discharge, 1656 (see under John, X.). An arbitrary measure, carried 
out by Major-Gen. Henry Bradshaw, brother of the President (they were 
connections of Col. Shallcross). 

§ Glover, vol. i., 274; Heliquary, vol. vi., p. 150; Boyne's Tokens, 
p. 46. 

il The Heatlicotes of Taxal, 1666-1775 (Earwaker, ii, 543). 


Taxal, or it may have been his son. Subsequently he 
confirmed an indenture with the Duchy in respect of a 
waiver of manorial rights, in consideration of the satisfac- 
tion of 100 acres of land in lieu thereof. Among the 
papers of Mr. W. H. G. Bagshawe is the original convey- 
ance between Richard Shallcross and Thomas Eyre, dated 
May 3rd, 1674. This indenture refers at length to the 
arrangement made shortly before the outbreak of the Civil 
War between the Crown and the free tenants of the Peak 
Forest as to disafforesting, whereby Charles I. was to have 
a third of the wastes for enclosing, and the tenants two-thirds. 
John Shallcross, his father, was a principal manager for the 
King of the partition of the commons; and he himself claimed 
a considerable part of the wastes of Shallcross, Fernilee, and 
Fairfield, as pertaining to his manorial rights. In recognition 
of this claim, the Crown agreed to assign loo (Cheshire) acres 
of the King's award to John Shallcross when the agreement 
was completed. It was not, however, until after the Restora- 
tion that the division* was carried out, then equally between 
the King and the freeholders, and as soon as this was com- 
pleted Charles II. sold the Crown's share (1674) to Thomas 
Eyre, Esq.,t who covenanted to carry out the stipulated arrange- 
ment as to the loo acres with the then Shallcross representative, 
the allotted portion being in Fairfield township. We give a 
copy of this representative's signature. 

In 27 Car. II. Richard Shallcross signed the Duchy Special 
Commission to enquire into the bounds of Duchy lands. 

Richard Shalcross was married, first, at Hope, June 12th, 1656, 
by Launcelot Lee, Esq., J. P., Salop, in the presence of 
Roger Rowley, Esq., and Mr. Francis Barney, Minister of the 
Church of Woodfield (Worfield), county Salop, to Anne, 
daughter and heiress of Roger Rowley, of Rowley, county 

* In a plan showing the division of the Commons in the possession of 
Mr. W. H. G. Bagshawe, of Ford, a house at Cadster, in Taxal, belonged 
to Richard Shalcross. He is not the R. S. of the text, but one R. S. who 
died 1662. 

+ See Journal, vol. xxiv., page 32. 


Salop.* For 500 years had this ancient line held the lands 
of Rowley, in Worfield, near Bridgnorth, one Roger carrying 
the standard of de Montfort at Evesham, where he was slain, 
and another fought at Agincourt, while Elizabeth, wife of 
Stephen, was a benefactor of the chantry at Worfield in 
18 Hen. VII. The Visitation of Shropshire, 1623, records six 
generations, the alliances including Foxhall of Chelmershe, 
Baker of Sevemhall, and Kinge of Birmingham. + Branches of 
this family have held several baronetcies. Roger, the father 
of Mrs. Shalcross, a barrister-at-Law of Gray's Inn, had first 
adhered to the Parliament, but in 1647 he became the assignee 
for his friend and neighbour. Sir William Whitmore, of Apley, 
owner of Bridgnorth Castle, which had been captured by the 
Parliamentarians in 1646, and he now gives Anne, his sole 
daughter and the heiress of the pleasantly-situated dwelling- 
place of his race, to the son of the Cavalier, to whom his 
estate was eventually carried. By her, who brought the second 
quartering of the Shallcross family {Arg. on a bend betw. two 
Cornish choughs, sa., three escallops of the first), he had issue, 
not apparently baptized at Taxal : 

I. — John, born in 1662, of whom presently. II. — Roger. 

III. — Elizabeth, bom in 1660, had a bequest of _;^i,ooo 
under her fathers Will. She became, by licence, at Stockport 
Church, January 20th, 1684, the second wife of Captain John 
Beresford (arms as under Shakelcross (X.)), an influential county 
magistrate and a strong Tory in Queen Anne's time, then head 
of the Beresford family, and who left many traces behind him. 
His branch was that of Fenny Bentley, but in 1681 he bought 
back again to the Beresfords the old hall at Beresford, as did 
Lord Beresford once again in 1829. He died at Ashbourne; 
his wife at Cheadle, in Cheshire. There is a memorial in the 
chancel at Fenny Bentley, near the tomb of their ancestor, the 
hero of Agincourt, which has an interesting (Latin) inscription : — 

* Harl. 6668, f. 391, Mr. Shawcross of Shawcrosse, his pedigree. 
t Harl. 1396 f. 274 b. 


Near this place rests that which was mortal of John Beresford, who 
married Elizabeth, daughter of Richard Shallcross, of Shallcross, in the 
county of Derby, by whom he had frve sons and four daughters. He was 
a near friend to many of honourable degree, on account of his liberality 
of mind. By their hands he could have been carried to his grave, but he 
himself forbade it, and committed his body for burial only to his brother 
Edward, and his three sons (in a humble and obscure spot). He died 
in the year of Christ, 1724, of his age 70. His sorrowing widow dis- 
charging the last duty to her husband erected this memorial, who also 
died 2ist March, 1745, at the age of 85. May they both with their 
children rest in peace. 

Among their descendants is the Rev. E. A. Beresford, who 
informs me that there was in the possession of the late Canon 
Gilbert Beresford, of Hoby, some plate and books (the library 
was sold in 1899) with the Shallcross arms, presumably brought 
by this marriage. He has a portrait in oils of John Beresford and 
of his wife. John Shallcross (XVII.) was one of Captain 
Beresford's executors. Agnes, second daughter of their grand- 
son, Rev. W. Beresford, married Sir H. FitzHerbert, of 
Tissington, in 1805, leaving issue. 

IV. — William, living 35 Car. II., 1682. In that year on 
March 20th, he signed at the Derby Assizes a loyal memorial 
to the King from the Grand Jury, directed against an associa- 
tion of the Protestant party, supported by William, subsequently 
first Duke of Devonshire, which attempted to exclude the right 
of the Duke of York (James II.) to the Crown as a professed 
Roman Catholic. 
V. — Anne. 

VI. — Ellen; had ;£5oo under father's Will; under 21 in 


Richard Shallcross married, secondly, Dorothy, daughter of 
William George, of Shrewsbury, a connection of the families 
of Hazlewood and Chadwick, whom he may have met at 
Shrewsbury while visiting his wife's relatives there at 
"Rowley's Mansion."* By her, however, he left no issue. 

■•■•■ William Rowley, a scion of Rowley, settled as a draper at Shrewsbury, 
and there built the fine brick house known as " Rowley's Mansion," in 
the street now called Hill's Lane. There is an illustration of this house 
in Owen and Blakeway's Shrewsbury, i., 408. 


Richard Shallcrosse married, thirdly, October loth, 1667, Jane, 
daughter and co-heiress — with her sister Anne, who married, 
firstly, Henry Bagshawe, of the Ridge — of Edward Brereton, of 
Hurdlow {arg. two bars, sa.), and the widow of Robert Dale, of 
Flagg Hall, who died March, 1665,* by whom she had George 
Dale and Milicent Dale. Richard Shallcrosse lost his father 
at about the same time as he lost his third wife ; she was buried 
at Chelmortonf December i6th, 1673, leaving issue: 

Vni. — Jane, baptized at Taxal October 7th, 1669; had jQ6oo 
under her father's Will at 21. 

IX. — Helen, buried at Taxal October 19th, 1676. 
X. — ffrancese, baptized at Taxal July 23rd, 1673; buried 
there January 13th, 167I. 

Richard Shallcrosse was the fourth and last representative 
who died at the second mansion, having lived there since just 
before 1669. Only surviving his gallant father three years, he 
died at the early age of 45. He was buried March 21st, 167!, 
in the chancel at Taxal, near his Jodrell ancestors, Roger who 
had served at Agincourt, and buried there in 1423, and Nicholas, 
who died in 1528. A ledger stone, with inscription, was placed 
over his remains. His Will, which shows that he was Surveyor 
of the North Duchy of Lancaster and Bailiff of the High Peak, 
was dated October 15th, 1675, and proved April 9th, 1676. It 
mentions some decayed kindred, as will be seen in the abstract 
below : — 

I give and bequeath out of the rents and issues of all my real and 
personal estate unto my daughter Elizabeth ;^ 1,000, and unto my daughter 
Jane ;,^6oo, and to my daughter Ellen Shallcross ^^500 on attaining 21 
years of age. Whereas I married loth Octr, 1667, Jane, daughter of 
Edward Brereton of Hurdlow, gent., relict of Robert Dale of Flagg, gent., 
who died Dec. 5th, 1673, during which time and since Joseph Beebee hath 
received the rents of George Dale, son and heir of the said Robert Dale, 
[Jrd of which did belong to me in right of my wife], I give unto the said 
George Dale _^i,ooo out of the same on his attaining 21 years of age. 
Whereas I promised Dorothy, my late wife, to give unto her two God- 
daughters, Dorothy, one of the daughters of my brother Hazlewood, and 

* Glover, ii., pp. 46, 47. He died aged 20. 
t Chelmorton and Taxal Parish Registers. 


[blank] one of the daughters of my brother Chadwick, ;^5o each, I now 
direct my executor to pay the same to them on attaining 21 years of age. 
To my kinswoman, Mrs. Elizabeth Downes, daughter of my brother-in-law 
Edward Downes of Shrigley, Esq., all my silver plate, now in the 
possession of my said brother-in-law. To God-daughter Frances, daughter 
of mv brother-in-law Thomas Higginbotham, Gent., silver plate. I have 
assigned my office of Surveyor of the North Duchy of Lancaster for the 
benefit of my son John until he attains 21 years. I have assigned to my 
kinsman, William Rowley,* of Cliflford's Inn, Gent., my office of Bailiflf 
of the High Peak for the use of my son John. Names his late brother 
Thomas. To my kinsman, Henry Bagshaw,t son of Henry Bagshaw, late 
of Ridge, Esq., an annuity of ^^20 until he attains the age of 21. To 
brother Peter BarkerJ ,^5. To cousin, § William Blackwell, now living 
with me, an annuity of ^5 for life. My old servant, Thomas Shallcross 
the elder now living with me to be maintained at Shallcross during his 
life. To his five children, John, Ralph, Richard, Thomas, Anne, ;^s 
to purchase waste lands. To my servant, Thomas Shallcross the younger, 
20s. My mansion house at Rowley, co. Salop, &c., to my son John. 
Thomas Higginbotham to be manager during minority of my son. 
Richard was succeeded by his son, 

John Shallcross, or shawcrossn and (xvn.) of shaii- 

cross, entitled to quarter the arms of Walker and Rowley. Born 
in 1662, he was early bereft of four parents, and but 14 years old 
on his succession. He was admitted to Gray's Inn May 23rd, 
1677, and matriculated at B. N. C, Oxford, in 1680. On 
attaining his majority, he became Surveyor of the North Duchy 
of Lancaster and Bailiff of the High Peak. The same year 
he doubtless attended, at Chelmorton, the funeral of his step- 
brother,! George Dale, of Flagg Hall, who died in his nonage 

* Probably son of Roger Rowley, of London, merchant, his wife's uncle. 
Also his wife's sister's son, born 1666, living 1697. 

+ Born 1667. 

t This connection was rather complicated. Peter Barker, brother of 
the wife of the Apostle of the Peak, married, after 1665, Elizabeth, 
daughter of William Greaves, of Tideswell, and relict of William Brereton, 
of Hurdlow, the brother-in-law of Rich. Shalcross. Peter Barker was 
baptized in 1632, at Darley. 

§The testator was a descendant of Blackwall, of Blackwall, through 
his mother. 

II Magna Brit., 1738. 

HHis step-sister, Millicent Dale, the heiress of her niece Jane, married 
Thomas Powell, of Park, co. Salop, and had three daughters. He 
survived, and sold the Flagg estate to Thomas Bagshawe, of the Ridge, 
Jn 1735- 


— tablet in the Church — leaving a posthumous daughter, Jane, 
who died young. In 1684 he sold his estate at Rowley to the 
Rev. John Harwood, of Shrewsbury, from whom, in 1709, it 
passed to' Sir Richard Hill, of Hawkestone, Salop, who sold it 
to the Davenports in 1723, in which family it still remains. The 
mansion is now a picturesque old farmhouse. The year following 
Monmouth's rebellion, he ser\'ed as High Sheriff for the county 
(1686). In 1689 he was made a Commissioner under the Court 
of Conscience Bill,* for the recovery of small debts. 
In 1 69 1 a conveyance was made to him by Reginald 
Dowries, of Overton, and his son Edmund, of the manor 
and advowson of Taxal, which had been held by their 
family since 1344. A release was executed in 17 15 
tO' confirm the same by John Downes, second son of 
Reginald.! John Shallcross sold the advowson in 1730, after 
presenting in 1703 to Rev. Roger Bolton, in 17 14 to Rev. 
William Newton, in 1726 to Rev. Joseph Dale, and in 1727 to 
Rev. Edward Potts. J The manor he sold in 1733. He was 
a considerable landowner on both sides of the Goyt. In 1695 
his " tyth " at Wormhill, to carry on the war against Louis XIV., 
was ^5 6s. He presented the Market House at Chapel-en-le-Frith 
in 1700. On March 20th, 1 700-1, he, with Peter Wilbraham, 
of Dorfield, made an arbitration in the dispute of the governors 
of the Grammar School at Prestbury. A note of rents payable 
to Thomas Eyre, Esq., assesses him, March 25th, 1703, at j£^ 
for Black Edge. He served a second time as High Sheriff in 
1710 (Glover gives John Harper, of Twyford, Esq. ; both served), 
and he qualified as a justice for the county April 29th, 
1712. He is identical with the John Shalcross who in 1712 
was awarded allotments in Bowden, but not with the John 
Shallcross of Shallcross, 1714, named in the "Return of 
Papists' Estates. § Apparently about 1725, he built the 

* Hist. MSS. Commission. 

t Ormerod. 

J Or Pott, attended last illness of Roger Jacson, 1743. 

§ Exch. Q. R. 


present Hall at Shallcross, as represented in the last Journal, 
though the first and last of his ancient line to reside there. A 
pretty story of a practical joke which Mr. Legh, of Lyme, 
indulged in at his expense, in connection therewith, is told in 
the Ford Hall papers : — 

Mr. Legh,* of Lyme, and Mr. Shallcross, of Shallcross, met in London, 
and agreed to return to the country together. On the way Mr. Legh 
observed that his friend several times put his hand to his pocket, as if to 
assure himself that something was safe. At last Mr. Legh said, " May 
I ask what you have got there, that you seem so anxious about?" 
Mr. Shallcross replied, " To say the truth, it is a ;^r,ooo note, with which 
I am intending to rebuild my house at Shallcross." Some hours after- 
wards they arrived at a wayside inn, and Mr. Legh suggested that they 
should take a walk, whilst the horses baited. " But," said he, " as it is 
rather a lonely neighbourhood and highwaymen are not unknown, I should 
recommend you to hide that note until we come back." So they looked 
round the room into which they had been shown, for a place of security, 
and Mr. Legh finding a ledge just out of sight at the bottom of the 
chimney, persuaded Mr. Shallcross to put his treasure there. They then 
sallied forth, but Mr. Legh professing to have forgotten something, 
returned by himself to the house for a moment, took) the note from the 
chimney, and told the waiter to have a good fire made whilst they were 
out. On coming back from their stroll, the horror of Mr. Shallcross at 
the sight which presented itself was as great as Mr. Legh's amusement. 
Eventually taking compassion upon his friend's distress, Mr. Legh pro- 
duced the note. Whether they continued their journey together the story 
does not say, but Shallcross Hall was rebuilt. 

We find two references to John Shallcross of great interest in 
a letter written by Mr. Bagshawe, of Ford, in 1727, to Miss 
Wingfield, of Hazleborough Hall, shortly before their marriage : 
" Your will shall be obeyed, though I am afraid we shall be 
laughed at for it, because Mr. Shallcross, who is reckoned to 
have _;^i,5oo a year had never but one, and Mr. Jodrell, who has 
a better estate than ever I pretended to, I have heard ridiculed 
for this," etc. Miss Wingfield appears to have expressed a wish 
that their men servants might have a state liver)' as well as the 
ordinary one. 

He married, by licence, at Stockport, October 28th, 1686, 

* Peter Legh, of Lyme, 1669- 1744. A relative of Mrs. John Shallcioss, 
infra, under his son Legh. 


Anne, daughter of Sir John Arderne,* of Harden (now 
represented by Lord Haddington), Knt. (gu. three crosses crosslet 
fitchee org., on a chief, or, a crescent of the first), \ then aged 
19 years. Major FitzHerbert, of Somersal Hall, has in his 
possession a silver tankard, with a hall-mark of 1669-70, on 
which are engraved the arms of Arderne. It came to him from 
Mr. C. R. Jacson, of Barton Hall, who died 1893. He looked 
upon it as one of the things belonging tO' what he called the 
" Somersal affinity," coming to his family from the Shallcross 
marriage, through the FitzHerberts of Somersal. John 
Shallcross died September 26th, 1733, and was buried in the 
chancel of Taxal Church. His will is dated 1731. His wife 
predeceased him, having been buried in the chancel at Taxal 
June 25th, 1729. By her he had issue, 

I. — John, bom at (old) Shallcross Hall, and baptized at 
Taxal May loth, 1688. He was of B. N. C, Oxford, 1706, and 
student of the Middle Temple, 1707. He died in the lifetime 
of his father, and was buried December 29th, 1709. 

II. — Legh, named after his mother's grandfather, Thomas 
Legh,:}: of Lyme, D.D., Rector of Walton and Sefton, co. 
Lancaster; baptized at Taxal July 25th, 1694. He died 
September 28th the same year. 

III. — Margaret, born April 6th, 1690, eventual representa- 
tive, of whom presently. 

IV. — Frances, died young. 
V. — Elizabeth, born July 9th, 1692, died unmarried 
January 24th, 1729-30. 

VI. — Letitia, baptized at Taxal December 7th, 1695, died 
July 29th, 1 71 7, unmarried. 

VII. — Frances, born 21st November, 1699, of whom 

* A descendant of Robert Hyde, of Norbury (charter i). 

t This same coat was tricked by Dethick and Camden in 1599 to be 
quartered with Shakespeare, though not assumed by him [MS. Coll. of 
Arms, R. 21). 

J This branch is now represented by Lord Newton. Legh signs .Shall- 
cross charter, 5 Hen. VI., No. 22. See also under Richard (IL) The 
wife of Leonard (XIII.) descended lineally from Legh. 


VIII. — Anne, born December 2nd, 1708, named after her 
mother, died in 1776, unmarried; she was co-heir with her 
sisters, and the last surviving member of the family. 

Portraits of Margaret, Frances, and Anne, the latter being 
a copy from the original at Tissington Hall, are in the possession 
of Major FitzHerbert, of Somersall Hall. 

On the floor of the chancel at Taxal,* carved in bold letters, 
are several ledger stones, usually covered with a removable 
boarding, bearing these names : — 

No. I. — " Roger Jacson, of Shallcross, Esq., Dyed November 
the 12th, 1743, and was Buryed under this Stone aged 58 years." 

2. — "Elizabeth, sister tO' John and Ljetitia Shallcross, 1730." 

3. — " Laetitia Shallcross, sister to John the younger, 171 7." 

4. — "Richard Shallcross of Shallcross, 1675. Anne, 
daughter of Sir John Arden, 1729." 

5. — " John Shallcross of Shallcross, son of Richard and 
father of John and Lsetitia, 1733." 

6. — "John Shallcross, Junior, dyed in the 21st year of his 
age, In his father's Life Time, 1709." 

9. — "Frances Jodrell of Yeardsley, Esq., buried 1756. Mrs. 
Mary Jodrell, buried Feb. 8th, 1654." 

10. — "Edmund Jodrell of Yeardsley, Esq., f buried Oct. 13th, 
1657. Edmund Jodrell of Yeardsley, Esq., buried 1713. Eliza- 
beth, daughter of Sir John Mollenez, Baronight, at Teversall, 
Nottinghamshire, died July 2nd, 1756. (The Jodrells had a 
royal descent through Molyneux of Teversal.) 

John Shallcross died at his new Hall on September 26th, 
7 Geo. II., 1733, '''■g^d 71 years. He probably died suddenly, 
as no illness is mentioned in a letter written at Shallcross Hall 
on September 9th by Mrs. Anne Gisborne to her husband at 

Frances Shallcross, the youngest daughter, was born 
November 4th and baptized at Taxal November 12th, 1699. She 

* There are more in these graves than are accounted for in the 

t Royalist, and cousin of Col. Shallcross, XV. 


married at Stockport, December 4th, 1722, Roger Jacson, of 
Ashbourne, M.B., who was bom in 1687.* He inherited lands 
in Suffolk and Essex from his father, George Jacson, M.D., of 
Derby, and was executor and devisee of his eldest brother, 
George, of teek, in 17 19. He purchased the Shallcross estate 
from his father-in-law in 1728, and at Shallcross Hall he died 
November 12th, 1743, aged 56, leaving no issue. His wife 
survived him, dying May 15th, 1748. He bequeathed his estates 
to his nephew, Simon, the son of Simon Jacson, his younger 
brother, who married, in 1749, Anne FitzHerbert, the daughter 
of Margaret Shallcross {infra). Roger Jacson's sister, 
Mrs. Anne Gisbome (there are two portraits of this lady at 
Ford Hall), thus writes, November 15th, 1743, about his death, 
from Staveley, of which place her husband was Rector, to her 
daughters, then visiting at Derby (extract) : — 

My Dear Girls will not be surprised I believe to hear that about six 
on Saturday morning yr iincle Jacson was releas'd from a troublesome 
world. We may grieve for ourselves in having lost one of the best Friends 
we had in ye world, but God Almighty is above all, and we ought, and 
I hope we shall all, submit with thankfulness for all his Mercy's. He is 
to be interr'd to Day ; yr Pap'a went to Shallcross yesterday, rathef by 
permission, than invitation, to pay him that last respect ; for ye Funeral 
will be very Private, according to his desire ; & at Taxall according to 
his desire also. 'Tis great comfort to hear he was tolerably easie, 
sensible, & chearfull, for some time, had a deal of Mr. Pottsf company 
Dayly, & was pleas'd with it, he saw nobody else, except his own Family. 
My Dear Girls must get something of Mourning upon ys Melancholy 
occasion ; we think neat Grey Stuff Gowns for Nancy & Kitty will do very 
well; Dolly we think should have somthing better, as a Grey Poplin, or 
some such thing ; Plain caps, just what you will want and no more. 

. . You shou'd let yr Uncle John GisborneJ know of my Dear 
Brors Death as soon as you can, if he does not know already, with Service 
from us all to him. Niece Nancy, & Dolly Sole. 

The annexed verses by the same writer, who was also mother 

* He was of Jesus College, Cambridge, with James Gisbome, the 
rector of Staveley. 
t Vicar of Taxal, 1727-53. 

+ His wife, Dorothy, was sister of the writer, and of Roger Jncson, of 
Shallcross Hall. 


of the Rev. Francis Gisbome,* a great benefactor of the county, 
will interest, as they were written at Shallcross Hall when 
visiting her brother. They are addressed to Dorothy Gisbome, 
her own and her husband's niece, of Derby. Both extracts are 
from the originals at Ford Hall : — 

My Verses were bad, I very well know it, And am confident I shall ne'er 

make a good Poet, 
But if any pleasure to my Cousins they gave. My end it is answer'd, and 

now I must crave 
Acceptance of thanks foB your kind pritty Letter, And your Poetry too, 

for which I'm your debter ; 
I did not recieve it till last Sunday morning As I for the Church t myself 

w-as adorning. 
Your lines gave me joy that is felt but by few, Nay, by none but by those 

that can Love as I do. 
The' I don't hear so oft as I am apt to expect. Yet I never impute it to 

Slight, or Neglect, 
That from any of you, I expect not to find, ^\'^lo, to oblige me seem 

always inclin'd ; 
Which makes me so ready to grant your request In that sort of writing 

I've judgement the least. 
'Tis time to my Nonsense I shou'd put an end, So only will add, I am. 

Dear Dolly, your Friend. 

Margaret, the eldest daughter of John Shallcross, was 
born in 1690, and married, February 13th, i7i|^, Richard, son 
of John FitzHerbert, | of Somersall Herbert {gu. three lions ramp, 
or., FitzHerbert modem). He was buried at Somersall October 
3rd, 1746, and his wife May 30th, 1772. They had issue, 

I. — Richard FitzHerbert, of Somersal, bom in 1727, 
High Sheriff, county Derby, 1754, who was grandson and 
nearest in blood tO' John Shallcross, and entitled to quarter his 
shield. His portrait is at Somersal Hall. Some portraits of 
this family are in a farm-house in the village, and amongst 
them is one of " The Squire " as a young man, full length, 

* He and his brothers and sisters were cousins of the Rev. Simon 
Jacson, who married 1749. Their mother, the writer, was born 1693, 
and died 1769. 

t Taxal. 

X Her father's cousin, John Beresford, married Frances, daughter of 
John Fitzherbert, of Somersall. 


walking with dogs, in a blue coat. There is another, said to 
be his father. Dying s.p., and buried at Somersall January 12th, 
1803," the last male of his branch of his own family, he 
bequeathed all his estate to his nephew, Rev. Simon Jacson 
{infra), who sold this estate to Alleyne FitzHerbert, Lord 
St. Helens, in 18 10. 

II. — Anne FitzHerbert, whose descendants through her 
eventually became the heirs of Somersal. She was born 
January i8th, 1719-20, and married, November 20th, 1749, at 
Somersall, Simon Jacson {gu. a fesse between three sheldrakes, 
arg.), nephew of Dr. Roger Jacson and Frances Shallcross, 
his wife {supra). He became Rector of Bebington, i^Si'll' 
and was of Shallcross Hall, and Rector of Tarporley, 1778-87, 
and of Somersall. His wife died August 3rd, 1795, aged 
75 years, " spent in the constant exercise of every Christian and 
social virtue " (Miss Jacson's Diary). He died in 1808. 
Descendants of their children, coheirs of the old Shallcross 
family still survive, and some are entitled tO' quarter the Shall- 
cross arms. 

(3) Devolution of the Estate. — In 1794 the Shallcross estate 
passed out of the Jacson family, and was sold to Foster Bower, 
Esq., Recorder of Chester, who in 1793 had purchased the 
Overton Hall estate, sold in 1733 by John Shallcross or his 

The fortunes of the Shallcross estate, after its sale, may 
be briefly traced. Foster Bower left a brother, John Bower, 
of Manchester, who married in 1775 Frances Jodrell, of 
Yeardsley Hall, bom 1752. He assumed his wife's surname 
and arms, in compliance with the will of her grandfather, whose 
heiress she was, which John Bower Jodrell, on the demise 
of his brother, Foster Bower, himself succeeded to the Shallcross 
estate; and, dying in 1796, was succeeded in bgth these estates, 
including Henbury, co. Chester, which he purchased, and where 
he chiefly resided, by his son, Francis Jodrell, of Shallcross 

For some of these dntes I am indebted to Rev. R. H. C. Fit/Herbert. 


Yeardsley, and Henbury, who died in 1829, and was succeeded 
by his son,* John William Jodrell ; on whose demise 
in 1858 the estates passed to his brother, Francis Charles 
Jodrell, on whose death in 1868 they passed to another 
grandson, by her daughter Harriet, of the above Frances 
Jodrell — viz., Thomas Jodrell Phillips, who assumed the 
additional surname and arms of Jodrell, bom in 1807, 
M.A., J.P. ; on whose death, in 1889, the estates passed to his 
nephew, Henry Richard Tomkinson, the son of his sister 
Harriet, who immediately made over the whole property by 
deed of gift to his nephew, Colonel E. T. D. Cotton Jodrell, 
C.B., of Reaseheath Hall, the son of his sister. Miss Sophia 
Tomkinson, the wife of the Right Rev. G. E. L. Cotton, Lord 
Bishop of Calcutta, who is the present owner of Shallcross Hall. 

* In 1831 the Taxal and Shalcross estate, comprising 4,546 acres of 
land, at a rental of ^2,33/ per annum, was offered for sale by George 
Robins, in London. Of Shalcross Hall it is said — " This Mansion is 
finished of Stone, and in the good olden times was the abode of the 
respected Proprietor, it hath subsequently become the habitation of the 
principal Farmer upon the Estate. It is of ancient date, but it will 
survive many generations yet to come, when buildings erected during 
what has been incorrectly styled ' the March of Improvement,' will be 
no longer seen or heard of. A fine Avenue of Limes welcome the pass- 
ing Traveller, and remind him of its former influence. There is a 
Farm of 93 a. 2 r. 29 p., as will be seen more particularly described 
presently. A considerable portion includes very excellent ^leadow an<l 
rich Pasture Land. The Tenant, Mr. John Morton, is not only a 
respectable, but a very responsible Tenant." 


(Boif)ic ^vci)\UcU\xt in €nglantf. 

By the Rev. J. Charles Cox, LL.D., F.S.A. 

N the Society's Journal for 1902, I was allowed to 

give some account of a notable work by 

Mr. Gotch on " Early Renaissance Architecture in 

England," paying particular attention to those parts 

illustrative of Derbyshire examples. 

The like permission has now been granted to me with 
regard to a still more notable and most important work that 
has just been put forth with regard to Gothic Architecture by 
Mr. Bond. There has been such an advance of late years 
in the comparative study of the architecture of England's old 
churches that the works of Rickman and Parker are now out of 
date, although invaluable at the time they were compiled. 
Those who desire to possess in a single volume an authoritative, 
most genuine, and detailed history of the evolution and 
development of church-building in this country cannot possibly 
be disappointed with this fine work. The story of each part 
of the building, and the reason for its construction in the 
form it assumed, is told consecutively, without being broken 
up into different periods. 

The illustrations are most lavish and admirably selected ; 
they comprise 785 photographs, sketches, and measured 

* Gothic Architecture in Englaiid : An Analysis of the Origin and 
Development of English Church Architecture from the Norman Conquest 
to the Dissolution of the Monasteries. By Francis Bond, M.A. Price 
3IS. 6d. net. B. T. Batsford, 94, High Holborn. 

We are indebted to Mr. Batsford for the loan of two Derbyshire blocks. 


drawings, as well as 469 plans, sections, diagrams, and 
moldings. Many of the photographs are from Mr. Bond's 
own camera, and there seems hardly a nook of England which 
he has not visited in search of striking examples. 

The book is a perfect delight to the experienced 
ecclesiologist, and yet written so clearly and on such practical 
lines that its teaching can readily be grasped by the novice. 
It is a book that cannot fail to be of real service to a University 
Extension lecturer, or tO' an advanced architectural student ; 
at the same time, it is exactly the work that could with much 
advantage be put in the hands of intelligent senior school boys or 
girls who may be beginning to take a wholesome interest in 
the history in stone of their native land. 

Derbyshire, notwithstanding its limited size and comparative 
paucity of ancient churches, supplies Mr. Bond with several 
useful examples and details when discussing the component 
])arts of church fabrics; and his opinions are of almost 
authoritative value to the ecclesiologist in the study of this 
Midland .shire. 

Repton is naturally cited as a famous and exceptional 
example of a pillared crypt of pre-Conquest date ; its 
monolith lath-turned columns are referred to in several places. 
When discussing early piers, the two Anglo-Saxon piers, in 
drums, so unhappiily displaced in 1854 from the east end of 
the nave, are named as remarkable, only one other instance 
of like remains being quoted. The original occurrence of 
pre-Norman transepts in this church is mentioned in the dis- 
cussion of cruciform plans. Again, in the fine chapter on the 
origin of window tracery, Repton is the solitary instance cited 
of a group of six lancets in a single window. 

The fine Norman church of Melbourne also claims, as might 
be expected, no small amount of attention. Lindisfarne is 
coupled with Melbourne, in discussion of plans, as having 
originally central apses, but no lateral apses, as their choirs 
were without aisles. An illustration is given, showing, from 
a view of the south side of the choir, how this central apse 



was subsequently squared. From about the middle of the 
twelfth century apses were of very rare occurrence in England, 
and many of those that existed seem, like Melbourne, to have 
been squared. Mr. Bond has not overlooked the original 
apse terminations of the transepts of this church, for they 
are mentioned in another place. In the larger Romanesque 
churches both of Normandy and England two western towers 

Melliourne. Interior iiom East. 

were common. Among instances of this Melbourne is 
enumerated, but these small towers have lost much of their 
original appearance through the addition, in 1862, of lofty 
pyramidal slated roofs. In another part of this exhaustive 
volume, where the narthex, or western, transept of churches 
is under discussion, Melbourne again comes to the front. 
Attention is drawn to the nave aisles ending -at the west in 



towers with groined vaults, and also tO' their having between 
them a third groined vault, " the upper surface of which 
provides a gallery." A small but effective plate from 
Mr. Bond's camera shows this gallery in a view of the nave 
looking east. 

In the chapter on roofs towards the end of the volume the 
same photograph serves to illustrate the four-centred arches 
formed by the arched braces supporting the tie beams of the 

The characteristics of English Gothic from 1300 to 1350 
are discussed in Chapter V. Here, in the second paragraph, 
Tideswell is given as an instance of the continuance of the 
cruciform plan in larger churches, with aisled naves ; and it 
is named further on in the same chapter in a list of eleven 
specially noble churches of the reign of Edward III. Attention 
in drawn in Chapter XV. to the excessive breadth of the pier 
fillets of this church. It is, however, when treating of 
curvilinear window tracery that Mr. Bond makes so much use 
of Tideswell. The five-light south transept window (of which 
there is not a very good illustration) is named as one in which 
the five bottom pointed arches are united " into four inter- 
secting pointed arches, and the two central of these into one 
ogee arch." He does not consider this window of a very 
high, standard, for "the pointed arches and the flamboyant 
tracery are discordant, whereas in the best curvilinear windows 
the mullion fuses into tracery without the slightest break of 
continuity." But it does not require a very practised eye to 
detect the general striking effect of Tideswell church, or the 
dignity of the choir and transept windows. Mr. Bond's 
particular and exceptional methods of showing the meaning 
and special effectiveness of all the component parts of a good 
Gothic church lead him not only to note, but to illustrate 
a part of Tideswell church that would have been overlooked 
by ninety per cent, of the usual run of church photographers, 
and would probably escape the attention of a considerable 
percentage of intelligent ecclesiologists. In his chapter on 


" The Protection of the Walls from Rain," Mr. Bond shows 
the raison d'etre of ground-courses, strings, dripstones, hood- 
molds, and labels after an original and interesting fashion. 
In the explanation of the ground or basement course, the 
reason for chamfers on such a course to prevent the rain 
dropping from the projecting eaves resting thereon is set out ; 
and it is further shown how great became the amount of 

Tides well. Ground-course. 

basement-course projection in the fourteenth century. Artistic 
reasons then caused the straight chamfer to give way to the 
subtle ogee curve." Of this Tideswell offers an admirable 
example, where there is such " a nice gradation of high light, 
half light, and shadow." 

In the ver)' next chapter, on foliated capitals, an admirable 
illustration of a Norman example is taken from an arcade in 


Voulgreave; and in another place remarks will be found on 
the plan of Bakewell church. 

When writing on the third or cruciform type of the planing 
of a parish church, Mr. Bond considers the different ways of 
extension when enlargement became necessar\-. One was to 
add aisles, and another (which did not involve so much diffi- 
culty of construction) was to add transepts. But a different 
process would be required when applied to an early church 
that lacked a central tower. In such a case " it would be 
easy to enlarge the church eastward by pulling down the 
sanctuary; building on its site a central tower; and projecting 
from the central tower transepts and a new sanctuar}'." This 
is the process through which Mr. Bond thinks that the interesting 
old churches of Bakewell, Derbyshire, and of St. Nicholas, 
Leicester, have passed. 

In treating of Romanesque piers, Mr. Bond points out that 
the Norman abacus is always square-edged, and that its under- 
surface is usually a straight chamfer, as at Youlgreave. One 
of the Youlgreave capitals serves as an example of this on the 
plate at page 421. 


^ebevcl's (lEastlc in tije ^eaft. 

By Henry Kirke, M.A., B.C.L. 

its name to Sir Walter Scott's well-known novel, has 
been often visited by archaeologists and travellers, 
and the results of their observations have been 
published at various times. The travellers and authors of 
popular histories content themselves with somewhat vague 
generalities and mythical legends ; the archaeologists plunge 
into minute description, and sometimes advance theories which 
are rarely warranted by the facts before them. It is startUng 
to see how these learned men differ in their description of what 
they saw, measured, and dehneated. 

In this short paper I propose to attempt a comparison of 
their different statements when describing the old Castle, 
pointing out in what respect they disagree, and making a few 
suggestions towards reconciling their discrepancies, or giving 
a new interpretation to their discoveries. 

Detailed descriptions of the Peak Castle by competent 
persons are not numerous. As far as I have been able to 
ascertain they are as follows : — 

I. In the ArcJiceologia for 1782 there is published a full 
description of the Castle, written by Mr. Edward King, illustrated 
by plans. 

B- r„(„„., ,„^^'^. /2^^. ^ 

C-- <SKi ;^-.wy.- ^ 


From the original Drawing from Elias Ashmole's Collection. 

peverel's castle in the peak. 135 

2. In the Archaological Journal for 1848 we find an 
historical and archaeological notice of the Castle, with plans 
and sketches, by Mr. C. E. Hartshorne. 

3. In our own Journal for 1889 there is to be found an 
interesting paper read by Mr. St. John Hope before the Derby- 
shire Archaeological Society. 

4. In his excellent book, The Evoltdion df the English House, 
Mr. Addy gives us a clear dissection of the anatomy of the 
Peak Castle, which he rightly selects as a fine type of the 
Norman fortress of the twelfth century. 

5. I have had the good fortune to discover, amongst 
Ashmole's Church Notes, preserved in Bodley's Library at 
Oxford, an old pen-and-ink sketch of the Castle and its environs 
as it appeared about 1662. This drawing has been photo- 
graphed for me by the Clarendon Press, and a reduced copy 
of it illustrates this article as a frontispiece. 

Dr. Pegge's monograph on Bolsover and Peak Castles 
contains nothing that is interesting, nothing that is new, with 
regard to the Peak. Glover, in his History df Derbyshire, 
devotes nearly five pages to the Peak Castle, most of which 
are taken up with the family history of the Peverels; the rest 
is a compilation from Mr. King's article and other sources. 

The almost inaccessible and easily defended rock on which 
the Castle is built must from remote times have offered itself 
as a place of refuge, so we may fairly conjecture that some 
kind of stronghold was erected thereon during the Saxon period, 
or even earlier. Possibly on its summit was built one of that 
chain of fortified camps which Edward the Elder erected across 
Derbyshire to check the inroads of the Danes. 

When William Peverel at the time of the Norman Conquest 
obtained possession of the Honour of the High Peak, he 
grasped at once the advantages of the position, upon which 
he erected the ancient stronghold, which is described in 
Domesday Book (completed in 1086) as the castle of William 
Peverel in Pechefers. When, by the forfeiture of the Peverel 
estates, the Castle fell into the hands of the Crown, its royal 

136 peverel's castle in the peak. 

owners appear to have spared no expense in maintaining its 
structure and increasing its importance. 

Mr. C. E. Hartshorne, Mr. St. John Hope, Mr. Yeatman, 
and other antiquaries, have unearthed from the Pipe Rolls 
many interesting items of expenditure on the defences of the 
Castle. During the reign of Henry H. more than ;£282 (equal 
in our money to about ;£4,20o) viras spent on new buildings 
and repairs, of which sum ^i^S (about ;^2,ooo) was spent 
upon the keep alone. Nor was this purposeless expenditure. 
The Peak Forest, which abounded in deer, wolves, and wild 
boars, was a favourite hunting-ground of the Plantagenet Kings, 
who in the intervals of the chase caroused in the gloomy hall 
of the Castle.* 

We find entries in the Rolls for vdne and provisions for 
the King and his royal guest, Malcolm of Scotland, at various 
times amounting to sums equal to one thousand pounds of 
modern money. In the turbulent reign of King John the 
Castle was further strengthened, ^80 (;^i,2oo) being expended 
in repairs. During the troubles in the reign of Henry IH. 
the Castle was held by the King and the barons in turn ; but 
in the reign of the English Justinian it was firmly held in the 
royal grasp, and was honoured on several occasions by the 
presence of the King, who was the last of our monarchs to 
chase the wolves and the deer through the Royal Forest of the 
High Peak. 

Even in the rude age of the Plantagenets the Peak Castle 
must have afforded but sorry lodgings. The hall, only twenty- 
two feet by nineteen feet, must have been crowded to excess 
by the King, his nobles, and their followers, although no 
doubt the bulk of the retinue, with the huntsmen, horses, and 
dogs, were quartered in the village of Castleton, which nestled 
at the foot of the Castle hill. The village was itself protected 

* There are entries in the Forest Rolls dated 1255-6 of a colt strangled 
by wolves in Edale, and two sheep in another place. The Peak Forest 
abounded in red deer and roe deer, wild boars and wild cats. Otters 
were killed in the rivers, and "cornilus," whatever these were, possibly 
wild goats, appear to have been numerous. 

pkverel's castle in the peak. 137 

from sudden attack by an earthwork, which formed a semi-circle 
stretching from the rocks near the entrance tO' the Peak Cavern 
round the village to the opening into Cave Dale. Bray, in his 
Itinerary (eighteenth century), describes it as " an intrenchment 
which began at the lower end of the valley called the Cave, 
enclosed the town, ending at the great Cavern, and forming a 
semi-circle. This is now called the Town Ditch, but the whole 
of it cannot be easily traced, having been destroyed in many 
places by buildings and the plough." 

That mixture of fact and myth which passes for County 
History asserts that the barons who' extorted Magna Charta 
from King John met at the Peak Castle. In fact, their meeting- 
place was at Stamford, from whence they marched to London, 
through Northampton and Bedford. One also reads that 
King Henry IH. slept at the Peak Castle the night before 
the battle of Evesham ; a physical impossibility, as Castleton 
and Evesham are about a hundred miles apart. But there 
is no doubt that Henry HI. visited the Peak Castle on several 
occasions. He was there in 1235-6, as it appears by an entry 
in the Forest Rolls that Robert de Ashbourne, bailiff of the 
Forest, provided him with four wild boars and forty-two geese, 
charging for them 16^. 2>\d. in his accounts. The King was 
also at the Castle in April, 1264, some time before the battle 
of Lewes. Its possession at that period was, no doubt, of 
some importance, as it was specially mentioned as one of the 
castles which Simon de Montfort demanded from the King 
after the rout at Lewes. The tournament said to have been 
held beneath the Castle walls, when the gallant Guarine 
de Metz won the hand of the fair Mellet Peverel, may be classed 
with the legends of King Arthur and his table round. 

The Peak Castle attained its full extent and importance 
under the first Edward. There is reason tO' suppose that its 
neglect and decay began soon afterwards. Under the first 
three Edwards a new form of fortification which superseded 
the rectangular Norman donjon was introduced into England. 
The keep Avas dispensed with, its place being taken by an 

138 peverel's castle in the peak. 

open court, walled and towered at the comers, and having its 
hall, its chapel, and its living rooms built within the walls. 
From this period the English castles became stately residences 
requiring a considerable garrison, and could only be maintained 
at vast expense. The small area which was available around 
the Norman keep of the Peak Castle was insufficient for the 
erection of such extensive buildings, sO' it was abandoned for 
more ample localities. Alnwick, Ludlow, Warwick, and many 
other stately fortresses, all date from this period. 

The hunting-box of the Plantagenet Kings, the watch-tower 
of Edward the Elder, the stronghold of the Peverels, was 
degraded into a casual prison for the victims of local tyranny, 
until, in more civilized times, it fell into decay and became a 
mere quarry of stone open to the depredations of unscrupulous 

The present aspect of the oW keep shows unmistakably 
how early was its abandonment as a place of residence. There 
seems to have been no attempt made to alter or enlarge the 
building to suit more modern requirements, so it has escaped 
the fate which overtook Guildford, Rochester, and many other 
Norman donjons. Except for the ruthless spoliation of its 
venerable walls in the eighteenth century, we possess the shell 
of a perfect Norman keep as it left its builders' hands in the 
twelfth century. The turrets and battlements have disappeared, 
the wooden floors and roof have, of course, decayed, and two 
sides of the building have been stripped of their ashlar facings. 
I have been told on good authority that the stone facing from 
the castle was used by a local functionary to build himself 
a new house at Castleton. 

The remains of the castle still left to us are, without doubt, 
of Norman work. Mr. King was of opinion that the keep 
was built during the Saxon Heptarchy; but although several 
antiquaries have dogmatized from the existence of some herring- 
bone work in the base of the keep and in the walls enclosing 
the Castle area that a Saxon stone fortress formerly stood on 
the spot, there can be no doubt that the keep as it stands 
is entirely Norman work. 

Peak Castle, 1906. 


Saxon strongholds were invariably built of wood-stockades 
of felled trees, supported by earthwork; the herring-bone design 
which is supposed to indicate Saxon work may have been 
supplied by Saxon masons working under Norman masters. 
Similar herring-bone work has been found in Norman erections 
at Lincoln.* It is only necessar}' to compare the donjon with 
similar edifices in England and Normandy to be satisfied that 
the keep was built in the century succeeding the Norman 

Ascending the steep hill by a zig-zag path on the north 
side next to the town, we enter the castle yard, or ballium, 
by a ruined gateway. The castle yard forms an irregular 
parallelogram surrounded by walls, measuring roughly two 
hundred and twenty feet in length from east to west, and 
one hundred feet and sixty feet in width at the west and 
east ends respectively. It is a sloping platform which has been 
levelled up to the north wall to the height of about eleven feet. 
The north wall, which was about six feet thick, is now almost 
destroyed, but on reference to Ashmole's drawing it will be 
seen that the Castle was entered .by a gateway surmounted 
by a Norman arch ornamented by dog-tooth moulding. On 
the right hand was a bastion to defend the entrance to the 
gate. The curtain wall extended across the slope of the hill 
to the precipices overlooking the entrance to the Peak Cavern, 
ending in a square tower at its north-west angle. As the north 
was the only accessible part of the hill, this wall was, no doubt, 
of considerable height, battlemented, with an inside parapet for 
the use of its defenders ; the bastion and tower would also 
be of great strength. To judge by the sketch, the tower 
must have undergone some alteration in later and more peaceful 
days, as the windows seem to have been enlarged and the build- 
ing adapted to some un-warlike purpose. No other defensive 
works appear to have existed on the walls which surround 
the area on the south, east, and west sides ; nor would they 

* Brit. Arch. Journal, 1900, pp. 272-3. 



be required, as the walls skirt almost inaccessible precipices. 
In the west wall there is a rectangular projection which 
Mr. King describes as the foundation of another small tower, 
and which Mr. Hartshorne calls a sallyport. Neither of these 
suggestions commends itself to me. At the south-west 
angle there are some remains of a rude arch four feet wide, 
which Mr. King describes as the site of a small tower with a 
window looking outwards. Mr, Hartshorne considers this 

Ground Plan of the Castle. 

building, whatever it was, to be of later date than the Keep 
itself. The wall on the south-east side is modern, and merely 
protective to visitors. 

The keep, as is usual, stands on the highest part of the 
area; it is rectangular, like most Norman donjons of the period. 
On the basement floor the walls are eight feet thick, built of 
concrete made of broken pieces of limestone mixed with 

peverel's castle in the peak. 141 

mortar. Both the outside and inside of these concrete walls 
were faced with fine and well-pointed blocks of gritstone 
ashlar, which must have been brought from some distant place, 
as no such stone is found in the immediate neighbourhood. 
The concrete is of intense hardness, like a Roman wall — it 
is a solid mass. 

Mr. Addy is of opinion that the keep only contained two 
rooms — the basement and the hall. Mr. King and Mr. C. E. 
Hartshorne held different views. According to them, the 
Peak Castle was built on the same lines as Guildford, Corfe, 
and other Norman donjons, and contained three storeys, and 
I was myself disposed to accept their conclusions. But a recent 
careful investigation of the ruin has satisfied me that Mr. Addy 
is correct. This is an interesting fact to have established, 
although it was not unusual in the smaller Norman keeps. 
As Mr. Clark points out : " In the smaller keeps the roof was 
a simple ridge with lateral gutters; the original roof having 
its ridge rather below the parapet, had its side gutters in deep 
hollows. Where the walls have been raised the roof has been 
replaced by a floor and an upper storey introduced, with either 
a flat, or nearly flat, leaded roof." That this was never done 
at the Peak is a proof of my statement that the Castle was 
early abandf)ned as a place of residence for more extensive 

The keep was entered, not by the opening broken into 
the basement on the north-east side at a later date, 
but by an arched doorway opening into the first floor 
room on the south-east side, and access to it was obtained 
by means of a wooden ladder, a staircase which could 
be drawn up in time of alarm. Mr. Edward King (see 
Archceologia^ 1782) does not accept this simple means of access. 
He says: "In the room above" — i.e., the first floor — "was 
the ancient great entrance, to which it seems exceedingly 
probable there was a flight of steps that led first to the top 
of a low wall built across the space from ;^ to / (see plan), 
and from thence along a platform to the great portal, having 


most likely a drawbridge placed above the crown of the little 
arch of entrance (a) beneath. Many circumstances lead to 
this conclusion, for, in the first place, that the arch at (g) was 
the grand entrance is obvious." There is no " grand " in the 
matter — it was, in fact, the only entrance to the keep. 
"Moreover," he continues, "the crown of this arch, as well 
as the bottom of the portal, is lower than those of the windows. 
And yet nothing can be more evident than that a flight of steps 
could hardly, with any degree of possibility, be made to ascend 
to it between the outward wall of the Castle, and that of the 
keep itself blocking up the lower arch of entrance at {a), unless, 
by some means or other, they were so constructed as to be 
carried over the top of it."' I do not understand this, unless 
Mr. King imagined that there was another entrance to the 
keep itself blocking up the lower arch of entrance at (a), unless, 
" I believe the grand approach to have been as represented, 
the steps ascending from (x) to (r), where was a considerable 
platform, after which the passage went directly over the top 
of a wall at (/') (/) to a drawbridge at (s), and thence by a 
continuance of platform to the portal (g), in which case the 
approach to the steps would be well commanded both by the 
lower loop at (d) and by the great window above at (k), and 
this will account for the loop at (d) being placed so irregularly 
near one corner of the room, instead of being placed in the 
middle as the window above is." 

This conjecture of Mr. King is very ingenious, and worthy 
of consideration, but I think that the simple mode of access 
is more likely to be correct when we compare the Peak with 
other keeps erected about the same time. Speaking of Norman 
keeps, Mr. Clerk, in his Mcdiccval Military Architecture, says 
that access to such donjons was by an external staircase of 
timber which could be drawn up. None of the other authorities 
whom I have mentioned venture to give an opinion on the 

The arched entrance doorway on the first floor is 4 ft. 9 in. 
wide, and is surmounted on the outside by a relieving arch or 
tympanum. It is 8 ft. 6 in. above the present level of the 

The Garderobe. 


ground outside, which level has been raised by accumulations 
of soil and rubbish.* The principal room in the keep was 
entered through this archway. This hall is twenty-twO' feet in 
length by nineteen feet in breadth. In the thickness of the 
south-east wall is a garderobe, well concealed from view by 
a tortuous passage, and having formerly a door at its entrance. 
This garderobe projects like an oriel window over the precipice 
below, and is lighted by a small opening. These garderobes, 
which are almost universal in Norman keeps, were evidently 
latrines, and have the usual kind of outlet through a loop, or 
by a vertical shaft in the wall, with an opening at the base. 
Ignorant guides often describe them as oubliettes. It is a 
curious fact that on the outer face of the wall there is inserted 
an extra corbel (as will be seen in the photograph), which would 
seem to suggest that the garderobe was originally intended to be 
twice its present size, and that the plan was subsequently 
altered and reduced. A narrow opening, formerly closed by 
a door in the north-east wall, leads to a mural chamber, which 
has two small windows, one on the north-east and the other 
on the north-west. This room might be used either as a 
bedroom or a storeroom. The hall, as we may call it, is lighted 
and ventilated by three narrow windows, the highest of which 
is in the south-east gable and ten feet above the floor. The 
other windows are in the north-east and north-west walls. All 
these openings, which I call windows, throughout the whole 
keep are deeply splayed on the inside and slipped up to; they 
are small, and the hall must have been badly lighted. At 
night these apertures were covered by curtains ; the holes 
which contained the ends of the curtain rods can still be 
seen below the semi-circular arches which surmount the sides 
and jambs. 

The different sections of the keep were connected together 
by a well staircase of stone which ascended and descended 
from the entrance doorway. By this staircase ascent was made 

* I take the measurements from the accurate survey of the building 
made bv Mr. Addy. 


from the hall to the belfry tower opening on the rampart 
walk around the roof. The walls which surrounded the roof 
were unusually lofty, battlemented and pierced at certain points 
by openings which served as look-out stations or places for the 
burning of beacon fires. The window-like aperture in the south- 
west wall above the roof may have been such a watching-place, 
as, unlike the windows below, the floor of this aperture is flat. 
It is' about 6 ft. 5 in. in depth and 4 ft. i in. in breadth. 
The narrow loophole at the outer end of the aperture has been 
crossed horizontally by two iron bars, which would afford 
protection to the watchman from falling out. This recess 
Mr. King, on what authority I am ignorant, asserts to have 
been " the idol cell or little idolatrous chapel in Pagan times, 
as at Connisburgh." This seems improbable. The " recess " 
at Connisburgh referred to by Mr. King is an oratory of 
considerable size, with a vaulted roof, and designed for 
Christian worship. Besides, accepting, as we must do, 
Mr. Addy's theory, it is impossible that a shrine or chapel 
could exist in such a situation. 

The line of the roof is well marked by a remarkable 
weathering course, which is composed of large stones standing 
out eight inches from the fiat of the wall, and about four inches 
thick. There is "a smaller corbel table above the corbels 
which support the roof, which apparently supported the platform 
on which the guard would walk from the staircase to the look- 
out station, which I have previously described. A gutter, 
which seems to be original work, leads from the corbels which 
support the roof through the outer wall to discharge rain-water. 

The basement is on the exterior ground level, and does not 
seem to have been excavated to form a level floor. There is 
a curious stonework drop in the floor of the basement, as if 
the south wall of the keep had been built upon an older wall 
foundation, probably part of the original keep built by Peverel. 
The height of this room was twelve feet from the highest part 
of the ground, and seventeen feet from the lowest. It was 
approached from the hall by the well staircase, which was closed 

pevekel's castle in the peak. 



at both ends by strong doors. There are two narrow deeply 
splayed windows which give light to the room, which was 
evidently used as a storeroom. 

There is no sign of any well within the Keep. In Glover's 
History it is stated that a well was discovered on the summit 
of Long Cliffe Hill, between which 
and the Castle there is a com- 
munication across the narrow ridge 
of rock that overtops the entrance 
into the Peak Cavern. This well 
is said to be built of the same kind 
of gritstone as the facings of the 
Keep, and it is so situated as easily 
to be made available for an 
abundant supply of water. Certainly 
a supply of water must have been 
obtained from somewhere, other- 
wise the castle would have been 

Mr. Addy says : " Strange to say, 
a small natural cave extends beneath 
the building, with openings in the 
cliff on the south-east and south 
sides." I have not been able to 
verify this statement. 

From the ground level to the top 
of the battlements the Keep must 
have been almost sixty feet high, 
and forty feet square on the outside 
of the basement. The exterior was 
flat, relieved by broad pilaster 
strips of slight projection at the 

angles and flanking each face, with one in each centre between 
them. The flanking pilasters covering each angle were each 
ornamented by an elegant shaft with boldly-can-ed capital. 
Only one of these remains now at the south angle, of which 

Capital and Base of Shaft. 

146 peverel's castle in the peak. 

we give a photograph. The well staircase, situated in the east 
angle of the building, rose right through the keep from the 
basement to the belfry in the roof. 

Although a small and insignificant object when compared 
with the lordly castles which are scattered over the length 
and breadth of Great Britain, the Peak Castle affords us, 
as I have already remarked, an almost unique example of 
the Norman donjon of the twelfth century, unaltered to suit 
the requirements of a more advanced civilization. It was built 
with such jealous care and with such enduring materials that, 
as we see by Ashmole's drawing, the walls of the keep remained 
almost intact down to the end of the seventeenth century. The 
floor and roof had certainly gone; some of the battlements 
and the belfry tower had crumbled away; the wooden staircase 
which gave access to the fortress had disappeared, and doubtless 
the gap which now gives access to the building had been broken 
through the massive walls ; but its main features remained 
unaltered. It was left for an unsentimental and utilitarian age 
to strip the venerable keep of its covering and leave it naked 
but not ashamed, and still able for centuries to defy the 
boisterous winds and snowstorms of the High Peakland. 

It is greatly to be desired that a careful and minute investiga- 
tion should be made of the Castle yard. The foundations of 
the bastion and towers might be unearthed. Let us hope that 
this may be done at some future date under the auspices of 
the Derbyshire Archaeological Society. 

Editor's Note. — The Illustration facing this page is from an old print 
in my possession. For the photographs we are indebted to the kindness 
of Mr. G. Le Blanc Smith. That of the Garderobe is the result of a 
somewhat exciting adventure, for, finding it impossible to get a successful 
position in any other way, he, and his camera, were lowered some 
twenty feet down over the side of the rock on a rope, Castleton-inade, 
by the custodian and his son. From that position, hanging in mid-air 
over a precipice some 100 feet from the: ground, he managed, in a high 
wind, after several unsuccessful attempts, to obtain the one which 
illustrates this article. 

North-Wf.m \'ik\v 1 k Peak Castle, 
(Iranted by King Edward II. to John, the Eighth Earl of Warren. 

Pubiish-d as Ihc A.l din-iH. A(«;. 20. 17S5. 


(J^rntti^ological Notes tvom ^txh^^))ixt, for 
tf)e gear 1905. 

By the Rev. Francis C. R. Jourdain, M.A., M.B.O.U. 

HE weather during the latter half of Januar}^, 1905, 
was verj' severe, and the i6th was almost the most 
bitterly cold day I can remember. A strong and 
piercing wind blew all day, and towards nightfall fine 
sjiicules of ice began to fall. After a time this changed to 
snow, which remained on the ground till nearly the end of the 
month. During this time the thermometer several times regis- 
tered only a few degrees above zero. It is almost needless to 
say that the birds suffered much during this spell of Arctic 
weather, but curiously enough the summer migrants in several 
cases arrived much earlier than usual. On March 13th, I 
noticed a hen Stonechat close to the bank of the River Dove 
near Rocester. These birds have become very scarce in the 
county of late years, and though twenty or thirty years ago a 
few pairs used to breed in the Dove valley, they have long 
ceased to do so. A cock bird was noticed at Thorpe five days 

On March 20th two Sand Martins found their way up the 
Dove valley to the cutting near Clifton station, and were 
followed on the 27th by a small flock of a dozen or so. This 
is the earliest record of the appearance of these birds of which 
I have any note during the last twenty-nine years. On the 
25th, three Sandpipers were reported from Repton by J. E. C. 


Godber, and on the same day Lapwings' nests were found with 
full clutches. By about the 27th Wheatears had returned to 
their summer quarters on Thorpe Cloud. 

Some of our more hardy resident birds must have nested 
exceptionally early this year. Thus a Brown Owl's nest con- 
tained three young in down at the end of February, nearly a 
month before the time when eggs are generally laid, and a 
Dipper's nest on the Henmore brook had young almost fledged 
on April 12th. 

During part of the months of April and May I was abroad, 
and in consequence my notes for this period are rather scanty. 
The Chiffchaff once more failed to put in an appearance in 
the upper Dove valley, to which it was until the last year or two a 
regular spring visitor. The most interesting feature of the season, 
however, was the re-appearance of the Merlin on the moors near 
Bakewell, as recorded by Mr. W. Storrs Fox in the Zoologist, 
1905, p. 267. These beautiful little moorland hawks have been 
so persecuted by keepers that it is marvellous that any are still 
to be met with in the county. Two nests were found : the 
first was about 8| miles N.N.E. of Bakewell, and contained 
the rather unusual number of five eggs, on May 29th. Both old 
birds were trapped. On June 28th another nest was found 
about six miles N.E. of Bakewell, and some three miles from 
the first. Curiously enough this nest contained five well- 
grown young birds in the usual smoke grey down. The female 
was trapped and the male shot. 

A nest of the Great Spotted Woodpecker, about 35 ft. high 
in a dead tree not far from Dovedale, contained six fresh eggs 
on June 6th. Higher up were two old nesting holes, which had 
evidently been used in former years. Another pair must have 
bred in Manners Wood, near Bakewell, from whence a young 
bird was brought alive to Mr. Storrs Fox on June 25th. 

The summer and autumn were exceptionally dry, and the 
rainfall for the year very much below the average. In many 
parts of England Swifts and various species of Hirundinidae 
were observed much later than usual. A single Swift was busily 


hawking about among a crowd of Martins and Swallows between 
Ashbourne and Parwich on September 3rd. The House Martins 
had young in the nests up to the beginning of October, and on 
the 2ist of that month a good many were flying about the Dove 
valley near Mayfield. A single Swallow was noted at Darley 
on November 6th (G. Pullen), and six were seen at Repton 
about the same time (J. E. C. Godber). But even more 
remarkable is the fact that on November 25th, while an old 
House Martin's nest on a cottage at Burton-on-Trent was being 
knocked down, a single Martin flew out (H. G. Tomlinson). 

On September 30th, Mr. Herbert Tomlinson, while shooting 
on the Burton sewage farm, near Egginton, killed a fine 
Curlew Sandpiper, Tringa subarqiiata (Giild.). It was accom- 
panied by another bird of the same species. When revising 
the list of Derbyshire birds for the Victoria Hisiory of the 
County of Derby, I was unable to include this species in the 
county list, as, though specimens are to be found in at least 
one local collection, no information can be obtained respecting 
them. By the addition of this bird the number of species 
definitely recorded from the county is raised to 235, exclusive 
of those which are supposed to have escaped from confinement. 
It is interesting to note that, like so many of our rarer waders, 
this bird was obtained on the sewage farm, which has proved 
extraordinarily attractive to birds of this family. It is in 
Mr. Toralinson's possession, and has the feathers of the mantle 
edged with buff, as is usual in birds of the year. On the same 
day that this bird M-as shot, another of our rarer winter migrants 
was also killed at the same place, viz., a Little Stint, Tringa 
minuta (Leisl). 

Another remarkable visitor which has occurred for the first 
time in Derbyshire during the past year is the Ccmmon or 
Roseate Pelican, Felecanus onocrotalus (L.). On November 4th, one 
of these fine birds was flying over the Denvent valley, and, 
attracted by the water, settled in a field near the river. Its 
appearance caused great consternation among the cattle and 
sheep grazing close at hand, which is not unnatural when the 


enormous spread of wing (about 12 ft.) in this species is taken 
into consideration. It was stalked and shot by a local inn- 
keeper, Mr. S. Stevens, and sent to Mr. Hutchinson for preserva- 
tion. According to the local papers it weighed 50 lb., although 
it had not fed recently. On inspecting it the plumage proved 
to be in good order and clean, and the feathers showed no 
signs of abrasion, such as one might expect to find in a caged 
bird. It is quite evident also that it possessed considerable 
powers of flight. Still so many of these fine birds are kept in 
semi-confinement in Zoological Gardens and public parks, not 
only in the British Isles, but also on the Continent, that one 
hesitates without further evidence to regard it as anything more 
than an escaped bird. Mr. Hutchinson informs me that' it was 
wild and difficult to approach, and proved to be a male on 
dissection. A herd of Wild Swans, nineteen in number, which 
were seen flying over the Trent near Willington on the afternoon 
of December 3rd, probably belonged to the species known as 
Bewick's Swan, Cygnus bewicki (Yarr.), a still larger flock of 
which visited us during the preceding winter. 

The weather during the latter part of the year was very open 
and dr}', and hardly any rain fell in the month of December. On 
the whole the breeding season has been a good one for most 
birds ; game has been plentiful, and some of our rarer birds are 
beginning to benefit by the partial protection extended to them. 
It is, however, necessary once more to point out that to a large 
proportion of gamekeepers and water-bailiffs the well-meant 
protection orders of our County Council are still absolutely a 
dead letter. 


I3erljgs1^tte iFonts. 

By G. Le Blanc Smith. 

(Photographs by the Author.) 


ERBYSHIRE can only claim, with any certainty, two 
specimens of fonts of the Transitional-Norman 
period, these being at Winster and Ffenny Bentley. 
Of these two the former is by far the more interest- 
ing, for it combines work of some hundreds of years after the 
date of its actual construction. 

WINSTER. Figs, i, 2, 3. 
This font is really made in two parts, the bowl and the 
pedestal, or shaft, both being of separate stones. The bowl 
is circular in plan, divided into eight panels by straight lines 
of moulding ; these lines of moulding are continued on the shaft, 
which is octagonal, forming the edges of each side. 

It is a most puzzling font as to date, for there are so many 
ornaments of a varied nature and of a style which might make 
it range from 1200 to 1500 in date. The basis, however, of 
the whole thing seems to be the short period of Transition 
which followed the wealth of the late Norman work. The 
Norman had now so far advanced his work and improved his 
powers of sculpture that his masses of oft-repeated, ornate 
details were fast becoming wearisome from their frequent 
repetition. At this time the Early English style — English as 
opposed to the Romanesque influence of the Norman — ^began 
to make its appearance. The immediate result of this was 


to introduce an element of nature into the foliage, the origin 
of which the Norman seemed to have entirely forgotten in his 
efforts to secure wealth of detail, and make any natural form 
bend and shape itself to his requirements. In this font, there- 
fore, we have at the top of the bowl a cable; this looks like 
Norman work. Round the base of the bowl are curious well- 

Fig. I. — Font at Winster. 

rounded leaf forms, having just that touch of nature about 
them which suggests Transitional-Norman work; on the left of 
fig. I is a panel filled with foliage, leaves and buds, which is 
distinctly Early English in style; on the right of fig. i and left 
of fig. 2 are panels of what is usually called "Black-letter." 
Black-letter was the name given, as late as the seventeenth 


century, to the printing type which was imitated from the 
caligraphy of the fifteenth century. All the early books— such 
as those of Caxton— are printed in this style of type. During 
the sixteenth century, black-letter, as it was called a century 
later, died out. 

On the bowl of this font, therefore, are portions of sculpture 
illustrating the work of the Norman, Transitional-Norman, Early 
English, and Perpendicular styles, apparently. Now it is very- 
evident that it cannot belong to four different styles at once, 
therefore it is most likely that it was carved at a time which 
embraced the Norman and Eariy English styles, viz., the 
Transitional-Norman, and that it was left unfinished,' as appears 
to this day, and some of the blank panels were filled with 
ornaments of Perpendicular date. 

In describing the ornament, I will begin with the left-hand 
side of the bowl in fig. i. 

First is a panel of leaf-forms, having a strong Early English 
appearance; beneath are two buds. On the right of this p'lnel 
(centre of fig. i) are two curious skirted human beings holding 
a book between them; intended, possibly, for angels singing"! 
On the right of fig. i is a square label containing the letters 
I.H.S. in "black-letter." Beneath are two oak leaves. 

Continuing the description of the bowl in fig. 2 :— On the 
left is the well-known " Chi rho " monogram of Christ somewhat 
altered by the addition of the " iota,"' which is " dotted " over 
the "rho." The simple "Chi rho" monogram has been a 
feature, though not a strong one, of English symbolic sculpture 
ever since Romano-British days. 

On the right of the monogram is a curious conventional 
arrangement of leaf forms in a square, with hollow centre; 
below, as in the previous panel, are two budding leaves. 

On the extreme right of fig. 2 is a sunk square panel enclos- 
ing a human head. I have considerable doubts as to whether 
this is Transitional-Norman or not, and rather incline to the 
belief that it is much later. Beneath are two buds. 

Continuing in fig. 3 :— On the right of the afore-mentioned 
head is a panel containing the letters I.H.S. again; the usual 
two buds, but weakly carved, are beneath this panel. 


On the extreme right of fig. 3 is a curious little child's head 
and shoulders, in a sunk square panel, shrouded up to the chin. 
Beneath are two well-cut buds. 

Fig. 2. — Font at Winster. 

The two-strand cable encircles the whole of the top of the 
bowl, while every panel has beneath it the curious little buds, 
of which similar instances may be seen on Early English crockets. 

The base is very curiously car^^ed, and is octagonal in plan; 
beginning on the right, fig. i , is : — 

Beneath a pointed-headed panel a representation, to all 
appearances, of the Blessed Virgin and Child. The Virgin, 


if such she be, has a curious Httle projection in the centre of 
the forehead. 

In the centre of fig. i is a quaint figure, beneath a painted 
panel, wrapped up to the neck in clothes. Can this be the 
Infant Christ in the manger? 

Fig. 3. — Font at Winster. 

In the next panel, on the right of fig. i, is the half-length 
body of a child in a font. 

Now the juxtaposition of these three figure-filled panels 
suggests that they may be scenes from the early life of Our 
Lord, up to and including His Baptism, viz., the Nativity, the 



Manger, and His Baptism. The two singing angels above 
should be taken in conjunction with these three panels. 

On fig. 2 on the left is a plant, possibly a lily, growing out 
of the ground. 

The next three panels are blank, and then we get another 
lily growing out of a pot ; the symbol of the Virgin Mary. 

Fig. 4. — Font at Ffenny Bentley. 

The blank panels of this font seem to have been much too 
zealously scraped. 

The possibility of its being of Transitional-Norman date is 
further heightened by the fact that there was in the church, 
before it was so scandalously destroyed, a very fine Transitional- 
Norman doorway. 



The next font, in order of date, to be noticed is that of 

This is a remarkably rude specimen of very late Norman 
workmanship, for the carvers of Transitional days seemed to 
have secured more or less complete mastery over their tools. 
It is most unlikely that this font is earlier in date than the 
specimen at Winster. 

The Rev. Richard K. Bolton, writing in The Reliquary for 
1900, says \ — 

" The font is the despair of archaeologists. Its only carving 
is a five-leafed fieur-de-lys, and it seems to me to be Norman, 
though defaced in the other panels, probably by Cromwell's 

What there is to " despair of " in this font it is hard to 
imagine ; it is also equally difficult to guess why a lily in a 
pot — the symbol of the Blessed Virgin Mary — should be 
described as "a five-leafed fleur-de-lys." It certainly is not the 
living image of a lily, but it cannot be said to resemble the 
" fieur " in the least. Fig. 4. 

The base, on which this lily is carved very deeply, has other 
equally deep depressions in its sides, which do not seem to have 
ever been otherwise than they are now, i.e., plain and bare. 

The bowl is very irregularly surfaced and may have been 
maltreated, though of this there is no absolute proof. 


The Early English period must now be considered, as to this 
period belong two fonts of which Derbyshire may well be 
proud, viz., Ashbourne and Norton. Other somewhat similar 
instances are at Bradley, Kniveton, Norbury, and Doveridge,* 
all near the valley of the Dove, and much resembling that at 
Ashbourne rather than that at Norton. 

The extraordinary dissimilarity between the Norman and 
Early English styles is one of the curious points of our 
ecclesiastical architecture ; the Transitional-Norman style did 

* There are, of course, other specimens, of but little interest, which are 
scattered about the county. 



but little to bridge over this gulf, so here we get a series of 
fonts of a style which no Norman could have foreseen would, 
to a certain degree, evolve itself from his work. 

The majority of these Early Enghsh fonts in Derbyshire 
are mere copies of the beautiful clustered shafts of the church 

F'ig. 5. — Font at Norton. 

builders, of an inverted bell shape. Architecturally and 
artistically the specimen at Ashbourne is the finest, but the 
greatest interest attaches to that at Norton, which will be 
described first. 

NORTON. Fig. 5. 
This specimen does not quite come up to that at Ashbourne 
in architectural merit, owing to the octagonal plan of the 


bowl, but in the symbolism of the result of Baptism it far 
exceeds it. 

The bowl is ornamental, with sort of ogee-shaped arcades, 
superimposed. The North, West, and South sides are orna- 
mented with a winged angel's head ; a head and some foliage ; 
and some characteristic Early English foliage respectively. On 
the East side is a curious lizard-like creature known as the 
salamander. An example of this little reptile has already been 
met with on the font at Youlgreave, which was described in 
Vol. xxvi. of this Journal. 

The salamander was popularly supposed to be a denizen of 
the fire, and its presence here may be fairly accounted for by 
the fact that it was intended to symbolise fire ; the fire of fires ; 
the denizen of that fire of fires; i.e., the Devil. 

It will be noticed that in nearly every case where this 
salamander occurs it has a look of most intense disgust and 
loathing on its face ; this, no doubt, is meant to typify the 
disgust which the Devil feels at the Sacrament of Baptism, by 
the agency of which he is cast out ; and we thus see him 
crawling away, painfully and disgustedly, from his deadly 
enemy, the Water of Baptism. 

The invariable characteristics of this curious little creature, 
as carved by the early mediseval artists, were the long tail with 
one curl in it (often bifurcated), the humped back, wings, legs 
set on very far back, and its dragon-like head. 

A list of fonts bearing the salamander has already been given 
under the head of that at Youlgreave in this Journal. 

The presence of the salamander on this font should do away 
with the fallacy that it is only found on those of Norman date. 
A more undoubted example of the salamander and a better 
distinguished Early English font could not exist. 

The clustered shafts which support the bowl are ornamented 
in their interstices with the " dog-tooth " ornament. The 
design is an adaptation from the Norman star ornament, which 
consisted of a cross or four-pointed star within a square border. 
Such a very geometrical arrangement did not suit the 


Transitional-Norman artist and his successor of the Early 
English period at all, so to abolish the dividing line between 
each star and the next he made the star lie on a little pyramid, 
i.e., he raised the centre, or meeting point of the rays, of the 
star much above the edges. This caused each star to throw 
a shadow which, to his mind, was far preferable, as a division, 
to the original line of the Norman star. The rays were then 

Fig. 6. — Font at Ashbourne. 

made more natural and foliage-like (the characteristic of the 
thirteenth century carver), and assumed the forms of petals , 
the dog-tooth was then evolved. This dog-tooth was not an 
exclusive ornament of the Early English period as was the 
"ball-flower" of the succeeding "Decorated" period. Its 
parentage was Norman, its early youth Transitional-Norman, 
and its mature middle-age and death-bed were Early English. 



When one begins to analyse the Early English style, and note 
its principal points of beauty, it becomes most apparent that 
the secret of the whole thing is its lightness and airiness 
(possibly more noticeable owing to the sturdy Norman which 
preceded it), and its use of foliage as near and true to 
nature as the thirteenth century caner was capable of getting. 



Fig. 7. — Font at Bradley. 

Surely, then, this dog-tooth is much out of place ; there is no 
real likeness to foliage in it, for it is far more of a geometrical 
pattern than anything else, yet it is one of the features of the 
Early English style, but not a feature of it alone, nor its only 


This font at Norton is tlie only one in the fairly representa- 
tive list illustrated by Paley, which has this dog-tooth. 

This is a most beautifully designed, well-balanced example 
of that type of Early English font which was derived from the 

Fig. 8. — Font at Kniveton. 

clustered columns — including base and capital — which were such 
a successful and much admired feature of the churches of the 
thirteenth century. 

Paley, in his Baptismal Fonts, gives a very bad illustration 
of it, and, by way of description, proceeds to discuss the date 
at which the church was dedicated to St. Oswald, i.e., May 8th, 


He also mentions the fact that the font in his day stood 
on the floor, being destitute of either base-stone or steps. 
This is now altered, and the font once more stands on these 
customary additions. 

The bowl is round, but, where it approaches the beautiful 
capitals to the central pillar, it is gathered in at intervals, 
to correspond with the otherwise outstanding capitals. 

The ornament consists of a ver)- graceful ogee-shaped arcade 
of two orders, and, in the intervals between each arcade and the 
next, is a well-executed fleur-de-lys on a long stalk. 

The shaft consists of eight clustered columns, with beautifully 
finished bases ; in fact, the whole thing is as beautiful an 
example of Early English workmanship as can be imagined. 
It is very simple and well proportioned, and is, in fact, a type 
which might well be copied when a new font is required, for, 
as it is, the modem font is a hideous erection, as a rule, of 
glaring contrasts in coloured marbles and brass plates. 
BRADLEY. Fig. 7. 

The original carver of the Bradley font has made a shockingly 
bad attempt at copying the example at Ashbourne. 

The beautiful ogee-shaped arcade has here given place to 
a terrible round-headed affair which is absolute ruination 
to any gracefulness which the font might otherwise possess. A 
similar arcade may be seen on the font at Irchester, Northants 
The " fleurs " have been elaborately vulgarised in this font 
at Bradley, no longer having the delicacy of those at Ashbourne. 

The absence of bases to the clustered shafts, which form the 
stem of this font, is much to be deplored, as whatever beauty 
there might have been is quite destroyed. 
KNIVETON. Fig. 8. 

Here again is a font which one may safely surmise was 
copied from that at Ashbourne, as it is of the same style, and 
near that place. It has on the S.E. side the date 1663. 
This obviously is not the date at which it was carved, being, 
most probably, the date at which it was restored to the church 
(the Norman font at Pentrich was similarly cut about the same 


date). The bowl is a good specimen, but the tall, clustered 
columns forming the shaft are weakly set out, and much too 
tall in proportion ; their capitals, too, are practically non- 
existent and the bases are shallow. The bowl is gathered in 
at the base as at Ashbourne, and the arcade is similar, but the 
" fleurs " are wanting. 

Font at Norbury. 

NORBURY. Fig. 9. 
This is a small font, but good in all its details. The bowl 
is plain and round at the top, being cut inwards below in order 
to properly taper to the capitals of the clustered columns 
forming the shaft. 



These shafts, like those at Norton, are so arranged that 
they have a square plan, i.e., they will fit inside a square drawn 
round them ; the Ashbourne, Bradley and Kniveton examples 
have a circular plan, i.e., they will fill a circular line drawn 
round their bases. The bases and capitals are very sound in 

The font at Doveridge closely resembles that at Ashbourne. 
Those at Ashbourne, Norton, Bradley and Norbury are illus- 
trated by Paley. 

These Early English fonts are not very interesting on the 
whole, as there is that quaint carving missing which so 
characterised the Norman work, and, save for the salamander 
at Norton, there is no symbolic sculpture. 

In the Journal of next year it is hoped to describe and 
illustrate some of the principal fonts of the Decorated period, 
which succeeded the Early English, including the fine and 
interesting examples of Bakewell and Bradboume. 


iTwvti^ft i^otcs on ti)c ^ratrc W^tiqW tomxti 
at ^clantrra. 

By Thomas May, F.S.A. (Scot.) 

HE recent publication in a collected form* of par- 
ticulars of the discovery of a bronze cheese-shaped 
weight marked I.^ weighing 4,770 grains, in good 
condition, with numerous horse-trappings of late 
Keltic work, near Neath, Glamorganshire, and a similar 
stone weight only 3 grains less in weight at Mayence, 
and of the frequent discovery in early British sites of the iron 
money — currency bars of a corresponding weight or two or 
three times the weight of the unit — mentioned by Caesar, De 
Bella Gallico, V. 12, as in use by the Britons at the time of 
his invasion (Utuntur \aut acre atit\ taleis ferreis ad cerium 
pondus examinatis pro numnio) in no fewer than seven English 
counties and in large numbers together, has given rise to the 
belief in my own mind that the series of leaden weights 
found at Melandra, described as Trade Weights and included 
in Table I. in my paper contributed to the annual number of 
the Society's Journal for 1903, are of similar Early British or 
Late Keltic origin. 

This consideration increases the importance and interest of the 
discovery, and makes it worth while to add a few supple- 
mentary notes to my original paper, and to revise the 

« Guide to the Antiquities of tlie Early Iron Age, Brit. I\ftis., 1905. 



list of trade weights by excluding therefrom the single bronze 
weight No. 9A, weight 405.6 grains, which is probably an 
example of the Roman tmcia {circ. 421 grains) in a somewhat 
damaged or corroded condition, as therein suggested, No. 6 
as being evidently in a damaged and defective condition, and 
No. I as unconformable. 

The revised table of the remaining seven trade weights, which 
are all of lead, will then be as follows :— • 

TABLE I. TRADE WEIGHTS. Unit 4,770 grains. 











or Aliquot 

Part of 













^ ••• 








... 56 



... 56 




. . 72 



.. 288 

Average 4,753 
Ancient British weight marked I 4,770 

Difference 1 7 

The figures in the third column are obtained by dividing the 
present weight by the fraction in the intermediate column. 
Since 288 is the least common multiple of the denominators, it 
follows that a minimum weight was employed corresponding to 
the Roman scripulum= ^\^ libra, and weighing 16.55 grains. 
A ^veight corresponding to the Roman uncia (Jjth lihra), and 
weighing 396 grains, is also indicated by three punch marks on 
No. 15 (.1^-^= 396). 

By reference to the photograph in the original paper it will 
be seen that the largest of the above series. No. 19, bears one 
punch mark, and from the table, that its weight is only twenty- 
six grains less than that of the Neath unit, a discrepancy no 
doubt due to its corroded condition. On the other hand 


No. 9 is quite accurate, and No. 7 works out 22 grains more than 
the unit, the others being somewhat less. The average weight 
of the whole series works out only 17 grains below that of the 
ancient British standard, which is a very striking agreement. 

Though based upon an Early British standard, they are 
sub-divided according to the Roman duodecimal method. 
When considered along with the historical facts this leads to 
the conclusion that weights of ancient British and Roman stan- 
dards were used simultaneously for trade purposes during the 
friendship which existed between the Romans and Brigantes for 
twenty years (a.d. 50-70). It supports the view that the 
Melandra camp was constructed at least as early as the first 
campaign of Cerealis against the Brigantes in a.d. 70 (Tacitus 
Agric, 17), which is further confirmed by the early character of 
the terra sigillata (Samian) bowl, form 29 (carinated), found 
there, ornamented with patterns in a style which had disappeared 
from use before the close of the first century, and was made at La 
Graufesenque, whence the Gallo-Roman potters Hkewise ceased 
exporting by the end of the first century of our era. 

The disposition of the Roman roads to the east of Manches- 
ter also leads to the same conclusion (Codrington's Roman 
Roads in Britain, ed. 1905, p. 381). 


gMinstcr JHariftet l^ousc. 

By H. C. Heathcote. 

HE local history of Winster, that old upland village 
— once a town — in the Peak of Derbyshire, 
seems to have been unwritten. Winster, named in 
the Doomsday survey Winsterne, has had several 
speculative derivations of its name : for a detailed account of 
these the reader is referred to an article by Mr. Frederic Davis, 
which appeared in the Derbyshire Archceological Journal some 
years ago. The antiquity of the village is beyond doubt, as is 
manifested by the discoveries from time to time of stone 
implements and the numbers of ancient burial-places in the 
neighbourhood. The old lead mines show undoubted evidence 
of Roman occupation, but, " Hypotheses non fingo," Winster is 
one of the oldest market towns in Derbyshire. Tradition has 
it that a peck of potatoes, a peck of meal, and a pound of butter 
could be purchased for a shilling in Winster market once upon 
a time. 

The earliest record we can find of the market is in the Will 
of the late Thomas Eyre,* of Rowtor, or Roo-Tor, who died 
November 30th, 171 7. An extract from his Will reads: "And 
as for ye wordly {sic.) estate wch it hath pleased God to bestow 
upon me I give devise and bequeath ye same in manner and 
form following . . . together with my Market and Fairs 
of Winster with their and every other appurtenances." 

* He was son of Adam and grandson of Roger of Rowter, who was a son of 
Rowland Eyre, of Hassop, by Gertrude, daur and co-heir of Humphrey 
Stafford, of Eyam. — Editor. 



In Capper's Topographical Dictionary, a.d. 1808, Winster 
is mentioned thus : " Here is a small market on Saturday and 
a fair on Easter Monday." 

Brevity itself characterises the account given in Pilkingion's 
View of the Present State of Derbyshire, 1738: "The Church 
of Winster is dedicated to St. John the Baptist. The town has 
a market." 

Before Restoration. 

From The Diary of George Moore of Winster Hall, bearing 
date July Sth, 1778, we may conjecture that the market day 
at Winster was a busy one, for he writes : " I propose to go to 
Buxton to-day out of the way of the market." 

In Lyson's Magna Britannia, vol. v., page 306, a.d. 181 7: 
" Winster is a small market town about three miles from 
Youlgreave, about 19 miles from Derby, and about 145 
miles from London. The market, which appears to have 



been held by prescription (as we can find no grant for it on 
record), is held on Saturday, chiefly for butchers' meat. There 
is no fair now held." 

The late Llewellynn Jewitt, that accomplished litterateur, lived 
at Winster many years, and spent much time and research in 
trying to find some early record of the old Market House, but 
without success. In The Reliquary, vol. xxi., p. 144, we find 

After Restoration. 

the following from his pen : — " Dating back as it does from 
Saxon times, Winster is one of the oldest market towns in the 
county of Derby. Its market once ver)- flourishing, and even 
within the memory of the oldest inhabitants, ' Wi long rows 
o' stalls, and the people so thick and throng together you could 
a walk'd a top o' their heads,' is now, however, a thing of the 
past, having for many years fallen into desuetude. The old 
venerable Market House, one of the few examples spared to 


US, still happily remains, and although but rarely opened except 
at the time of the annual wakes, gives an air of importance and 
antiquity to the place. The building stands nearly in the 
middle of the main street of the village, the principal thorough- 
fare being on one side and a footpath on the other. It is two 
stories in height, the lower one of massive stone and the upper 
of very ancient brickwork with stone facings. Of the Market 
House nothing is known, nor is it necessary to conjecture. 
That it has stood some centuries there is no doubt." 

After various vicissitudes the Market House, a little over 
twenty years ago, became the property of the late Mr. Joseph 
Greatorex, but the building got so dilapidated that it became 
necessary for the safety of the public to take the upper story 
down, as shown in the first illustration (1904). For a nominal 
sum Mr. Greatorex most generously conveyed it to the present 
owners, who, in response to a general desire evinced by the 
lovers of the ancient buildings of Derbyshire, have secured 
the restoration of this ancient relic of old time. 

The National Trust for Places of Historical Interest kindly 
gave the services of its architect, Mr. Weir, who has been 
twice down from London to plan the restoration, which has 
been carried out under the superintendence of Mr. Henry Rye, 
of Bakewell, architect for the Duke of Rutland, the work being 
do'ne by local labour. The old material has been used except 
in places where it was absolutely necessary to put new. 
Mr. Rye reports : — " I have visited the above building several 
times at the request of the National Trust Society, and also the 
Society for the Preservation of Ancient Buildings, and have 
been able to report in all cases that the work of rebuilding the 
Old Market House has been and is being carried out in a sound 
and most conservative manner, no pains being spared to keep it 
to the old lines of this very interesting building. It has been 
a great pleasure to me to see work being so preserved." 

The work of restoration is now practically completed, as 
shown in illustration No. 2* (1905), leaded lights to the windows 

■•■■ The Plates are from photographs taken by Mr. Le Blanc Smith. 


having been added since tlie photograph was taken. The 
maintenance and repair of the roadway in the main street was 
attached to the market, extending from the front of the build- 
ing about seventy yards in a westerly direction. By 
agreement this has been transferred to the Bakewell Rural 
District Council, £^20 having been paid to that body as con- 
sideration money. The market rights and the tolls accruing 
therefrom have been vested with the Winster Parish Council. 
About ^120 has been expended in the work of rebuilding. 
The credit of the whole undertaking may be justly given to 
Mrs. Childers Thompson, who has acted as hon. treasurer, and 
to whom is due the first inception of the restoration. 

The building is about to be conveyed to The National Trust, 
and its future preservation will be thereby secured. 


^ ilebicto of *' m)t i^ogal iFovfSts of 
iEuQlanti/' Ijp g. ej)arlcs Cox, lL3l.^.,if.S.a. 

By the Hon. F. Strutt. 

HIS book, which is one of the series of the Anti- 
quary Books pubHshed by Messrs. Methuen, 
deserves some mention in this Journal, not only 
because it contains probably the best account yet 
written of the Royal Forests in the county of Derby and its 
immediate neighbourhood — namely, the Forests of the High 
Peak, Duffield Frith, Needwood, and Sherwood — but because 
it is the work of the Rev. J. Charles Cox, to whom the Derby- 
shire Archaeological Society owes its origin, who was a former 
Editor of its Journal, and who has done so much to make the 
history of his native county interesting and attractive to the 
general reader. 

In attempting in a few lines to give a short account of this 
work, we shall think it best to confine ourselves to the accounts 
of the two forests which will, we think, be of the greatest 
interest to Derbyshire readers ; and we shall also pass over the 
eight preliminary chapters, which contain, more particularly, 
an account of the laws, the officers, the courts, the customs, 
and the general history of these Royal Forests. 

These chapters alone would afford interesting reading to, and 
would be found most useful by, those who are taking up the 
study of the sport and of the forest life in England six or seven 
centuries ago. 

The forest of the High Peak was probably one of the most 
extensive in England, and covered altogether an area of forty 


and a half square miles. From the days of Henrj' I. it was 
divided into three districts — Campana on the south and south- 
west, Longdendale on the north and north-west, and Hopedale 
on the east. 

The bounds of the Forest, as set forth in the forest pleas held 1286, 
were as follows, given in an English dress: — 

The metes and bounds of the Forest of the Peak begin on the 
south at the New Place of Govt, and thence by the river Govt as far 
as the river Etherow ; and so by the river Etlierow to Langley Croft 
at Longdenhead ; thence by a certain footpath to the head of Derwent ; 
and from the head of Derwent to a place called Mythomstede (Mytham 
Bridge) ; and from Mytham Bridge to the river Bradwell ; and from 
the river Bradwell as far as a certain place called Hucklow to the great 
dell (cavam cave?) of Hazelbache ; and from that dell as far as Little 
Hucklow ; and from Hucklow to the brook of Tideswell, and so to the 
river Wye ; and from the Wye ascending up to Buxton, and so on to 
the New Place of Goyt. 

This great forest — one of the most important of the Royal 
hunting-grounds, and visited for that purpose, we know, by 
members of the Royal family, and occasionally by the 
Sovereign himself — was, it must be remembered, used by no 
means exclusively for hunting purposes, or for growing timber, 
or for letting out to the various oflRcers of the forest or to 
other tenants, but was in part farmed and used for the purposes 
of horse-breeding by the King himself and by members of the 
Royal family. 

We are told that at the Forest Eyre (a court for hearing 
and determining pleas of the Forest) — 

Full lists of assarts and purprestures that had occurred since 1261 
under the respective bailiffs were also presented at the 1286 pleas. 

As to horses, it was presented that the Queen Consort had a stud 
of 115 mares with their foals in Campana (one of the divisions of the 
Peak F-orest), to the great injury of the P'orest, but that many had horses 
and mares in Campana under cover of their belonging to the Queen. 
Peter de Shatton, torester-of-fee, had eleven horses and mares feeding 
in Campana, whose pasturage was rated at 2S. Nineteen other foresters 
had horses and mares in various proportion, all claiming to be part of 
the Queen's stud. They were all ordered to remove their animals, and 
had to pay pasturage value, and in addition, fines varying from is. to 4s., 
save in the cases of Adam Gomfrey John Daniel and Cecilv Foljambe 
who were pardoned. 

A good deal is also said in the details of farm stock for one 
year about the sheep, and there are various references to the 
milking of the ewes in the Peak Accounts; and we are by this 


reminded that from the time of Domesday to the time of 
Queen EHzabeth the making of cheese from sheeps' milk 
was universal throughout England, as we find it is still in the 
warmer climates of the south of Europe, the Canary Islands, 
and many other places. 

Of course, no history or account of Peak Forest would be 
complete without frequent references and allusions to the Castle, 
that home of the first Peverel, one of William the Conqueror's 
most favoured followers, and the place which, in the first two 
or three hundred years after its erection, was not unfrequently 
the abode of the Sovereign himself. 

It is rather sad to find that the only use to which this 
romantically-situated stronghold was put to for many years 
before it became a ruin, was that of a prison for felons and 
murderers and offenders against the Forest Laws. 

In June, 1585, in the reign of Elizabeth, it appears to have 
become almost a ruin, and the Commissioners who reported as to 
its state were ordered tO' put it in repair. It appears, however, 
never from that time to have been made use of, either as prison, 
or stronghold, or residence of any kind. 

It was as early as 1635, in the reign of Charles I., that the 
first steps were taken for the destruction of the deer and for 
the partial enclosure of this large domain. In that year the 
landowners and inhabitants within the Forest petitioned the 
King, complaining of the severity, trouble, and rigour of the 
Forest Laws, and praying that the deer, which were in sufficient 
numbers to do considerable damage to the crops in the Forest 
and its purlieus, might be destroyed, and asking to be allowed 
to compound by enclosing and improving the same. There- 
upon the King issued a Commission of Inquiry under the Duchy 
seal, and directed that two juries should be impanelled, 
appointing a surveyor to assist them. The first jury viewed 
the whole Forest and its purlieus, and presented that the King 
might improve and enclose one moiety in consideration of his 
rights, and that the other moiety should be enclosed by the 
tenants, commoners, and freeholders. The other jurj' was 


impanelled to consider the question of the towns within the 
purlieus, and they represented that the King, in view of the 
largeness of the commons belonging to the towns of Chelmorton, 
Flagg, Taddington, and Priestcliffe, might reasonably have 
for improvement and enclosure one-third, and the remaining 
two-thirds for the commoners and freeholders. 

Both Crown and inhabitants were well pleased with the result. 
The commons were measured, and surveys made that divided 
the land into three sorts — best, middle, and worst — and the 
King's share was staked, and maps showing the results were 

The surveys were not completed till 1640, and all the 
preliminaries having been adjusted, the King caused all the 
deer to be destroyed or removed; and since that date, the 
report expressly states, there were never any deer whatever 
within the High Peak Forest. 

"The extirpation of the deer was almost immediately 
followed by the beginning of the 'troublous times' that 
preceded the actual outbreak of the Civil War, and hence 
further proceedings came, for* a time, to an end." 

We may here remind our readers that by referring to 
vol. xxiv. of this Journal they will find some account of the 
enclosure of Peak Forest, taken from original MSS., showing 
how various Peak families obtained a considerable part of their 

Duffield Frith, the other Royal Forest in the county of 
Derby, was, as is well known, for a considerable time the 
property of the Ferrers family, until, in the reign of Henry HI., 
in consequence of the rebellion, their estates were forfeited to 
the Crown. These estates were then granted to Edmund, Earl 
of Lancaster, in whose family they remained till, on the acces- 
sion to the throne of Henry Duke of Lancaster, they again 
became Crown property. 

Here again, as in the High Peak Forest, we find that great 
use must have been made of the Royal Forest both for horse 
and cattle-breeding and for dairy purposes. We may presume 


that, as the land of Duffield Frith is richer than the land of 
the High Peak, that is the reason why we hear much more of 
cows and less of sheep. It is interesting, also, to be told with 
certainty that in Ravensdale Park stood the chief lodge of 
Duffield Frith, which was the hunting seat of the Earls and 
Dukes of Lancaster when in this part of their estates, and which 
was occasionally honoured by the presence of royalty. 

In the receipts of John Hulleson, the Receiver of the Ward 
of Hulland, there is an account of very considerable repairs 
being done to the lodge and park of Ravensdale during one 
year. Even the price of the painted glass for the windows of 
the Manor Chapel and the iron for making the bars for the 
support of these windows is mentioned. It seems a pity that 
beyond a stone or two of the foundations of this lodge touched 
now and then by the plough, and the name, Ravensdale Park, 
which is still attached to that particular hamlet, all memory 
and all trace of this ducal residence should have long since 
so absolutely disappeared. 

The word forest, we all know, does not necessarily apply 
to a wild space covered with timber, but all who have read 
these accounts of the two Derbyshire Royal forests will realise 
that in these forests, at any rate, even supposing they were 
not all covered with trees, there must have been a noble 
display of timber. This timber in Duffield Frith, as anyone 
can realise who has wandered through some of the remaining 
indigenous woods of Alderwasley, or along the now enclosed 
valley of the Ecclesbume, must have been principally oak, 
with birch on the more sandy and higher ground. 

If any reader of the histon,- of the Forest of the High Peak 
should doubt the probability of the oak growing in any pro- 
fusion in the valleys of the higher part of Derbyshire, let him 
go and explore the Baslow and Beeley ends on the east side 
of the river in Chatsworth Park, where he can still get a faint 
idea of how beautiful the rocky valleys of Derbyshire must have 
been when full of oaks of noble size, and he will then also, 
perhaps, begin to wonder why greater efforts are not now being 


made to plant and to re-afforest a good deal of the land in this 
county which at present is almost unproductive, and bringing 
little or no profit either to its owner or its tenant. 

In this very short sketch that he has given of this interesting 
book, the writer does not pretend to have been able to do 
justice to it. He hopes, however, that this mention of the 
book may induce many of the readers of the Derbyshire 
Archaeological Society's Journal to study it themselves, and by 
doing so gain a greater knowledge of and a more thorough 
insight into the life led by their ancestors in days of old. 

Some CBarlg €f)apcl=en=lc=:jriMt!) ei^artcvs. 

By W. Braylesford Bunting. 

AST summer a bundle of documents concerning an 
estate at Chapel-en-le-Frith came into my hands, and 
as some of the earlier ones appear to be of interest, 
I have availed myself of the owner's permission to 
transcribe them. 

Two, of even date, of the fourteenth century, are, so far as can 
be ascertained, the earliest extant private charters relating to 
the ownership of lands in this parish, and an exact copy of one 
of them is given, showing the abbreviations, with a verbatim 
translation, from which the reader may judge as to whether my 
reading of the contracted text is correct. The conventional 
marks indicating usual contractions are not noticed in the printed 
copy. The accomj^anying illustration is from a photograph by 
Mr. J. T. Gray, Chapel-en-le-Frith. 

To avoid repetition, only the more important parts of the 
others have been abstracted. 

No. I. 
OiTiibs ad quos psens scptu pvenit Thorns fil Thorn le Raggedd 
salute etnam in Diio Novitis me remisisse concessisse relaxasse 
t omnino p me t hedibs meis quiet clamasse imppetuu Willmo 
111 Rici de Hurdeffeld t hedibs suis t suis assignat totu jus meii t 
clameu qd heo hui seu aliter jur vel heditar her potui in sex 
acris terre cu ptin suis infra metas de Boudon que quidam ac 
simul jacet in campo de Staynolsleye t pedder medowe Ita vero 
qd nc Ego dts Thorns nee hedes mei nee ahqs alius p 
nos sivc p nobs nc noie hro aliquod jus vl clameu in pdicts 

?; iii^sr'iif 

I f=! ' III ir^iEl' 


.^ ^'^ 1-^ 

^'^1! If I 111 



sex acs terre cu ptin exiger vel vendicar potini In cu lei testim 
huic psent scptO' sigillu mei apposui Hiis testibs Rico ffoleiambe 
lohe de Smaleleys Willmo de Baggeshagh lohe de Olleronshagh 
Hug de Horderon t aliis Dat apud Cappellam de ffrith die Dmca 
px post festu trslons sci Thom martu Anno Regni Reg Edwardi 
fil Reg. Edwardi sextodecio. 


To all to whom the present writing may come Thomas son 
of Thomas le Ragged health eternal in the Lord Know ye that 
I have remised granted released and absolutely for me and my 
heirs quit claimed for ever to William son of Richard de Hurde- 
field and his heirs and his assigns all my right and claim which 
I have may have or otherwise by right or descent can have in 
six acres of land with [their] appurtenances within the bounds 
of Boudon which same six acres together lie in the field of 
Staynolsleye and pedder meadow So that truly neither I the said 
Thomas nor my heirs nor any other person through us whether 
through us or in our name any right or claim in the aforesaid 
six acres of land with [their] appurtenances may be able to exact 
or levy In witness whereof to this present writing my seal is 
appended these being witnesses Richard Foljambe John de 
Smaleleys, William de Baggshagh, John de Ollerenshawh, Hugh 
de Horderon and others. Given at the Chapel of Frith on the 
Sunday next after the Feast of the Translation of S. Thomas 
the Martyr in the i6th year of the reign of King Edward son of 
King Edward (1323). 

No. 2. Of the same date as No. i, is a grant by Elena, daughter 
of John de Bonkes, to the before-mentioned William, son of 
Richard de Hurdefield, of the same six acres^ and is in identical 
terms. The witnesses are also the same, with the addition of 
Richard de Horderon. No. i is about 8ii inches in length by 
2 1 inches in depth. No. 2 is yf inches by 2I inches. A label 
for the seal is attached to each, but all traces of the seal have 
disappeared. These documents are dated on the Sunday after 
the Patronal Festival of the Parish Church (7 th July), still 
observed as the local "Wakes." 


Thomas le Ragged was Bailiff of the High Peak 8 Edw. I.,* 
and Thomas, his son, was a Forester in fee of Langdendale,t 
in which ward of the forest the greater part of the parish 
of Chapel-en-le-Frith Ues. He and John de Smaleleys, a 
Rcgardator, were present at an inquest ad quod damnum at Fair- 
field on the Monday next before the Feast of S. Luke, ii Edw. 
n.| Richard de Herdifield built a house in the King's demesne 
temp. Henry ni.,§ and also had enclosed half an acre in 
Coombes temp. Edw. I.,|| and Richard Foljambe was a Regarder- 
Forester in ii Edw. H.lf. William de Bagshawe is also 
mentioned several times in the Forest Pleas temp. Edw. I. It 
has been suggested that John de Bonks was of Bankhead, whence 
sprang the Bradburys, who were subsequently connected by 
marriage with several Chapel-en-le-Frith families.** 

No. 3. Is a ffeofment of Thomas del Kirke, senior, and 
Margaret his wife of one messuage and the adjacent heredita- 
ments called le Netherlegh, and a meadow called le pedder 
medow lying " in le Whytehalgh within the vill of Bawdon," which 
the said Thomas had of the gift and ffeofment of Alice and 
Elena sistersi of the said Margaret to Thurstan son of the said 
Thomas and the heirs of his body with Remainder to Roger 
brother of the said Thurstan. T. William de Honford Nichs 
Broune Waltere del Kirke Thomas lonesson Radulphs Broune 
" et multis aliis." Dated at " le Whitehalgh " on Wednesday 
next after the Annunciation B.V.M. 10 Hen. VI. (1432). 

No. 4. Is a Chirograph of Fine dated at Westminster on the 
morrow of S. Martin 11 Hen. VI. (1433) wherein Ralph Kirke 
is Plaintiff and Hugh Bredburie and Elena his wife are 
Defendants of one messuage and nine acres of land in Whitehalgh. 
" Pdem Radus dedit pdtis hugoni et Elene decem niarcas 

* Yeatman, Feud. Hist., sec. vi., p. 267. 
t Ibid., p. 320. 

t Churches of Derbyshire, vol. ii., p. 587. 
§ Feud. Hist., sec. vi., p. 252. 
II Ibid., p. 295. 
^ Ibid., p. 322. 
■»-» Reliquary, vol. viii., p. 240. 


No. 5. Margaret "q fuit uxor Thome K}Tke " grants "in 
pura viduetate mea " to her son Thurstan all her estate in one 
messuage and land called Netherlegh and Pedder Meadow which 
the said Thurstan had of the gift and ffeofment of Thomas Kyrke 
his father. T. Richo. Brown, lohe Stafforth Willo Bradshaw 
et aliis " Dat apud Capella le ffrjtli in fest sci martini in yeme " 
(hieme — in winter) 12 Hen. VI. (1434). 

No. 6. Is a grant in similar terms by Agnes " qudm uxor 
Willi Hobson " of her interest in the same hereditaments to the 
said Thurstan (which he had of the gift and ffeofment of the said 
William Hobson) and is witnessed by the same persons and 
bears the same date as No. 5. 

All these documents evidently relate, in part at least, to the 
same property, but we have no clue to the devolution of the title 
during the century or more inter\'ening between numbers 2 and 
3. Whitehalgh, or Whitehough, was the home of the Kirke 
family for many generations, but the names of the parties to 
these charters do not appear in the published pedigree.* It has 
been suggested that Margaret, Elena and Agnesf mentioned in 
Nos. 3, 4, 5 and 6, were sisters, and married Kirke, Bradbury, 
and Hobson respectively. 

Possibly Thomas Kirke was a younger son of one of the 
owners of Whitehough. William Bradshaw, the witness to the 
charters of Margaret Kyrke and Agnes Hobson, was no doubt 
the William Bradshaw who was living in 1478, J and who is said 
to have married Elizabeth, daughter of Edward Kirke, of White- 

Of the other three documents, one, dated nth November, 

I and 2 Philip and Mary (1554), is a settlement of lands in the 
County of Derby on the marriage of Richard, son and heir of 
George Kyrke, of the Hamlete of Whytehalgh, husbandman. 
One of the witnesses is " Dom Edw. Bagshawe Cappellanus," 
who was perpetual curate of Chapel-en-le-Frith at that time. 

* See Reliquary, vol. viii. 

t The Christian tiame of Apies 'ivas ofttn used as synonymous with Alife. 

+ Arch. Journ., vol. xxv., p. 22. 


The Others are two fines (duplicates) dated 23 Charles I. 
(1647), in which Nicholas Kerke Dorothy Shirte and Thomas 
Gee are Querents and William Earl of Devonshire (who leased 
the Manor of High Peak) Deforciant of messuages and lands in 
Chapel-en-le-Frith and GIossop. 

These deeds are, and probably for generations have been, in 
the possession of the owner of " Laneside," a farm situate in the 
township of Bradshaw Edge, in the parish of Chapel-en-le-Frith, 
or Bowden Chapel, as it was called, which farm was in 
4 Charles I. the property of Nicholas Kirke, perhaps a 
descendant of the Whitehough family, whose estate was not 
far distant, or of the former owners of " Courses " immediately 
adjoining Laneside. 

We are, unfortunately, unable to identify the lands mentioned ; 
one of the Laneside fields is known as Stoneylea (possibly a 
corruption of Staynolsleye), but Pedder Meadow and Netherlegh 
cannot now be traced. 

All these documents are in excellent preservation, the older 
ones particularly being remarkably clear and well written. 

No doubt many such exist throughout the county, and it 
is to be hoped that members of our Society will do their best to 
place them on record before they fall into the hands of some one 
who, like an individual I met not long since, will burn " two' or 
three barrowfuls of old parchments which he could not read and 
were no good to anyone " ! 

Note by Editor. 

Among the extracts from charters made by Mr. Bagshawe, of 
Ford, are two which are worth quoting, which he kindly allows 
me to do : — ■ 

(i) "A grant witnessed by Walter Kyrke and dated 12 Hen. VL 
of lands and tenements in the Ville of Bowden by Margaret, 
relict of Thomas Kyrke and Ralph Kyrke her son to Rich. Pigot 
and Thomas Kyrke son of the same Ralph Kyrke." 

(2) " A grant witnessed by Hugh and Walter Kyrke and dated 
32 Henry VL (1454) by Ralph son of Hugh Bredbury to Ralph 
Kyrke of all his lands and tenements in Whitehalgh in the Ville 


of Bowden which he had of the gift, &c., of Agnes late wife of 
Wm. Hobson." 

Now, unless the Kyrkes in the above Deeds be a side branch 
only of the owners of Whitehough, it is a little difficult to 
reconcile the genealogical information derived from them with 
the pedigrees of the Kyrke family as shown in vol. ii. of this 
Journal and in vol. iii. of the Reliqiiary. In the charters before 
us, we gather that in 1432 Thomasi Kyrke, senior, was in 
possession of land situated in Whitehough, and that- two years 
later he was succeeded by his son Thurstan ; Roger and Ralph 
being the only other sons who are mentioned. 

The first in the published pedigree of Kyrke, of Whitehough, is 
Edward Kyrke, whose son and successor is also' Edward, and who 
is himself succeeded by another Edward — his son. Now, the 
first Edward, if the pedigree be correct, would in 1434 have been 
not only born buf probably married, as his daughter Elizabeth, 
eventually (according to the Leicestershire V isitations) his sole 
heir, married Richard Salusbury, of Newton Burland, Co. 
Leicester, in 1450.* It is Just possible, though most improb- 
able, that her father was a son of the above Thurstan, but it 
is not possible, as stated in the pedigree, that her brother 
Edward carried on the line, if as appears she was her 
father's sole heir. Nor is it probable that Elizabeth, wife to 
William Bradshaw, one of the attesting witnesses to the deed of 
1434, was daughter of that same Edward. The Derbyshire 
Visitations give no Christian name to the father of Elizabeth 
Bradshaw, and it seems more than likely that she was daughter 
of Thomas and sister of Thurstan Kyrke. 

Reliquary, vol. vi., p. 213. 

1 86 

IRe Views. 

^fft Ttctorta ?^istovp of tf)c (fTounttcs of 

Derbyshire, Vol. I. — -Edited by William Page, F.S.A. 
(Archibald Constable & Co.). 

The long-expected first volume of the four devoted to Derby- 
shire in the important Victoria County History scheme, was 
issued to subscribers just before Christmas. 

The short preface is particularly complimentary to the Journal 
of this Society ; it is considered that " it has produced, under 
the guidance of a series of able editors, many valuable papers 
touching both the archaeology and history of the county." The 
editor also expresses his gratitude to Dr. Cox for general help 
and advice. 

It is not possible to do more in this place than to give a 
summary of the contents of this volume, and to state, with 
emphasis, that the members of this Society will, one and all, 
do well to become subscribers to that singularly fine work, stored 
with the best and latest information on everything that pertains 
to the history. As the number of copies are strictly limited to 
actual subscribers, the work is practically certain eventually to 
rise in price. 

Upwards of i6o pages of the opening volume are devoted 
to the different branches of Natural History, the whole of that 
section being under the very capable direction of Rev. F. C. 
R. Jourdain, who, in addition to a brief introduction, writes 

"the victoria history of the counties of ENGLAND." 187 

himself on Orthoptera, Hymenoptera, Sepidoptera, Diptera, 
Hemiptera, Aphides, Fishes, Birds, and Mammals. The Rev. 
W. R. Linton deals with Botany; his clearly stated divisions 
will abundantly satisfy technical botanists as giving an admir- 
able summary of the county's flora; we suppose lack of space 
prevented any attempt at dealing more popularly with this 
subject, as has been done in some volumes of the series, notably 
the recently issued first volume of Berkshire. 

The thirty-eight pages of Mr. Arnold-Bemrose on the Geology 
of the county are peculiarly interesting. The writer of this 
notice having studied the whole of the opening volumes of 
twelve counties already issued, has no hesitation in saying that 
Mr. Bemrose's article is the most generally edifying geological 
article that has yet been issued in connection with this scheme. 
The temptation of the geological writer to overload his subject 
with a plethora of technicalities has been, in this case, carefully 

More than half, however, of these 450 pages have relation 
to man. Early Man and Anglo-Saxon Remains receive com- 
petent treatment at the hands of one of the best known contri- 
butors to this Journal — Mr. John Ward, formerly of Derby, and 
now Curator of the Cardiff Museum. Dr. Haverfield, who is 
facile princeps among Romano-British antiquaries, has a 
strikingly interesting and profusely illustrated account, covering 
some seventy-five pages, on the traces that the Romans have 
left of their long occupation of Derbyshire. This article is a 
really brilliant piece of archaeological scholarship, and every 
thoughtful Derbyshire man will feel grateful to the writer for 
having given so much time to the subject. 

Mr. J. Romilly Allen is our best general authority on pre- 
Norman sculptured stones ; he contributes a useful critical 
summary and analysis of the numerous examples of Early 
Christian Art that have been found in this county. 

It will be a great disappointment to not a few to find that 
Mr. J. H. Round has not been able to find time to contribute 
the introductory essay to the Derbyshire Domesday, as his 
essays in other volumes of this series have been universally 

l88 "the victoria history ok the counties of ENGLAND." 

admitted to be singularly painstaking and able. Nevertheless, 
Mr. F. M. Stenton has done well, as his substitute, both in the 
introduction and in the English text. 

The last two articles of this volume are by Rev. Dr. Cox. 
The one on Ancient Earthworks appears to be a fairly exhaustive 
and carefully done account of a difficult and most comprehensive 
subject. A plan is given of every earthwork of any importance, 
and the general map, marked in red with six different kinds of 
symbols, will be of great help to students and ordinary readers. 
The traces of early fortifications, embracing the towns of 
Castleton and Bolsover, are clearly much more considerable 
than even the educated tourist has hitherto imagined to be the 
case. The account and plan of the early camp of great natural 
strength at Markland Grips, will much surprise many who fancy 
they know Derbyshire well ; it may almost be described as a 
discovery of Dr. Cox's ; at all events it has never hitherto been 

Dr. Cox's second article is on Forestry, wherein he gives a 
great deal of the history of the High Peak Forest and of 
Duffield Frith which has hitherto gone unrecorded. It seems 
a pity that more space could not have been afforded for this 
article, for there is clearly much more of original matter avail- 

The maps and illustrations of this volume are all laudable 
and helpful, save the frontispiece, which purports to be a view 
of Matlock Dale, taken from a great height. Mr. Bemrose, in 
this volume, rightly speaks of Derbyshire as a county that has 
" a world-wide reputation for beautiful scenery," but this picture 
is calculated to repel lovers of natural beauty from the shire. 
A ffippant Derbyshire friend, to whom we showed the frontis- 
piece, remarked — " It might be almost anywhere or anything ; 
at fiirst sight it looks like a cabbage garden sketched from a 
balloon ; it has, however, this advantage, it is equally effective 
whether looked at the right way up, or upside down, or from 
either side. At any rate it is quite unparalleled ; no one has 
ever before seen either a Derbyshire sketch or Derbyshire 
scenery the least bit like it I " 


"Smallti), Its ^i&tov^ anti Hcgentis." 

By Rev. Charles Kerry. (Bemrose &: Sons Ltd.) 

It is pleasant to find that a former editor of this Journal, 
long laid by from active work by continued ill-health, has had 
sufficient strength recently to issue a particularly attractive and 
well-written small volume on the parish of Smalley, with which 
he has been so long connected. Mr. Kerry tells us in his 
preface that his book " has been written in a sick room, chiefly 
from notes made years ago, when Smalley in many ways wore 
an old-world aspect — with its old houses, its aged people full 
of legends and tales of their fathers, only too pleased to relate 
them, a population from the ancient home stock — each man 
carrying on the trade of his fathers, all combining to supply 
almost every local need."' Fifty years ago, he says, there were 
no fewer than twenty different occupations in the village, but 
now there are only seven. 

The gossip collected about the village and neighbourhood is 
interesting and amusing, and quite worth chronicling ere it is 
all forgotten. Stocks, windmills, donkey shows and races, 
almshouses, charities, etc., are all laid under contribution; but 
the most entertaining items are perhaps those connected with 
the church in the not very remote past. Across the west end, 
about 1870, stretched a good-sized gallery, which served as 
accommodation for the boys of the Sunday School. But the 
men servants from Stainsby Hall and the old instrumental choir, 
conducted by Mr. Samuel Ottewell, occupied the front seats. 
In the centre panel of the front of the gallery was a contrivance 


of three wooden rollers with ten facets, each bearing numerals ; 
through the aid of this early example of a hymn-board, the 
clerk and congregation were able to ascertain the number of 
the Tate and Brady psalm that had been selected by the choir. 
The gallery steps were honeycombed on each side by the 
spiked crutches of one Jonathan Beniston. Old Beniston could 
neither read print nor music, but he thought himself a valuable 
member of the choir, as he contributed a droning bass accom- 
paniment to the melodies, after the style, says Mr. Kerry, of 
a bagpipe " chanter." This same kind of performance used 
to be the custom in at least two other Derbyshire churches in 
the first half of last century, namely, at Wingerworth, in East 
Derbyshire, and at Alsop-en-le-Dale, in the Peak. This 
droning is called " vamping," and used not infrequently to be 
done for greater effect through a long kind of noteless foghorn 
termed a " vamping horn." One of these horns, over 6 ft. long, 
hangs in the vestry of East Leake church, Nottinghamshire. 
This attractive-looking volume also contains various anti- 
quarian details, and is admirably illustrated with photographic 
plates. It is a distinctly desirable book for the Derbyshire 
collector, and many will also like to possess it from pleasant 
recollections of all that Mr. Kerry has done for this Society's 
Journal in the past. 


lEtritonal #otcs. 

" Padley Chapel and Padlev Martyrs," by F. M. 

Hayward. Printed by Bemrose & Sons. 2nd Edition. 

Price IS. — Close by Grindleford Bridge' station, with the woods 

of Padley as a picturesque background, stands all that remains 

of Padley Hall and Chapel, originally the abode of the Padleys, 

and later on of the wide-spreading family of Eyre. Early in 

the sixteenth century, however, the estate passed by marriage 

to the Fitzherberts, of Norbury, who, like their ancestors, the 

Eyres, clung religiously to the old faith of their forefathers. 

Among those who suffered for their religion in the reign of 

Elizabeth was Sir Thomas Fitzherbert, of Padley. He was 

deprived of two-thirds of his estate, and spent nearly thirty 

years in prison. In like manner suffered many others of his 

family; and here their story is sympathetically told. The 

main object, however, of Mr. Hayward's little booklet is 

contained in the motto, " Lest we forget," which is to be read 

under a print of the old Padley chapel taken from Dr. Cox's 

Churches, which adorns the cover. Mr. Hayward's earnest 

desire is that the memory of those who sO' heroically died for 

their faith should be for ever kept green in the minds of all 

Roman Catholics. With this end in view he gives a most 

graphic account of the persecution, and ultimate murder, of 

the three priests, who — true martyrs as they were — preferred 

death to recantation — and dishonour. Two of these were 

Derbyshire men — Nicholas Garlick, of Glossop, and Robert 

Ludlam, of Radbourne. Under the auspices of the Rev. 

Philip Fletcher pilgrimages are now yearly made to Padley, 

and " under those venerable walls " a Litany is sung by those 

who have met together to commemorate those sad and 

mistaken days of persecution. 


A Prospective Work. — Topographical works are always 
welcome, and to the true lover of his county have their 
special value. It is, therefore, with real pleasure that we 
hear that a new book, entitled Haddon : The Manor, the Hall, 
its Lords and Traditions, will shortly be published* by a member 
of our Council, Mr. Guy Le Blanc Smith, tO' whom we are 
indebted for several of the illustrations which are now quite 
a feature of our Journal. Over fifty of Mr. Le Blanc Smith's 
own photographs will adorn the pages of his book, which 
will add to its interest as well as its beauty. Among other 
items, it will contain a ground plan of the Hall, and pedigrees 
illustrating the history and descent of the Avenal, Vernon, and 
Manners families. The book will contain 268 pages, and is 
to be " Whatstandwell-made '' throughout, including the 

Melandra Castle. — Members of this Society will probably 
easily recall the fact that some years ago excavations were 
begun on the site of the Roman Camp near Glossop, known 
as Melandra. An account of what had then been achieved 
was related by Mr. John Garstang in Vol. XXIII. of onr Journal. 
Lack of funds, however, practically brought the excavations 
to a standstill, until the work was taken in hand by "The 
Manchester and District Branch of the Classical Association," 
who forthwith formed a special committee for excavation work. 
This committee included, among others, such well-known men 
as Professor Conway and Canon Hicks, who have made a 
study of ancient inscriptions. The Association has most 
courteously offered to us, for a small monetary consideration, 
their very able report on the excavation and the " finds " of 
Melandra, for which we owe them a debt of gratitude. Pro- 
vided that its issue is not delayed this report will be included 
as an Appendix in this Journal, where it is to be hoped it will 
be found. If, however, it is not received in time, it will appear 

in next year's issue. 

Charles E. B. Bowles. 

* By Elliot Stock, los. 6d., medium 8vo. A few copies of an edition de 
luxe are also to be issued. 




Abell, Thomas, 12 
Adov, S. O. 

Evolution of the English 
House, 66 

Household Tales, 66 

Little Hucklow : Its Customs 
and Houses, 44-68 
Adlington, 99 
Albini, 95 
Algar, 95 
Alen, Robt., 41 
Aleyn, Thos., 92; Willow, 46 
Allen or Alleyn, Anne, 90 ; 

Arms, 90; Thos., 90; Mr. J. 

Romilly, 187 
Andrew, Mr. W. H., 2, 70 
Arderne, Anne, 122, 123; Arms, 

122; Family, 95; Sir John, 

122, 123 
Arthur, King, 137 
Arundel, E. of, 95, 99 
Ashbourne, Robt., 137 
Ashby, John, 13 
Ashton, John, 86; Roger, 86; 

William, 88 
Avenal family, 192 

Iplaces an& Subjects. 

Abnev, 46, 91 
Addison's Spectator, 63 
Agincourt, 116 
Alderwasley, 178 
Alfreton, 23, 34 
Alkemanton Spittle, 24, 25 
Alnwick, 138 
Alton, CO. Staff., 32 
Alvanley, 95 

Architecture, Gothic, 128-133 
Annesley, 15 
Apley, 116 

Arcluyd, co. Chest., 92 
Arden, 95 ; Arley, 99 
Ashbourne, 43, 93, 105, 107 
note, n6, 124, 149, 157 et seq 
Ashover, 24, 2-j, 35, 40 
Ashmole's Drawing, etc., 134, 

13s. 139. 140 
Aston, 47 
Austen Abbey, 11 


Babington, 24, 35 

Bagshawe (Apostle of the Peak), 

119; Anne, 118; Arms, 79; 

Eclward, 93, iii, 112, 183; 

Elizabeth, 93, no, 112; 

Family, 73, 89, 108; Note of 

Ford,' 121; GeofTrey, 88; 

Henry, 10:, 104, ni, 118, 

119; Jane or Johanna, 93; 

Margt., 79; Nich., 91; Ralph, 

98; of Ridge, 88, 91, 93, 94; 

Thos., 13, 32, 79, no, 119 

note; William, 75, 79, 80, 85. 

88, 181. 1S2; Wm. C,rea\es; 

79. 115, 184 


Baggotts, Bromley, 104 

Bailiff of the Peak, 75, 76, 79, 

81, 83, 91, 97, 106, H4, 118- 

119, 127, 182 
Bakewell, 25, 36, 41-89, no, 133, 

148, 165, 172, 173 
Bamford, 48, 60 
Bankhead, 182 
Barton, 122 
Barrow, 23 note, 31 
Baslo\y, 178 

Beauchief, n, 15, 21, 28 
Bebington, 126 
Bedford, 1^7 
Beeley, 178 


Baker, ii6 

Bamford, Trustram, 21, 29 

Banks, Ellen, iSi ; John, 13, 

22, 32, 105, 181, 182 
Bardsley, Adam, 20, 22, 23 
Barker, Elizabeth, 119 note; 

Peter, 119; Robert, 21, 30 
Barney, Francis, 115 
Barrett, Wm., iii 
Bartilmew, Roger, 24, 36, 37, 41- 

Basset, 92 

Bateman, John, 13, 22, 32 
Bayle, Joshua, 54 
Baylle, Geo., 92 
Bayley, Alice, 21, 29 
Beamond, John, 20 
Beaumont, John, 28, 38; Major, 

Bebe or Bebye, John, 13, 31, 34. 

43; Joseph, 118 
Bedford, Thos., 41 
Bemrose, Mr. Arnuld, 187; 

Mr. William, 2 
Benett, Edward, 23; Thos., 87 
Beniston, Jonathan, 188 
Beresford, Agnes, 93, 117; Arms, 
92; Captain, 117; Rev. E. A., 
117; Eliz., 117; Famih', 73; 
Gilbert, 117; Humphry, 92; 
Lord, 117; Jas., 94; Juhan, 
93; John, 116, 117; William, 
82; Rev. W., 117 
Beyley, Alice, 29 
Black Prince, 74, 76 
Blackwell Family, 119 note; 

Rich., 31, 34; William, 119 
Bohun de, Elizabeth, 99 ; Hum- 
phrey, 99; William, 99 
Bolingbroke (Henry IV.), 86 
Bolles, Katherine, 15 note; Lucy, 
15 note; John, 15 note; Wil- 
liam, IS, 16, 20, 22. 30, 34 
Bolton, Christopher, 15 ;' Roger, 

120; Rev. Rich. K., 157 
Bonde or Bondy, Wm., 23, 34; 
Francis, M.A., Gothic Archi- 
tecture, 128 
Boothby, Penelope, 105 note 
Borough, Thos., 24, 35 
Bosdon Arms, 78 ; Roger, 78 
Boteler, Sir Francis, 93 ; Julia, 9 
Botlies, Robt., 78 
Bousser, John, 82 


Belper, 43 

Belvoir, 15, 20 

Berde, 76 

Beresford, 116 

Bermondsey, 13 

Birmingham, 116 

Birtherley, 76 

Black Canons, 11 

Black Edge, 120 

Bledlowe, 83 

Blore, CO. StaflF., 92 

Blythe, co. Notts., 102 

Bodley's Library, 135 

Bolsover, 135, 182 

Bosvvorth, 99 

Bov^'den, 91, 120, 180, 181, i8i 

Bovi'den Middle Cale, 107 
Boylston, 23, 34 
Bo}'nes Tokens, 114 note 
Boyton, 26, 39 
Bracton's Dc Legibus, 68 

Bradborne, 25, 38, 165 
Bradfield, 54 

Bradley, 157, 161, 163, 165 

Bradshaw, 96, 100, 184 

Bradvvell, 44, 48, 50, 175 

Bramhall, co. Chest., 94, 98, 10 

Brampton, 24, 36 

Bramshall, co. Staff., 103, 104 

Breadsall, 11, 21, 28, 89 

Bridgenorth, 116 

British Museum, 42 

Brocke, 81 

Brocflet, 81 

Brockdale, 47 

Bromley Baggotts, 104 

Buglawton, 113 

Bulkeley, 99 

Burton-on-Trent, 149 

Buxton, 49, 114 



i8 ; Edward, 

Bower, Foster, 126; John, 126 

Bowyer, John, 105 

Bradbury or Bredbury, Ellen, 
1S2, 183; Hugh, 182, 184; 
Ralph, 1S4 ; Edmond, 93 ; 
Family, 182 

Bradshawe Arms, 96; P^lizabeth, 
185 ; Emma, 100-102 ; Family, 
70) 73) 95 ; Francis, 96, loi, 
104; Henry, 114 note; God- 
frey, 96 ; John, 88, 96 ; Presi- 
dent, 96, 106, 114 note; Robt., 
24. 35 ; Thos., 21, 23, 29, 34; 
William, 82, 96, 100, 183, 185 

Bramhall, 113 

Brampton, John, 22 

Bramston, John, 3 

Brauncetoun, 13 

Brereton, Alice, 

no; Elizabeth, 119 note; Jane, 
no; Sir William, 105, in 

Bretland, John, in, 112 

Bridwe, Michael, 25 

Bromhead, Thos., 26, 39 

Bromwell Arms, 98 

Bronkhurst, John, 87 

Brooke, J. C, Somerset Herald, 

Broster, 90 

Brown, Anthony, loi ; Arms, 91 ; 
Edward, 87, 91, 93; Elizabeth, 
91, 93; Emma, 91; Family, 
73 ; tiregory, 85 ; 
87. 91. 93. 97. 101, 
Ralph, 182; Richard, 

Brydwell, Michael, 36 

Brytilbank, Henrv, 41 

Bueslon, Richard, 82 

Bukhard, Robert, 85 

Bunting, W. Braylesfon 
en-le-Frith Charters, 180 

Burchecar, Richard, 79 

Burghley, Lord, 98 

Bygges, 37 

Byng, William, 39 

Byron, Sir John, 18 

Bywater, Robert, 24, 35 

104, 182; 


Cadman Family, 

22, 31. 32 
Calton, Edmond, 





John, 13, 

Cadster, 115 
Cambridge, 2, 105 
Campana, 175 
Canary Islands, 176 



Carrington, Mr. Arthur, 


James, 92 ; John, 97 ; 
VVm. A., 93 note 
Cartleck, Wm., 26, 29 
Cavendish, Wm., 16, 17, 18, 19 
Cecil, Algernon, 92 ; Dorothy, 92 
Chadwick, 117, 119 
Chaloner, Lord, 20 
Chapman, Martin, 46 
Charles I. and II., 115 
Chereholme, James, 13, 27, 40 
Cherlton Joyce, 99 note 
Chester, Earl of, 79, 95 
Clare, de, 71 
Clarke, Ralph, 12, 22, 33; Robt., 

22, 33 
Clavton or Cleyton, Alice, 100, 
loi, 102; Christopher, 100; 
Elizabeth, 100 ; James, 22, 32 ; 
Margt., 100; Nicholas, loi, 
Clough, Adam, 86 ; Hugh, 85 ; 

Maurice, 86 ; Richard, 86 
Clutun, James, 13 
Cluworth, Hugh, 40 
Cnut, King, 58 
Cock, 2 
Cockayne, no; Anne, 93; Sir 

Aston, 93 ; Sir Edmond, 89 
Coke, George, 22, 32; Gregory, 

22, 32 
Cokerham, John, 21, 29 
Cokke, Geo., 13 
Comvn, Thos., 20 
Condy, 77 ; Henry, 78 
Conway, Professor, 192 
Conyholme, James, 2^, 32 
Coop, Richard, 87 
Cordall, Thos., 13, 22, 33 
Corke, Ralph, 23, 34 
Cosst, Henry, 12 
Coste, Thomas, 12 
Cotton, Bishop, of Calcutta, 127; 
Sophia, 127 ; Colonel, 94, 127 
Cotton, Jodrell, 94, 127 
Cradocke, Edward, 12 
Cox, Rev. J. Charles, LL.D. 
Religious Pension Roll, 10-43 ' 
Re\iew of Gothic Architecture, 

Roval Forests, 174, iSo, 18S 
Cress'well, 2 ; Agnes, 90 ; Arms, 
99 ; Dorothy, 90-99 ; Eliza- 
beth, 99 ; Ralph, 99 note ; 
Robert, 90, 99 

Capper's TopgrapMcal Diction- 
ary, 170 
Cardiff, 187 
Castle of High Peak, 71, 134 

et seq. 
Castleton, 26, 39, 40, 136 et seq., 

Cavedale, Castleton, 137 
Cavan Co., 47 
Chaddesden, 25, 26, 36, 39 
Chapel-en-le-Frith, 71, 72, 88, 92, 

95, 104, 113, 120, 180, 182 
Chatsworth, 107, 178 
Cheadle, 116 
Chelmersh, 116 
Chelmorton, 89, 107, 118, 119, 

Chester, 126 

Chesterfield, 23-26, 34, 35, 37-40 
Cheshire Houses, i 
Chevet, 92 
Clavton, 100 

Clerk's Medieval Military Archi- 
tecture, 142 

Clifford's Inn, 119 

Clifton, nr. Ashbourne, 147 

Cluniac Abbey, 13, 70 

Codrington's Raman Roads, 168 

Conisburgh, 144 

Cooke's Farm, in 

Coombes, 182 

Cowley, 90 

Cressv, Battle of, 99 

Crich', 2T„ 24, 34, 36 



Iressy, "j ; Arms, loo ; Kliza- 
belh, 102; John, 90; Leonard, 
100, loi ; ^Ia^y, 100, loi, 102; 
Robert, 90; Susan, 102; \Vm., 
100, loi, 102 

Cromwell, 15, 16, 157 

Currev, Percy H., Hon. Secre- 
tary, South Sitch, I- 10 

Curte, Herman, 21 

Curthall, Herman, 29 

Curzon, Sir John, in 



Dale, Jane, iiS; Joseph, 120; 
George, 118, iig; Millicent, 
118, 119 note; Robert, 118 

Daniel, John, 175 

Davenport, Arms, 98 ; Bridget, 
loi ; Crest, 98 note ; Family, 

73' 95. 99> 120; Ji^nP' '°i 

note ; Margaret, 98, 99 ; W il- 

liam, 94, 98, loi 
Davis, George, 43 
De Bohun Family, 99 
Derby, Isabella, 86; Robt., 86 
Derby, Earl of, 72 
Despencer, 95 
De Talboys, 95 
Dethyck, William, 21, 28 
Devonshire, Earl of, 10, 184 ; 

Duke of, 117 
Dighton, Robert, 15 
Downes, Agnes, 89 ; Arms, 96 ; 

Edmond, 76, 77, 120; Edward, 

113, 114, 119; Elizabeth, 113, 

114, 119; Family, 73, 76, 83; 
Humphry, 96; John, 96, 120; 
Reginald, 96, 120; Robert, 77, 
78, 89, 120 

Dryville, no 
Dunes, Roger, 74 
Dunfermline, Lord, 94 
Durant, Philip, 25, 38 
Dutton, Elizabeth, 87 ; Family, 
95; Peter, 87 

Dale, II, 22, 31 

Darley, 10-12, 16, 21, 28, 149 

Darley Dale, loi, 109 note 

Degsworth, 92 

Derby, 2, 3, 11, 24-28, 35-40, 92, 
107, 117, 124 

Derby, Histories ot, 2, 135, 145, 
j Derby, First ^Layor, 2-;^ 
I Derwent, 149, 175 
i Digswell, CO. Herts., 92 

Dislev, 100 
I Dominicans, 11 

Doncaster, 107 note 

Doomsday Book, 135 

Dore, 63 

Dorfield, 120 

Doubregge, 80 

Doveholes, 49 

Doveridge, 27, 40, 157, 165 

Dove Valley, 147 et seq., 157 

Downes, 76, 96 

Dronfield, 24, 26, 36, 39 

Dudley Castle, 106 

Duffieid, 83, 174, 177, 178, 188 

Dunge, 100, 102 

Dutton, 95 


Edensor, no 

Esebury, Richartl de, 76 

Eton, 99 

Evans, Sir John, 114 

Evre, igi ; Adam, 169 note; 

(ieorge, 21, 30; Gregory, 30; 

Robert, 68, 102; Roger, 169 

note; Rowland, 169 note; 

Thomas, 115, 120, 169 

Earwaker's East Cheshire, 

106 note, 113, 114 note 
East Leake, co. Notts., 190 
Ecclesbourne, 2, 178 
Ecclesfield, 56 

Edale, 48, 99 note, 136 note 
Egginton, 149 
Ekington, 25, 36 
Essex, 124 





Etherow, 175 

Everyday Book by Hone, 49 

Evolution of the English House, 

by S. O. Addy, 51, 135, 145 
Evesham, 72, 116, 137 
Eyam, g6, loi, 104, 169 note 
Eyre Rolls, 76 et seq. 



81; Maud, 83; 
78 ; William, 75, 

of Derby, 72; 

Farmleygh, Adam, 82 
Ferme, Robt., 85 
Fernley, 78 ; Adam, 75, 

Hamor, 74, 

Richard, 74, 

82, 83 
Ferrers, Earl 

Family, r77 
Fidler, Nicholas, 97 
Fitton, 99 
Fitz Alan, Earls of Arundel, 71, 

99; Elizabeth, 71 
Fitzherbert, Agnes, 117; Anne, 

126; Alleyn, 126; Arms, r25 ; 

Sir Henry, 117; John, 125; 

Major, 80, T22, 123; Rev. 

R. H. C, 126 note; Sir Thos., 

Fletcher, Rev. Philip, 191 
Foljambe, Cicely, 175; Richard, 

181, 182; William, 76 
Ford, Anne, 124; Ellen, 

Margt., 105; Wm., 103, 
Fox, W. Storrs, 14S 
Foxhall, 116 
Fredelagh, Hugh, 83 
Friskeneye, Walter, 82 
Fritborne, Hugh, 8t, 83 note; 

Richard, 8r 
Frost, Sir Wm., 36, 41 
Furniss, Adam, 46 

Fairfield, 115, 182 

Felley, co. Notts., 15 

Fenney Bentley, 23, 35, 41, 91, 

92, 94, 116, 151, 157 
Fernilee, 70, 73-75, 79, 80-83, 86- 

88, 115 
Flagg, 107, 119, 177 
Fonts, by G. Le Blanc-Smith, 

Forest, High Peak, 69, 136 note ; 

Royal, T74 ; Eyre, 175 
Fritbourne Charter, 77 


Graham, Peter de, 72 

Garlick, Nicholas, 191 

Gee, Thos., 184 

Gell, Col., 107; Sir John, in 

George, Wm., 117; Dorothy, 

Gerard, Robt., 22, 
Gerrall, Robt., 13 
Gilbert, Thos., 25, 
Gisborne, Anne, 

Dorothy, 125 ; 

James, 124 note ; 


38, 42 







Ctarner House, 60 

Gasquet's Henry VIII. and the 

English Monasteries, 1 1 
C»a\vs\vorth, 99 
Glossop, III, 184, 191 
Gomme's Village Community, 47 
Gotch on Early Renaissance 

Architecture, 128-133 
Govt, 71, 84, 120, 175 
Gray's Inn, 114, 116, 119 
Greenlow, 91 
Greenwell's Feodarium Prioratus 

Dunclmensis, 57 


Gladwin, Thos., io8 
Glyne, Geof., 26, 40 
Goche, Robt., ig, 20 
Godber, J. E. C, 148 
Gomfrey, Adam, 175 
Gooche, 28, 31, 37 
Gousell, 71 
Goushill, Jean, 99 
Goyt, Hugh de, 83 
Gray, J. T., iSo 
Greatorex, Joseph, 172 
Greaves, Elizabeth, 119 note; 

William, 119 note 
Grene, Christopher, 25, 36 
Grosvenor, Catherine, 87 note ; 

Elizabeth, 87; Robt., 87; 

Gunson, Ernest, 69, 107 

Gresley, 11, 20, 28 
Grindleford, 191 
Guildford, 138 


Haddington, Lord, 122 

Haidake, Thos., 43 

Hally, John, 84 

Halsame, Richard, 22, 32 

Handcoke, Robt., 24, 36 

Harper, John, 120; Roger, 106 

Haslam, Christ., 26, 39; Victor, 
9 note 

Harrison, Ralph, 13, 22, 31 ; 
Thomas, 12, 21, 28, 29; Wil- 
liam, 21, 29 

Hartshorne, C. E., 135, 136, 140 

Ha'rvy, Robt., 13, 32 

Harwood, Rev. John, 120 

Hassal, 92 ; Sir Ed. Hastings, 

Haugh, Katherine, 15 note ; 
Richard, 15 note 

Hauk, Ralph, 33 

Haverfield, Dr., 187 

Hawkwell, George, 25 ; Gregory, 

Hawston, Rich., 13 

Have or Hey, Henry, 12; Rich., 

22, 33 
Hayward, F. M., 191 
Hazlewood, 117, 118; Dorothy, 

Heathcote, H. C, 169-173 
Heathcote, 114; Wm., 40 
Hedneshouse, Rich, de, 74 
Herle de, Wm., 82 
Herthull, no 
Herwood, Robt., 32 
Hesketh, 99 

Haddon, 27, 40, 98, 104, 192 

Harden, 122 

Harracles, 105 

Hassop, 169 note 

Hathersage, 27, 40, 60, 66-71 

Hatfield, Woodhall, 93 

Hatton, 87 

Haugh, CO. Line, 15 

Hawkestone, co. Salop, 120 

Hayton, co. York, 72 

Hazlebach, 175 

Hazleborough, 121 

Herdewickwall, 85 

Henbury, co. Chest., 126, 127 

Heptarchy, Sa.xon, 13S 

Highlegh, 94 

High Peak, 182 

High Peak Forest, 174, 188 

Hoby, 117 

Holt', 99 

Hone's Everyday Bock, 49 

Hope, 86, no, 115, 175 

Hordern, 84 

Horwich, 85, 86, 97 

Houghe, 23, 26, 34, 39 

Hoveringham, co. Notts., 71 

Hucklow, 46, 89, 175 

Hulland, 9, 178 

Hulme, 87 

Hurdlow, iiS, 119 note 

Hyde, 107 



84 note ; Aldusa, 



Geof., 75 ; I'Uke, 75, Si ; 

Richard, Si 
Hicks, Canon, 192 
Higginbotham, Elizabeth, 113, 

114; Francis, 113, 114, 119; 

Thomas, 113, 114, 119 
Hill, Edward, 106 note ; Rich., 

25, 27 
Hobson, Agnes, 183, 185; Wil- 
liam, 183, 185 
Holilev, Wm., 12 
Holland, Sir Robt., 78, 79; 

Thos., Earl of Kent, 78 note 
Holleman, Rich., 81 
Hollingshed, 90 
Hollingsworth, 91 
Holme, Randal, 83 ; Richard, 27, 

40 ; Wm., 43 
Holshawecroft, John de, 76 
Honford, Wm., 182 
Hope, John, 2 ; St. John, 135, 

Horderon, Hugh, 181 
Howe, Henry, 27, 40 
Huitman, Rich, de, 75 
Hulleson, John, 178 
Hulme, Elizabeth, 113; Joshua, 

113 ; Mary, 105 
Hurdefield, 'Richard, 180-182; 

Wm., 180, 181 
Hutchinson, Mr., 150 
Hyde, 74, 122 note ; Arms, 74 ; 

Hammett, 74, 101 ; Jane, loi 

note ; Sir John, 74, 77 ; Robert, 

36, 72, 73, loi ; Thomas, 77 


Joan, 86 

Nicholas de, 86 ; 

Idridgehay, i-io 
Ipstons, 103 


Jacson, Arms, 126; Anne, 124; 
C. R., 122; Dorothy, 124 
note; George, 124; Roger, 120 
note, 123, 124, 126; Simon, 
no, 124, 126 

Jennings, Thos., 54 

Jerves, Henry, 26, 39 

Jevons, Nich., 12 

Jewitt, Llewellynn, 171 

Jamieson's Dictiuiiary, 57 note 


Joilrell, 69, 73, 105, loS note, 
121; Agnes, 93, 94; Amy, 94; 
Bridget, 100 ; Kilmoml, 93, 94, 
lot, 105, 123; Ellen, 96; 
Frances, 123, 126, 127; Fran- 
cis, 127; George, 95; Harriet, 
127 ; Helen, 93 ; John, 74, 
105 note, 126, 127 ; Mary, 105, 
123; Nicholas, 94, 95, 118; 
Paul, 83; Roger, 93, 95, 97 
note, 100, 102, 118; William, 

Jodrell-Cotton^^ Colonel, 127 
Johnson or Jonson, Thos., 1S2 ; 
Jorden, Rich., 25, 37, 41 
Jourdain, Rev. Francis C. R., 147- 

150, 186 



Kent, Thos., Earl of, 78, 79 

Kerry, Rev. Chas., 18S, 190 

Keyhvaye, Robt., 17 

King Edward, 134 et seq. 

King William, 24, 35 

Kirke, Henry, M.A., B.C.L., 

Kirke, 89; Edward, 185; George, 
183 ; Hugh, 184 ; Margaret, 
182-184; Nich., 184; Thos.', 
182-185; Thurstan, 182-185; 
Ralph, 182, 184, 185; Rich., 
183; Roger, 182, 185; Walter, 
182, 184 

Kynnersley, Arms, 104; Isabel, 

Kettleshome, co. 
Kildare, 63 
Kinder, 71 
King, 116 
King's Mead, 11 
Knipersley, 105 
Kniveton, 43, 157 
Kyrby, 33 

Chest., 87, 100 

163, 165 

Lache, Wm., 40 
Laissur, 20 
Lancaster, Earl of, 
Layton, 10 
Leader, J. D.j 54 
Lee or Lev, Agnes, 

Launcelot, 115; 

Thos., 80 ; William, 80 
Legh or Leigh, 10, 16, 17, 94, 

99, 121; Peter, 121 note; 

Robert, 77; Thos., 122 
Lega-Weekes, Miss, 46 
Linton, Rev. W. R., 187 
Lister, Arms, 87 ; George, 87 


80; Jas., 88; 
Robt., 80; 

Laneside, Chapel-en-le-Frilh, 184 

Langley Croft, 175 

Lapland, History of, 48 

Laws of Cnut, 58 

Leek, co. StafTord, 99, 102-106, 

Lees, 80 

Leicester, 98, 133 
Leigh, 24, 35 

Letter from Anne Gisborne, 124 
Lenton, 70, 71 
Lichfield, 81 
Lindisfarne, 129 
Lincoln, 139 

Litton or Lytton, Arms, loo ; 
Anne, 100-102; Christophei, 
24-36; Nicholas, 100, loi ; 
Rowland, 100-102 

Lodge, Bridget, loi, 102 ; Fran- 
cis, 101, 102; Peter, 101, 102; 
Wm., loi, 102 

Longston, Arms, 86 ; Margery, 
86; Rich, Si 

Lord, John, 25, 39 

Louis XIV., 120 

Lumley, Alice, 21, 29 

Ludlam, Robert, 191 

Lupus, Earl of Chester, 71 


Little Chester, 87 

Little Eaton, 8, 32 

Little Hucklow : Its Customs and 

Old Houses, 44-68 
Long Cliff, 145 
Longdendale, 72, 175, 182 
Longston, 86 
London, 38 

Loxley, co. Staff., 103 
Ludlow, 138 
Lullington, 11 
Lyme, 121, 122 
Lytton, loQ 


Machill, Rich., 21, 28; Robt., 

23. 34 
Machyn, Rich., 12, 2;^, 34 
MacMurrough, 71 
Malcolm of Scotland, 136 
Manners, 192 ; Sir George, 104 
Marryot, John, 34 
Marsh, 73 
Marshall, 71 

Marchingtun, Nicholas, 97 
Marvowe, John, 23 
May, Thomas, F.S.A., 166-168 
Meilors, of Idridgehay, 2 ; Henry, 

2 ; George, 3 ; Millicent, 3 : 

Robt., 2, 3; Samuel, 2; Thos., 

Mertynton, Nich. de, 82 
Merynge, Edward, 21, 30 
Meschines, 71 
Metz, Guarine de, 137 
Mildmay, 38; Sir Walter, 17 
Mitford^ John, 82 
Mollanus, Major, 107 
Mollenz, Elizabeth, 123; Sir 

John, 123 
Molyneux, 123 
Monmouth, Duke of, 120 
Montalt, 95 
Montford, 116, 137 
Mortimer, Earl of, 99 ; Roger, 89 
Morton, John, 127 note 

Macclesfield, 71, 78 note, 90 note, 
98, 100, lot, 108, HI, 113 

Magna Charter, 137 

Manchester, 126, 192 

Marchenton Woodland, 104 

Markland Grips, 188 

Marsh, 91, 93, 97, 104 

Matlock, 188 

Mayence, 166 

Mayfield, 149 

Melandra, 166-168, 192 

Melbourne, 43, 129, 130 

Merston, 23, 34 

Middle Fernilee, 75, 79, 81 

Middle Temple, 122 

Midhope, 60 

Moinesall, 85 

Monyash, 25, 36, 107, 108 

Moote Hall, 104 note 

Moor House, near Leek, 105 

Moore's, Geo., Diary of Wins/er, 

Morley, 31 

Mosse, CO. Staff., 103, 105 

Mvtham Bridge, 175 


Needham, Arms, 90 ; Agnes, 90 ; 
Christopher, 90 ; Elizabeth, 90 ; 
Ottiwell, 90 

National Trust Society, 172, 173 
Neath, Glamorganshire, 16, 166 
Ncedwood Forest, 174 



Neville, Dorothy, 92; Frances, 

92 ; Sandford, 92 
Newbold, Rich., 23, 35, 38 
Newcastle, Earl of, 107 
Newsome, Elizabeth, 102 
Newton, Lord, 122 note; Wm., 

Norbury, Thos., 74 
Norfolk, Duke of, 56 note, go 

Okelev, John, 20, 28, 29-35 
Oldefield, Wm., 25, 36 
Ollerenshaw, John, 181 
Orreby, 95 
Ottew'ell, Sam., 189 


Nether Haddon, 27, 40 

Netherlegh, 182-3, 184 

New Mills, 48 

Newton Burland, co. Leicester, 

Newton Grange, 92 
N'ewton Hall, 73 
Norbury, 74, 122 note, 157, 
Norman Donjons, 137 
Normandy Churches, 130 
Northampton, 137 
Northbury, co. Chest., loi, 
Norton, 41, 157, 158, 162 
Norynwood, 79 

Notes on Melandra Trade 
Weights, 166-168 




O'Curry's Manners and Customs 
of the Ancient Irish, 47 

Okenclough, 84 

Old Halls of Derbyshire, 74 

Ollerset Hall, 93 

Onomasticon, Mr. Searle's, 46 

Ormerod's Cheshire, 76 

Ornithological Notes for 1905, by 
Rev. Francis C. R. Jourdain, 

Osberton, 15 note 

Overton, 60, 96, 120, 126 

Owldcotts, CO. Notts., 100-102 

Owners of Shallcross, 69-127 

O.xford, ii2j 122 


Page, Roger, 13 

Parker, Thos., 26, 39 

Parre, John, 24, 35 

Pedley, Rich., 87 ; Robt., 87 ; 

Thos., 87 
Pembroke, Earl of, 107 
Peter, John, 12 
Peverell, 71, 176; Arms, 71; 

Mellett, 137; Wm., 70, 135 
Phillips, Thos. Jodrell, 127 
Pignt, Richard, 184 
Plantagenet, 71 ; Edmond, 99 
note ; Elizabeth, 99 ; Joan, 78 
Pole, Cardinal, 42; Peter, 21, 30; 

Rich., 29 


Padley, 60, 66, 67, 68, 191 
Paley's Baptismal Fonts, 162 
Park, CO. Salop, 119 note 
Parker on Architecture, 128 
Parwich, 149 
Peak Castle, 134 et scq. 
Peak Cavern, 137, 139, 

Forest, 44, 115, 174 ^^ seq. 
Pedder Meadow, 183, 184 
Pegg, Dr., on Bolsover, 1315 
Peniston, 60 
Pentrich, 163 
Personeshagh, 79 
Peverel's Castle, 134 
Preservation of Ancient Buildings 

Society, 172 
Prestbury, 77, 11:5, 120 

2 04 


Poole, Rich., 21 

Porte, Sir John, 18, 19, 27, 42 

Pott, Arms, loi ; Bridget, 102; 

Edmond, 102 ; Edward, 102, 

120; Elizabeth, 102; Geo., 

102; Grace, 101, 102; Henry, 

loi, 102; John, 97, 100-102; 

Leonard, 101-102; Mary, 102; 

Percival, 102; Thos., 102; 

Walburga, loi, 102 
Powell, Jane, 119 note; Thos., 

119 note 
Powtrell, Nich., 22, a; Rich., 

22; Thos., 18, 19, 27, 42 
Povnton, Adam, 46, 59, 64 ; 

Edward, 46 ; Ellis, 46 ; 

cules, 59 note ; Wm., 46 
Prate, 22 

Pratt, Thomas, 12, 13, 33 
Pursglove, Bishop, 90 
Pygot, John, 85 ; Rich., 184 


Priestcliffe, 177 
Puxhill, 75 



Rage, Thos., 12 

Ragge, Anne, 21, 30; Elias, 16, 

21, 30; Robt., 19, 21, 30; 

William, 24, 35 
Ragged, Rich., 78; Robt., 75; 

Thomas, 75, 78, 82, 83, 180, 

Ravenow, Nich., 84 
Rawson, Rich., 27, 40 
Redferne, Thos., 87 
Redvch, Sir Robt., 85 
Reyi Walter, 12 
Richmond, Earl of (Henry VH.), 

Rideard, 105 

Robins, George, 127 note 
Robotham, Thos., 24, 35 
Roland, Sir, Steward of the Peak, 

Rollinson, Abiel, 54 
Rossington, no 
Round, J. H., 187 
Rowlev, Anne, 115, 116; Arms, 

98, 116; Eamily, 119; Roger, 

114-116, 119; Wm., 117 note, 

Rudston, Arms, 72 ; Sir John, 

72 ; Walter, 72 
Rudyerd, Arms, 106 ; Benjamin, 

106; Jas., 106; Mary, 106; 

Margt., 106; Thos., 106 
Russell, Thos., 43 
Rutland, Duke of, 99 note; Earl 

of, 104 
Rye, Henry, Architect, 172 
Ryggs, Wm., 27, 41 

Radbourne, 191 

Ravensdale, 178 

Reascheath, 127 

Rickman's Architecture, 128 

Ridge, 84, 88, 93, 94, 106, no, 

113, 118, iig 
Reliquary, Jewit't's, 71, 73, 82, 

17', 185 
Religious Pension Roll, temp. 

Henry VI., 10-43 
Repington, 19, 20, 22, 12, 
Repton, II, 129, 149 
Restoration, no 
Roach Grange, 100 
Rocester, 147 
Rochdale, 49 
Rochester, 138 

Romanesque Churches, 130, 133 
Rondeokker, 86 
Rowley, co. Saloji, 115-117, 119, 

Rowtor, 169 

Royal Forests of England, 174 
Rovston, CO. York, 92 
Rudveril, 106 
RufFord, 99 




Siicheverell, Sir Henry, 22, 23, 
31, 34; Wm., 22, 31 

St. Helens, Lord, 126 

Salisbury, Wm., Earl of, 92 ; 

Siilusbury, Rich., 185 

Sandall, Kith., 24, 25 

Sandbanke, Wm., 21, 28, 29 

Saundebi, Robt., 80 

Savage, 95, no; John, 26 

Savile, Thos., Earl of Sussex, 92 ; 
Sir W'm., no 

Sawter, Wm., 12 

Schawenton, John, 80 

Sorches, Mat., 72 

Scott, Sir Walter, 134 

Shallcross, Variations of Spelling, 
69 ; Agnes, 80, 87, 89, 93, 94 ; 
Alice, 91, 94 note, 100; Amy, 
94, loi, 102; Anne, 90, 94, 
96, 100, loi, 103, no, 117, 
iig, 123; Anthony, 92, 94-97, 
99, loi ; Arms, 83, 98 ; Bene- 
dict, 76-84, 87 ; Bridget, 100, 
loi, 103 ; Catherine, 87 ; 
Charles, 90; Colonel, 93, iio- 
114; Crests, 97; Darbv, 90; 
Dorothy, 90, 92, 99, 103, 117; 
Edmond, 105, 106, in, 112; 
Edward, 84, 87, 90-99 i 
Eleanor, 95, 96, 100; Eliza- 
beth, 90, gi, 93, no, in, 112, 
114, 116, 117, 118, 122, 123; 
Ellen, 87, 88, 100, 103, 117, 
118; Emma, 91, 96, 97, 100; 
Frances, 118, 122, 123, 126; 
Francis, 93 ; George, 103 ; 
Helen, 96, 118; Henry, 83, 85, 
93; Humphry, 92, 114 note; 
James, 84, 87 ; Jane, 93, 99, 
102, 118, 119 note, 120; 
Johanna 93 ; John, 72, 76, 78, 
79, 80, 83, 84, 85, 87-94, 99, 
101-108, 111-112, 115, 116, 119, 
120, 122, 123, 125, 126; Julia, 
93 ; Laurence, 90 ; Legh, 122 ; 
Leonard, 71, 78, 89, go, 93, 94, 
g6-io2, 112, 122 note, Letitia, 
122, 123, Lionel, 96; Margaret, 
79, 80, 98, 102, 106, 122-4; 
>rargery, 79-80 ; Mary, 100, 
101;, 106 ; Oswalda, 72 ; Ott- 
well, 90 ; Peter, 96, 97, gg ; 

Saint John of Jerusalem, 23, 31, 


St. Mary's Priory, 15 

St. Werburgh, co. Chest., 76 

Salt, CO. StafT., 103 

Samian Bowl, 168 

Sawlev, 24, 25 

Saxon Mason's work, i3g 

ScheflFer's History of Lapland, 

Scrope and Grosvenor Contro- 
versy, 87 note 

Scropton, 43 

Sefton, 122 

Severnhall, 116 

Shallcross, The owners of, 6g-i27 

Shallcross Collieries, 95 

Sheffield, 54, in 

Sherd, 100 

Sherwood Forest, 174 

Shrigley, 89, 113, 114, 119 

Shrewsbury, 89, 99, 117, 120 

Silver Weil, 49 

Sinings, 45 

Smalley, 188 

Smithy Bullocks, in 

Some Chapel-en-le-Frith Char- 
ters, 180-1S5. 

Somersall, 6, 80, 122, 12:;, 125, 

South Sitch, Idridgehav, i-io 

Southwell, 16 

-Spanish Armada, 97 

Spittle, CO. Notts., 102 

Stainsby, 188 

Staler, 26, 39 

Stamford, 137 

StancliflF, 97, loi, 102 

Stanley Grange, 32 

Staveley, 123, 124 

Staynolsleye, 181, 184 

Stockport, 74, 105 note, 106, 107 
note, in, 116, 121, 124 

Stoneshaw or Stoneshall, go, 104 

Stoneylea, 184 

Strindes, co. Chest., 100 

Stydd, 2J, 



Prue, 103-104 J Ralph, 119; 
Richard, -jz, 74.76, 78, 79, 81- 
^4. 94) 98) 101-104, 106, no, 
112, 114, 115^ 117-U9, 123; 
Robert, 72, 78-80, 82-84, 86- 
aS; Roger, 116; Stephen, 72; 
Swain, 71, 72, -jT, Thos., 72, 
w-n ' 93. 105 note, 112, uq; 
William, -js, 76, 99, loi, 104- 

Shakespeare Arms, 122 note 

Shatton, Peter de, 175 

Shawe, Ralph, 25, 37 

Shawcross, Rev. W. H., 69-127 

Shelmefeld, John, 22 32 

Sheffield, John, 13 

Sherd or Shirt, Arms, 100; 
^"dget, 100-102 ; Dorothy, 184; 
John, 100, 102; William, loo; 

Shirley, Sir Hugh, 89 ' 

w ^f""' 76 J Rich., 88: 
Wm., 76 ' "j 

Shorecroft, Rich., 82 

Shrewsbury, Earl of, 17, 28 68 

Skeat, Professor, 70 

Skelton, John, 21, 30 

Smalelheyes, John, 81, 82 

Smalley, John, 76, 81 

Smith or Smyth, ■j'^; Agnes, 16 
21, 30; Amy, 94, joi ; Anne] 
90, 94, loi, 102; John, 22-33 • 
Randal or Ran.lle, 90, 94, loj 

'°^V?^'"''"'r'''' 94; Rowland! 

4f); Thos., 26, 39; Walburga 

loi, 102 ; Wm., 13, o2 
Smith, Guy Lf. Bl-^nc. 

Derbyshire P^onts, 151-161: • 

Haddon, 192 ; Photographs' 

146 note, 172 note 
Sneyd, Rev. G. A., 104 
Somersall, Thos., 24, 36 
Spooner, Laurence, 26, 30 41 
Stanbanke, Wm., 12 
Stanhope, Dean, 9:5 

•'^';\n'ey, Jane, 99 -"Lnrd, S7 ; Sir 
Wm., 99 

St.afford, Gertrude, 169 note; 
Humphry 169 note ; John, 181. 
Stenton, F. M., 188 
Stevens, S., 150 
Storey, J. Somes, 9 
Stredelegh, Hugh, 79, 83 note 
Stringer, Thos., 12, 13, 22 33 




Strutt, Hon. F., Review of 
Dr. Cox's Royal Forests, 174- 

Sutton, Sir Rich., 95 ; Thos., 21, 

3o> 38, 77 
Swynestowe, Robt., 24, 36 
Synderbye, Christopher, 25, 38 


Talbot, Earl of Shrewsbury, 68 ; 

Robt., 74 
Tarleton, Robt., 43 
Taylor, Wm., 27 
Teyley, Wm., 40 
Thacker, Anne, 30 ; Edward, 22, 

32; Gilbert, 21, 29; Oliver, 

30; Robt., 25, 37, 41 
Tomlinson, 149 
Thompson-Childers, Mrs., 173; 

William, 106 
Thornlev, 2 
Tildesey, Thos. de, 85 
Tofte, Thos., 21, 28, 29 
Tomkinson, Henry, 127 ; Sophia, 

Toplev, William, 23, 35 
Traffo'rd, Edmond, 88 
Travers, Sir Twiss, 68 
Trippet, Thos., 12 
Tunstead, Henry de, 76 

Taddington, 177 

Tarporley, co. Chest., 126 

Taxall, CO. Chest., 71, 76, 83, 
^4> 87, 95-7, 101-5, 108, 112, 
113, 116, 118, 120, 122, 123 

Teversall, co. Notts., 123 

Thorpe Cloud, 148 

Thorncliffe, co. Chest., in 

Thornsett, 90 

Tideswell, 24, 25, 35, 38, 44, 49, 
90, 97. 131, 17s 

Timber Houses, i-io 

Tissington, 117, 123 

Thornsett, 90 

Todyngton, 41 

Topiary work, 8 

Totley, 62 

Tower Ward, 90 

Trade Weights at Melandra, 166- 

Trent River, 150 

Treharris, Wales, 47 

Tunstead Wood, SS, 97 

Tupton, 108 

Turner's Architecture, 65 note 

Tutburv, III 

Twyford, 120 

Venables of Kinderton, 95 
Vernon, Ellen, 103 


Ui)per Fernilee, Si 
Uttoxeter, 103 


Victoria History, 149, 186 


Walkeden, Nich. de, 84 

Walker, 73, 103, 104, 109; Arms, 

98, 104; Dorothy, 101-3 ; 

George, loi, 103; Isabel, 103; 

Lewis, 103 ; Ludowick, 103 ; 

Prue, 103 

Wakes, The Customs of, 50 
Walton, CO. Lane, 24, 35, 122 
Warmincham, loi 
Warwick, 138 
Wath-upon-Dearne, 47 
Welbeck, 107 



Warburton, Sir John, 99 ; Peter, 

88, 99 
Ward, John, 181, 187; Robert, 

12, 13, 22, 33 
Warmvngton, Robt., 21, 29 
Warren, 71, 99 
Waterhouse, Edmund, 54 ; Helen, 

Waters, Rich., 21, 30 
Webb, 74 

Webster, Thos., 12, 13, 22, 33 
Wedgewood, Ellen, 105 note ; 

John, 105 ; Margt., 105 
Weir, Mr. (Architect), 172 
Wendesley, 73 ; Agnes, 89 ; 

Arms, 89; Sir Thos., 89 
Wetherby, Rich., 22 
Wevt, John, 81 
Whevttelev, Rich., 13, 32, 33; 

Robt., 33 
White, Robt., 23 
Whiteworth, Miles, 27, 40; Rich., 

26, 40 
Whitmore, Sir Wm., 116 
Widdrington, Mr. S. F., 73, 80, 

Wigfull, Mr. J. R., 68 
Wilbraham, Peter, 120 
Willoughby, John, 22, 32 
Wilson or Wvlson, Hugh, 21, 30-. 

Robt., 13 
Wingfield, 121 
Wirksworth, John, 12 
Wood, John, 12, T3 ; Wi 
Wormhill, Thos. de, 82 
Worth, Arms, 72 ; Benedi.-t 

7^. 74, 77; R"ht., 78 
Wright, Robt., 34 
Wvcliffe, 98 
Wvlkes, Rich., 26, 39 
Wvmesley, John, 26, 39 
Wvmeslowe, John, 26 


Wendesley, 89 
Wentworth, 47 
Weston, CO. Staff., 103 
Whaley Bridge, 97, 113 
White Canons, 1 1 
Whitehills, 84 
Whitehough, 182-185 
White's Gazetteer of County of 

Derby, 46 
Widdrington Roll, 71 et seq. 
Willington, 150 
Windley, 96 
Windmill, 45 
Wingerworth, 190 
Wingworth, 85 
Winster, 151, 169-173 
Wirksworth, 43 
Withered Bush, 47 
Withington, 75 
Woodfield, CO. Salop, 115 
Woodford, 95, 99 
Worfield, co. Salop, 115, 116 
Worksop, CO. Notts., 15, 16 
Wormhill, 79, 85, 88, 91, 120 
Worth, 72, 113 
Wortham, 15 
Wye, 175 
Wvnnington, 99 

Veatman, Mr. Pym, 71, 136 
Yonge, James, 12, 13 
York, Duke of, 117 

Yeardsley, 69, 74, 83, 93-5, 97 
note, 100-2, 108 note, 165 note, 
113, 123, 126, 127 

Yeaveley, 23 note 

Yevale, 31 

York, 82 

Y'oulgrave, 2t„ 3^, 107, 133, 159, 






FOUNDED 1878. 



^rcsibent : 


l^tcc-prcsiiicnts : 

His Grace The Archbishop of York. 

Duke of Norfolk, K.G., E.M. 
Duke of Devonshire, K.G. 
Duke of Portland, K.G. 
Lord Scarsdale. 
Lord Belper. 
Lord Howard of Glossop. 
Lord Burton. 
Lord Hawkesbury, F.S.A. 
Hon. W. M. Jervis. 
Hon. Frederick Strutt. 
Right Rev. The Bishop of 
Derby, D.D. 

Sir J. G. N. Alleyne, Bart. 

Sir Geo. Sitwell, Bart., F.S.A. 

Sir H. H. Bemrose. 

Sir a. Seale Haslam. 

J. G. Crompton, Esq., D.L. 

G. F. Meynell, Esq. 

W. H. Greaves-Bagshawe, Esq., 

Col. E. Cotton-Jodrell, C.B., 

Arthur Cox, Esq., M.A. 


W. J. Andrew, F.S.A. 

George Bailey. 

William Bemrose, F.S.A. 

John Borough. 

C. E. B. Bowles, RLA. 

Rev. J. Chas. Cox, LL.D., F.S.A. 

Rev. F. C. Hipkins, F.S.A. 

Rev. F. Brodhurst, ^L.\. 

C. J. Cade. 

G. Le Blanc S.mith. 

W. R. Holland. 

Rev. C. Kerry. 

W. Mallalieu, M.A. 

A. P. Shaw. 

John Ward, F.S.A. 

H. Arnold-Bemrose, M.A. 

Rev. R. L. Farmer. 

W. R. Bryden. 

G. J. Marples. 

A. Victor Haslam. 

H. A. Hubbersty. 

C. B. Keene. 

J. R. Naylor. 

^on. (£t)itor: 

C. E. B. Bowles, M.A. 


Jon. Cr^asurer : 

C. E. Newton, D.L. 

Jon. Sctrctari) : 

p. H. CURREY. 

Jon. Jfinancial .SccretariJ : 

W. Mallalieu, M.A. 

^on. ^ubitors : 

C. B. Keene. I W. Bemrose, F.S.A. 

Swij-Commtttfcs : 

SOUTHERN DIVISION.— Hon. F. Strutt, A. Cox, G. Bailey, 
C. E. B. Bowles, C. B. Keene, Rev. F. C. Hipkins, Rev. R. J. Burton, 
H. Arnold-Bemrose, J. Borough, W. Mallalieu, and P. II. Currey 
{Hon. Sec). 

NORTHERN DIVISION. -H. A. Hubbersty, Rev. C. C. 
Nation, T. C. Toler, \V. J. Andrew, R. M. Esplin, E. Gunson, 
ami W. R. Bryden {Hon. Sec). 


HE twenty-seventh Annual General Meeting of the 
Society was held on Friday, June 23rd, at the Ash- 
bourne Hall Hotel, Ashbourne, the Hon. F. Strutt 
presiding. The minutes of the last General Meeting, 
and the Report of the Hon. Secretar}, were read and adopted. 
Before proceeding to the election of officers, the Chairman 
announced, with great regret, the decision of the Hon. Editor, 
Mr. W. J. Andrew, tO' resign his office on account of pressure 
of work. The appointment of his successor was, by an 
unanimous vote of the meeting, left with the Council. The 
Hon. Treasurer, Hon. Secretary, Hon. Financial Secretary, 
Hon. Auditors, and the members of the Council retiring under 
Rule v., were re-elected, and the election of the following 
members nominated by the Council was confirmed : — Mr. G. J. 
Marples, in the place of the late W. A. Carrington; Mr. A. V. 
Haslam, in the place of Sir A. Seale Haslam (appointed Vice- 
President) ; and Mr. G. le Blanc Smith, in the place of the late 
J. Gallop. Nine new members were elected. 

A hearty vote of thanks to the retiring Hon. Editor was carried 
unanimously, and great regret was universally felt that his 
resignation was necessary. Mr. Andrew, in responding, 
explained that it was only the impossibility of continuing the 
editorship, together with his other work, which made him 
reluctantly come to the conclusion that he must give it up, 
at the same time promising to continue his interest in the 

Society's work, and give all the assistance he could to his 

Some discussion took place concerning the work at Brough, 
and the proposals to destroy the ancient buildings of the 
Ashbourne Grammar School. 

Six meetings of the Council have been held since the last 
general meeting. The arrangements for carrying further the 
excavations at Brough have been under discussion, but owing 
to unexpected legal difficulties in connection with the occupation 
of the land, the Council have been most reluctantly compelled 
to abandon the work for the present. 

In consequence of information received that under a scheme 
of enlargement the front of the ancient Grammar School at 
Ashbourne was likely to be destroyed, a communication was 
sent to the Governors of the school expressing the wishes of 
this Society that the old buildings might be preserved. At the 
request of the Education Committee of the Derbyshire County 
Council, Mr. C. E. B. Bowles, Mr. W. R. Holland, and the 
Hon. Secretarj', met Mr. Alderman Waite and Mr. G. H. 
Widdows, and the Trustees of the Grammar School at Ashbourne 
on July 31st, 1905. Your representatives were satisfied that 
the destruction of the old building would be both unnecessary 
and undesirable, and that from a practical point of view the 
building when altered would, on account of the difficulties of the 
site, be unsuitable for a school to meet modern requirements. 
Your Council are now assured that there is every reason to 
hope that the destruction of the old building, which forms such 
a picturesque feature of the town, will not take place, and the 
thanks of our members, and of all lovers of Derbyshire, should 
be given to the Trustees of the School and to the Education 
Committee for their courtesy in receiving and considering our 

Your Council is pleased to report that the old Winster 
Market House has been repaired in a most satisfactory manner, 
and is now safely vested in the " National Trust." Towards the 
cost of repair the Council has contributed the sum of £,t 6s. 
from the Society's funds. 

The churchwardens of Eyam have found it necessary, on 
account of the rough conduct of a certaia class of trippers, 
to place an iron fence round that portion of Eyam churchyard 
containing the ancient cross and Mrs. Mompessons tomb. As 
this is a matter of much more than local interest, your Council 
voted the sum of ^i is. towards the cost. 

The Council are pleased to be able to announce that 
Mr. C. E. B. Bowles has kindly consented to act as Hon. Editor 
of the Society's Journal. In succeeding Mr. Andrew, Mr. Bowles 
will have a hard task, but the Council feel assured that no 
better choice could have been made, and that Mr. Bowles will, 
with the help of the members, efficiently maintain the high 
standard which has been set. It is unnecessary here to speak 
of the work which Mr. Andrew has done for the Society; the 
last four volumes of the Journal speak for themselves. 

During the past year several gifts have been made to the 
Society's library, and additional engravings have been received 
for the portfolio. Arrangements have been made for an 
exchange of publications with the Bradford Historical and 
Antiquarian Society. It might be w'ell to remind members that 
the library is always open for their use on application at the 
Hon. Secretar)''s office. 

A most valuable collection of lantern slides of ancient fonts, 
crosses, and other objects of interest in the county has been 
presented to the Society by Mr. G. le Blanc Smith. Members 
of the Society may obtain the loan of these slides for lectures 
or other suitable purposes on application to the Hon. Sec. 

The thanks of the members are due to Sir A. Seale Haslam 
and Col. Cotton Jodrell, whose contributions towards the cost 
of illustrating the papers on Breadsall Priory, and Shallcross 
and Yeardsley Halls enabled the Editor to make the Journal 
for 1905 of greater interest than would otherwise have been 

Ashbourne was chosen as the centre for the annual meeting 
in 1905, the Ashbourne Hall Hotel providing comfortable head- 
quarters. On Friday, June 23rd, a party of about twenty-five 

assembled at Ashbourne Station, and under the able guidance 
of Mr. W. R. Holland, proceeded to visit the grand old church, 
the Grammar School (where the beautiful original charter of 
Queen Elizabeth was shown), and Dr. Sadler's house, a fine 
eighteenth century building with memories of Dr. Johnson. 
The party subsequently drove to Okeover, where, by the kind 
permission of Mr. and the Hon. Mrs. Okeover, they were 
privileged to inspect the hall, with its fine collection of pictures, 
charters, and manuscripts, and the beautiful garden, and where 
they were most hospitably entertained. 

After the business meeting in the evening, an interesting 
lecture on the principal pre-Norman cross-shafts and Norman 
fonts of Derbyshire was given by the Rev. R. L. Farmer, 
illustrated by Mr. le Blanc Smith's beautiful photographic slides. 

On Saturday, June 24th, a party of thirty drove to Fenny 
Bentley, and, conducted by the Rev. T. K. Bolton, visited the 
church, which contains some interesting woodwork, and the 
ancient house known as the Cherry Orchard, the former home 
of the Beresford family. Tissington Hall was next visited, by 
kind permission of the late Rev. Sir Richard FitzHerbert, both 
the house and its contents proving of great interest. The Rev. 
James FitzHerbert conducted the members round the church, and 
the party returned to Ashbourne by way of Thorpe, where lunch 
was obtained at the Peverel Hotel. Beautiful weather favoured 
the proceedings throughout. 

On Wednesday, September 30th, an excursion was made to 
Mugginton Church, and, by kind invitation of Mr. and Mrs. 
W. Bemrose, to South Sitch, Idridgehay. A party of thirty-two 
met at Mugginton, and were conducted round the church by the 
Rev. R. Feilden, who kindly produced the church plate 
(Restoration period) for their inspection. The fabric of the 
church proved of great interest, and a considerable time was 
spent in its inspection. Arriving at South Sitch^ the members, 
after enjoying the kind hospitality of Mr. and Mrs. Bemrose, 
spent a delightful hour in inspecting the old house and garden, 
a short account of which will be found in the current issue of 
the Journal. 


We have to record, with great regret, the deaths of the Rev. 
Sir Richard FitzHerbert, who so kindly permitted us to visit 
his house last year; of Mr. John Shaw, one of our original 
members; Mr. G. H. Adshead, Mr. F. C. Corfield, Mr. J. 
Walker, Mr. Hugo Harpur Crewe, Mr. C. H. Oakes, and 
Mr. C. Cooke. 



2)cvb^9birc Brcha^olooical an^ 




Dec. 31. To Fiinting /oitriia/ 
,, Renl of Room 
,, Printing and Stationery 
,, Secretaries' and Editor's Postage, Petty Cash and 

Expenses of Annual Meeting ... ... ... 18 o 8 

,, Subscription to Congress of Archaeological 

Societies ... ... ... ... ... ... I 10 

,, Donation to the Restoration of Eyam Cross ... i 10 

Winster Market Hall 1 3 o 














£169 10 4 


1905. £ s. d. 

Ian. I. To Balance brought forward ... ... ... .. 123 Ii 3 

Dec. 31. „ ,, deficient, Receipts and Payments Account 2 15 2 

;^I26 6 5 


£ s, 

2 s 

,, Balance in hand ... ... ... ... ... 49 1 1 

1905. ;^ s. d. 

Dec. 31. To Postage of Circulars 

1905. Liabilities. 

Dec. 31. To Capital Account as per last Balance .Sheet 
,, Entrance Fees received in 1905 (23) 
,, Life Composition received in (1905) (1) ... 

,, Balance in hand " Brough E.xploration Fund" 
Less Balance Deficient on Net Revenue Account 

























;^343 14 8 

Examined and found correct. Several liabilities due not 
entered in above accounts. 
Dated I2lh May, 1906. 

C. BARROW KEENE, Hon. Auditor. 


HAatural Ibistor^ Society. 

TO DECEMBER 3«st, 1905. 


Dec. ^ 

By Subscriptions 

,, Donations for Plates for Journals ... 
,, Sale ol Jour)tals and Bound Copies 
,, Interest on Investments 
,, Balance, being Deficiency on year ... 


£ s. <l. 

119 2 6 

20 10 o 

20 17 4 


2 15 2 


Dec. 31. By Balance carried forward 


Jan. I. By Balance brought forward 
Dec. 31. ,, Special Donations ... 

DECEMBER 31ST, 1905. 

1905. Assets. 

Dec. 31. By Investments, viz. : — 

Derby Corporation Stock, 3 % 
Derby Corporation Stock, 3 °/o 

I20 o o 
100 o o 

,, Furniture in the Society's Room, 

Market Place 

,, Crompton & Evans' Union Bank, viz.: — 

In hand Capital Account ... ... 188 7 9 

,, Brough E.xcavation Account 49 u i 

Less Deficit Revenue Account 

237 18 10 
126 6 5 

;£l69 10 


£ s. 

126 6 


/126 6 


£ s. 

48 10 

3 2 



-^51 13 I 

£ s. d.' £ 

12 5 

/343 14 8 

W. MALLALIEU, Hon. Finance Secretary, 

May loth, 1906. 


The Members whose names are preceded by an asterisk (*) are Life Members. 

Boyd-Uawkins, Prof. W., M.A., D.S.C., F.S.A., Victoria 1 

University, Manchester. 
Cox, Rev. J. Charles, LL.D., F.S.A., -St. Albans, 

Longton Avenue, Sydenham, S.E. 
Garstang, T-, B.A., F.S.A., The University, Liverpool. 
Haverfield", P., M.A., LL.D., F.S.A., Christ Church, 

Hope, W. H. St. John, M.A., Burlington House, 

Piccadilly, London, W. 
Kerry, Rev. Charles, Belper, Derby. 
Wrottesley, General The Hon. George, 75, Cadogan 

Gardens, London, S.W. 

Honorary Members. 

*Abney, Sir W. de W., K.C.B., F.R.S., Measham Hall, Ashby-de-la-Zouch. 

Abraham, Rev. C. T., Bakewell. 

Addy, S. O., 3, Westbourne Road, Sheffield. 

Adlington, W., Castle Donington. 

Alleyne, Sir John G. N., Bart., Chevin House, Belper. 

AUsopp, The Hon. A. Percy, Battenhall Mount, Worcester. 

Andrew, W. J., F.S.A., Cadster, near Whaley Bridge. 

*Arkwright, F. C, Willersley, Cromford, Matlock. 

*Arkwright, Rev. W. Harry, Highclere Rectory, Newbury. 

Arkwright, Miss, The Gate House, Wirksworth. 

Arkwright, W., Sutton Scarsdale, Chesterfield. 

*Arnold-Bemrose, H., M.A., F.G.S., Ash Tree House, Derby. 

Astle, M. J. J., Attiwell House, Draycott, Derby. 

Auden, Rev. T. A., Church Broughton Rectory, Derby. 

Bagshawe, Benjamin, 63, Norfolk Street, Sheffield. 

Bagshawe, Mrs., Norton Oakes, Sheffield. 

Bagshawe, W. H. Greaves, Ford Hall, Chapel-en-le-t nth. 

Bailey, George, Elmfield, Otter Street, Derby. 

Bateman, F. O. F., Breadsall Mount, Derby. 

Bateman, Miss, Rowditch Lodge, Derby. 

Bater, Rev. A. B., M.A., The Training College, Derby. 

Baxter, Rev. W., M.A., Barrow-on-Trent, Derby. 

Behrens, H. L., West View, Manchester. 

Belper, The Right Hon. Lord, Kingston Hall, Derby. 

*Bemrose, Sir H. H., Uttoxeter New Road, Derljy. 


Bemrose, William, F.S.A., Elmhurst, Lonsdale Hill, Derby. 

Bemrose, A. Cade, Milford, Derby. 

Bendle, S. B., Disley, Cheshire. 

Bennett, George, Irongate, Derby. 

Benthall, Dr., The Cedars, Breadsall, Derby. 

Benthall, Mrs., The Cedars, Breadsall, Derby. 

Binney, Rev. J. C. H., Holy Trinity Vicarage, Ilkeston. 

Blackwali, J. B. E. , Mount Hooton House, Nottingham. 

Bland, J., Duffield, Derby. 

Borough, John, The Cedars, Belper. 

Bostock, J., Spondon, Derby. 

Bowen, C, Whitehough Hall, Chinley. 

Bowen, H., Underwood, Buxton. 

Bowles, A. H., Temple Court, Guildford. 

Bowles, Chas. E. B., M.A., The Nether House, Wirksworth. 

Brigden, Geo., Irongate, Derby. 

Brodhurst, Rev. F. , Heath Vicarage, Chesterfield. 

Brushfield, H. C, Southside, Chepstow Road, Croydon. 

Brushfield, T. N., M.D., F.S.A., The Cliff, Budleigh Salterton, Devon. 

Bryden, W. R., Lakenham, Burlington Road, Buxton. 

Buchanan, Alexander, 8, Wilson Street, Derby. 

Bunting, W. Braylesford, The Courses, Chapel-en-le-Frith. 

Burgess, Miss Maria, Summersley, Buxton. 

Burton, The Right Hon. Lord, Rangemore, Burton-on-Trent. 

Burton, Rev. R. Jowett, M.A., Hughley Rectory, Shrewsbury. 

*Cade, Chas. J., The Homestead, Spondon, Derby. 

Cadogan, J. H., Friar Gate, Derby. 

Carlyon-Britton, P.W.P., F.S.A., D.L., 14, Oakwood Court, Kensington, 

London, W. 
Carr, Rev. Canon, Holbrooke Hall, Derby. 
Carrington, Arthur, Fircliffe, Darley Dale, Matlock. 
Carulla, F. J. R., F.C.S., 84, Argyle Terrace, Rosehill, Derby. 
Catt, C. W., The Outwoods, Duffield, Derby. 
Chambers, R. B., Green Hill, Derby. 
Chetham Library, Manchester — W. T. Browne. 
Childers-Thompson, Mrs., Winster, Matlock. 
Clarke, C, The Grove, Bramcote, Notts. 
Clarke, W. H., Park Green, Macclesfield. 
Clowes, Mrs., Norbury Manor, Ashbourne. 
Cockburn, C. S., Sutton Rock, Chesterfield. 
Coddington, Chas., The Naze, Chinley, Stockport. 
*Cokayne, G. E., M.A., F.S.A., Clarenceux King of Arms, College of 

Arms, London. 
*Coke, General Talbot, Trusley Manor, Derby. 
Coleman, Rev. W. L. , Nether Handley, Chesterfield. 
Constable, W. G. , 11, Vicarage Avenue, Derby. 
Conway, Prof. R. S., M.A., Litt. D., The University, Manchester. 
Cooper, Thos. , Mossley House, Congleton, Cheshire. 
Copestake, W. G., Kirk Langley, Derby. 
Cotton-Jodrell, Col. E., C.B., Reaseheath Hall, Nantwich. 
*Cox, Arthur, Mill Hill, Derby. 
Cox, H. S., Fernilee Hall, Whaley Bridge. 
Crompton, J. G., The Lilies, Derby. 
*Cross, Robert, Bakewell. 
Currey, B. S., Eaton Hill, Derby. 
Currey, H. E., The Cottage, Turnditch, Derby. 
Currey, Percy H. , Market Place, Derby. 


Currey, Rev. R. H. S., M.A., Eaton Hill, Derby. 

Curzon, William, Lockington Hall, Derby. 

Davis, A. v., The Beeches, Spondon. 

Derby, The Right Rev. The Bishop of, Callingwood Hall, Tatenhill, 

Burton-on- Trent. 
Derby Public Library — W. Crowther. 
Devonshire, His Grace The Diike of, K.G., Chatsworth. 

East Derbyshire Field Club, W. T. G. Burr, Oak Close, Brimington, 

Edmunds, W. H., St. Helen's, Chesterfield. 
Edvi^ards, T. A., Braeside, Whaley Bridge. 
Esplin, R. M., 15, King Street, Manchester. 
Evans, Rev. E. M., The Vicarage, Ilkeston. 
*Eyre, Lewis, Padley, Edge Hill, Wimbledon, Surrey. 

Farmer, Rev. R. L., Shardlow Rectory, Derby. 

Field, Rev. H. E., Ambergate, Derby. 

*Fitz-Herbert, Rev. Regd. H. C, Somersal Herbert Rectory, Derby. 

Fletcher, Rev. J. M. J., Wimborne Minster, Wimborne. 

Fox, W. Storrs, M.A., F.Z.S., St. Anselm's, Bakewell. 

Fowler, H., 122, Rose Hill Street, Derliy. 

Frood, H., Rye Flats, Coombs, Chapel-en-le- Frith. 

Furness, Geo., The Grange, Willesden Grange, London, N.W. 

Galbraith, A., Catterich, Manchester Road, Buxton. 

*Garrett-Pegge, J. W. , Chesham House, Chesham Bois, Bucks. 

Cell, Philip Lyttelton, Hopton Hall, Wirksworth. 

Gem, Rev. Canon, The Vicarage, Wirksworth. 

Gibbs, T., 6, Market Place, Derby. 

Glossop and District Archaeological Society, 24, Norfolk Street. 

Glover, E. M., Pear Tree House, Ockbrook. 

Godfrey, Rev. J. A., Eckington, Sheffield. 

♦Goodwin, F. S., Bridge House, Bakewell. 

Goodwin, R., 52, Hartington Street, Derby. 

Gould, 1. Chalkley, Traps Hill House, Loughton, Essex. 

Greensmith, L. J., i, Cham wood Street, Derby. 

Gregory, Thos. , Eyam, Sheffield. 

Gretton, John, Stapleford Hall, Melton Mowbray. 

Grindrod, G. H., Avenue Road, Duffield, Derby. 

Gunson, E., Rathern Road, Withington, Manchester. 

Haigh, H. McM., Iron Gate, Derby. 

Hall, Colonel E., Horwich House, Whaley Bridge 

Hamnett, Robert, 24, Norfolk Street, Glossop. 

Harlow, B. S., Moorlands, Buxton. 

Harpur-Crewe, Lady, c/o H. Harpur-Crewe, Stanleys, Lymington, Hampshire. 

Harwood, James, Tenant Street, Derby, 

Hasard, Dr., Melbourne, Derby. 

Haslam, Sir A. Seale, Breadsall Priory, Derby. 

*Haslam, A. V., Northfield, Duffield Road, Derby. 

"Hawkesbury, The Right Hon. Lord, F.S.A., Kirkham Abbey, York. 

Haynes, J. T., Lander Lodge, Belpew 

Hayward, Rev. F. M., Derwent Vicarage, .Sheffield. 

Heathcote, C, Wychwood, St. John's Road, Buxton. 

Heathcote, W., Bankwood, Duffield, Derby. 

Heginbotham, A. W., Manchester Road, Buxton. 

Hewetson, Rev. J., Measham Vicarage, Atherstone. 

Hicks, G., Melrose, The Park, Buxton. 


Higham, Rev. E., Molineux Street, Derby. 

Hipkins, Rev. F. C, M.A., F.S.A., Bamford Vicarage, Sheffield. 

Holland, W. R., Barton-under-Needwood. 

Holmes, G. E., London Road, Derby. 

Holmes, H. M., London Road, Derby. 

*Horne, E., Market Place, Derby. 

*Hovenden, R., Heathcote, Park Hill Road, Croydon. 

Howard of Glossop, The Right Hon. Lord, Glossop Hall. 

Howell, Rev. J., M.A , All Saints' Vicarage, Derby. 

Ilubbersty, H. A., Burbage Hall, Buxton. 

Hughes, A., 321, Hagley Road, Birmingham. 

Huish, Darwin, Kirk Hallam, Derby. 

Huish, Mrs. Hall, Ford House, Alfreton. 

Hunt, J. A., M.R.C.S., Brookfield, Borrowash, Derby. 

♦Hunter, John, Quarry Bank, Belper. 

*Hurt, Albert F., Alderwasley, Derbyshire. 

Hurt, Miss Grace S. F., Holly Bank, Rocester, Staffs. 

Hyde, Hon. J., Lanier Heights, Washington, D.C., U.S.A. 

Jacques, W., 19, Avondale Road, Chesterfield. 

Jeayes, J. H., Manuscript Dept., British Museum, London. 

*Jervis, The Hon. W. M., Quarndon, Derby. 

*Jeudwine, \V. W., Walton Lodge, Chesterfield. 

*Jobson, Godfrey, Redlands, Sidmouth. 

Johnson, E. S., Littleover Hill, Derby. 

Johnson, Mrs. Thewlis, Oak Hurst, Ambergate, Derby. 

Jourdain, Rev. Francis C. R., ^LA., Clifton Vicarage, Ashbourne. 

Joyce, The Hon. Sir M. L, 16, Great Cumberland Place, London, W. 

Keene, C. B., Ironsrate, Derby. 

Kerr, R. L., The Eaves, Chapel-en-le-Frith. 

Kirk, J., New Whittington, Chesterfield. 

Kirke, H., M.A., B.C.L., Wadham College, Oxford. 

Lawrance, Rev. H., Dinting Vicarage, Glossop. 

Lee, G. Trevelyan, Town Hall, Derby. 

Leigh, L L., Davenport, near Stockport. 

Leslie, C. S., F.S.A. (Scot.), Auchenove, Lumphanan, Aberdeen. 

Lewis, Rev. C, Parwich Hall, Ashbourne. 

Little, G. W., Park House, Whaley Bridge. 

Livesay, Wm., Sudbury, Derby. 

Lomas, Geo. H., Diglatch, Chapel-en-le-Frith. 

♦Longden, J. A., Stanton-by-Dale, Nottingham. 

*Longden, G., Pleasley, Mansfield. 

Lysons, Mrs., Rowsley Vicarage, Derbyshire. 

*Mallalieu, W., M.A., Swallows' Rest, Ockbrook, Derbv 
Manchester Public Free Library— C. W. Sutton, M \ ' 
*Manton, J. O., Dist. Supt., Midland Railway, Brecon 
Markham, Miss V., Tapton House, Chesterfield. 
Marples, G. J., Thornbridge Hall, Bakewell. 
Marsden, A., Wirksworth. 

Marshall, Rev. M., Burbage Vicarage, Buxton. 
Massey, Rev. Canon, Risley, Derby. 
ALitthews, F. A., Clifton Road, Ashbourne. 
Mclnnes, E., Littleover, Derby. 
Meade-Waldo, Mrs., The Gables, Wirksworth. 
Meakm, Miss ^L A., Spondon, Derby. 
Mellor, Mrs., Tan-y-Bryn, Abergele, N. Wales. 


Meynell, Godfrey F., Meynell Langley, Derby. 

Milnes, E. S., County Club, Derby. 

Milnes, Rev. Herbert, Darley House, Berkeley Street, Cheltenham. 

Molineux, Rev. Canon, Staveley Rectory, Chesterfield. 

Moorhouse, F., Westfield, Bramhall, Cheshire. 

Mundy, Edward Miller, Shipley Hall, Derby. 

Murray, Frank, London Road, Derby. 

Nation, Rev. C. C, M.A., The Vicarage, Bu.Nton. 

Naylor, J. R., Duffield, Derby. 

Neale, F. W., Lyndhurst, Mansfield. 

Needham, Rev. R. R., S. Martin's Rectory, Worcester 

Newbold, T. Robinson, 47, Dale Road, Buxton. 

Newton, C. E. , The Manor House, Mickleover, Derby. 

Norfolk, His Grace the Duke of, K.G., Earl Marshal, Arundel Castle. 

Nottingham Public Library, Sherwood Street, Nottingham. 

*Oakes, James, Holly Hurst, Riddings, Alfreton. 

Peck, Dr., 18, Gladstone Road, Chesterfield. 

Piatt, Joseph, Sudbury, Derby. 

♦Portland, His Grace the Duke of, Welbeck, Notts. 

Preston, R. B., Wrencote, Disley. 

Prodgers, Rev. C, Thurlaston Grange, Derby. 

Reid, W. Allan, Market Place, Derby. 

Repton School Library. 

Roberts, W., 11, Reginald Street, Derby. 

Robinson, W. B., Elm Lodge, Chesterfield. 

Robinson, Mrs. F. J., The Manor House, Sundridge, Sevenoaks. 

Rowley, F., Rock Cottage, Whaley Bridge. 

♦Rutland, His Grace the Duke of, K.G., Belvoir Castle. 

Ryan, T., Woodlands Dale, Buxton. 

Ryde, G. H., 97, Nevvbokl Road, Chesterfield. 

Sale, G. Hanson, Holme Cottage, Burton Road, Derby. 

Salt, W. H., 48, High Street, Buxton. 

Scarsdale, The Right Hon. Lord, Kedleston, Derby. 

Seely, Charles, Siiervvood Lodge, Nottingham. 

Shallcrohs, Rev. G. D. 

Shaw, A. P., Whitehall, Buxton. 

Shawcross, Rev. J. P., Kenley, Barnes Close, Winchester. 

Sheffield Free Library — Samuel Smith, Surrey Street, Sheffield. 

Shore-Nightingale, Mrs., Lea Hurst, Cromford, Matlock. 

Simmonds, T. C, Technical College, Derby. 

Simpson, L. E,, Brookfields, Burton Road, Derby. 

Sitwell, Sir George R., Bart., F.S.A., Belvoir liouse, Scarborough. 

Slater, Wm., Vernon Street, Derby. 

Slater, Mrs. W., Vernon Street, Derby. 

*Sleigh, Myles A., Eversley, Matlock. 

Smedley, J. B. Marsden, Lea Green, Matlock. 

Smedley, Mrs. J., Lea Green, Matlock. 

Smilter, C. J., Crescent Hotel, Buxton. 

Smith, G. Le Blanc, Whatstandwell Bridge, Matlock. 

Smithard, W., 5, Cromwell Ivoad, Derby. 

Southwell, The Right Rev. The Lord Bishop of, Ashbourne Road, Derby. 

Spafford, H., Glenariff, Whaley Bridge. 

Spilsbury, Rev. B. W., Findern, Derby. 


Statham, W., The Redings, ToUeridge, London, N. 

Stephenson, M., F.S.A., 3S, Ritherdon Road, Upper Tooting, London, S.W. 

*Striitt, The Hon. Frederick, Milford House, Derby. 

Stnitt, Herbert G., M.A., Makenev, Derby. 

Swallow, J. F., J. P., Mosborough Hill, Sheffield. 

Syms, T., Clarence Street, Manchester. 

Tallent-Bateman, C. T., Cromwell Road, Stretford, Manchester. 

Taylor, A. G., Bake well. 

Taylor, A. Grimwood, M.A., St. Mary's Gate, Derby. 

Taylor, Rev. Canon Thomas, St. Just-in-Penwith, R.S.O., Cornwall. 

*Taylor, Colonel H. Brooke, Bakewell. 

Thompson, C. C, Stafford Street, Derby. 

*Thornewill, Robert, Craylhorne, Burton-on-Trent. 

Thornhill, Mrs. M'Creagh, Stanton-in-Peak, Derbyshire, 

Toler, T. C, Taxal Lodge, Whaley Bridge. 

Tonga, W. Asheton, Stanecliffe, Disley, Cheshire. 

Tophani, J. H., Morley Hall, Derby. 

Tripp, C. H., North Lees, Duffleld Road, Derby. 

Truenian, Edwin, 147, Bath Street, Ilkeston. 

Trustram, E., The Paddock, Poynton, Cheshire. 

Trustram, Mrs., The Paddock, Poynton, Cheshire. 

Turbutt, W. Gladwyn, Ogston Hall, Alfreton. 

Turton, W. H., Heanor, Derby. 

Twigg, J. W., District Council Offices, Ashbourne. 

Varley, B. , Reginald Street, Derby. 

Wads worth, A. F. , 15, Weekday Cross, Nottingham. 

Walker, Rev. H. Milnes, Littleover Vicarage, Derby. 

*Walthall, H. W., Alton Manor, Wirksworth. 

Warburton, F., Halliwell Lane, Cheetham Hill, Manchester. 

Ward, John, F.S.A., Museum and Art Gallery, Cardiff. 

Ward, Rev. C. C, .Staveley, Cheslerfield. 

Watts, J., Abney Hall, Cheadle, Cheshire. 

Welby, E. M. E., Norton House, Norton, Sheffield. 

Were, F., Callingwood Hall, Tatenhill, Burton-on-Trent. 

Weston, T. R., Junr., Leacroft Road, Derby. 

Whatmore, A. W., Brook House, Ashby-de-la-Zouch. 

*Whiston, W. Harvey, Idridgehay, Derby. 

White, H. T., 9, Kedleston Road, Derby. 

White, J., Kedleston Road, Derby. 

Widdows, G. H., Hazehvood Road, Duffield, Derby. 

Wilmot, Miss, Chaddesden Hall, Derby. 

Wilson, Rev. A. P. Hamilton, The Vicarage, Glossop. 

Wilson, Arthur, 30, Ashbourne Road, Derby. 

Wilson, W. Mortimer, The Firs, Alfreton. 

Wood, T. P., Brambling House, Chesterfield. 

Woodforde, W. B., Breadsall Lodge, Derby. 

Woodhead, E., Spring Bank, Chesterfield. 

Woolley, J. C. S., South CoUingham, Newark. 

Woolrych, Rev. E. H., Holly Bank, Dormer Street, Astley Bridge, Bolton. 

Wrench, Dr., Baslow, Chesterfield. 

*Wright, Charles, Wirksworth. 

Wright, H. F., West Hallam Hall, Derby. 

Wright, Miss H., Eyam Hall, Sheffield. 

Wright, V. Beresford, Wooton Court, Warwick. 





3fournaf6 arxb tvanBaciione of (^ffieb ^ocieftee. 

Antiquaries, Society of, London. 

Associated Architectural Societies, Proceedings. 

Archaeological Journal (Royal Archaeological Institute). 

Birmingham and Midland Institute. 

Bristol and Gloucester Archaeological Society. 

British Archaeological Association. 

Burton-on-Trent Natural History and Archaeological Society. 

Cambridge Antiquarian Society. 

Cumberland and Westmoreland Antiquarian Society. 

Hertfordshire (East) Archaeological Society. 

Kent Archaeological Society. 

Leeds, Thoresby Society. 

LeicestershireArchitectural and Archaeological Society. 

Newcastle-on-Tyne Society of Antiquaries. 

Norfolk and Norwich Archaeological Society. 

North Staffordshire Naturalists' Field Club. 

Scotland, Society of Antiquaries of. 

Shropshire Archaeological and Natural History Society. 

Somerset Archaeological and Natural History Society. 

Staffordshire, William Salt Society. 

Surrey Archaeological Society. 

Sussex Archaeological Society. 

Thoroton Society. 

Yorkshire Archaeological Society. 

Yorkshire, East Riding Antiquarian Society. 

(^isceffancoue Qgoofte ant ^amp^feis. 

Alga Flora of Yorkshire. W. West and G. S. West. 

Antiquarian's Spade and Pencil. J. Ward. 

Arbor Low, Some Notes on. A. E. Cockayne. 

Arbor Low. Dr. Brushfield. 

Ashford Church. Dr. Brushfield. 


Bradbourne Cross. Professor G. F. Browne. 

Britain's Bur^e. Dr. Brushfield. 

Bury, The Abbey of St. Edmund. M. R. James. 

Buxton, Ancient Remains near. W. Turner. 

Mr. Micah Salt's Diggings. J. Ward. 
Cambridge, Borough Charters. F. W. Maitland. 

,, Register of Baptisms, &c., in St. Michael's. 

,, Pedes finium. W. Rye. 

,, The Librarians of Trinity College. R. Sinker. 

,, The Priory of S. Radegund. A. Gray. 

Seals and Insignia of the University and Colleges. 


Cambridge Guild Records. Mary Bateson. 
Cambridgeshire, Ancient. C. C. Babington. 

„ Church Bells of. J. J. Raven. 

,, Domesday of. B. Walker. 

,, Place Names. Rev. J. W. Skeat. 

Canterbury Cathedra', Verses formerly inscribed on 12 windows. M. R. James. 
Canterbury, Christ Church. W. G. Searle. 
Caer Pensauelcoit. 
Canadian Institute Proceedings. 
Caleb Parnham, Memoirs of. J. R. Lunn. 

Cardiff, Handbook to objects from Roman P'ort at Gellygaer. J. Ward. 
Carlisle, Armorial Bearings of the City. R. S. Ferguson. 
County Bibliographies. F. A. Hyett. 
Cresswell Caves. T. Heath. 
D.igenham, History of. Rev. J. P. Shawcross. 
Denstone History, Chapters in. F. A. Hibbert. 
Derby, Calendar of Ancient Records. I. H. Jeayes. 

,, R.A. Institute Annual Meeting, 1S85. W. H. St. John Hope. 
Derbyshire Domesday Book. J. Pym Yeatman. 
Dover Castle Church. J. T. Irvine. 
Duffield Castle. W. Bland. 
East Riding Portraits. Lord Hawkesbury. 
English Place Names, Notes on the Systematic Study of. 
Flanders and France, Journal of a Tour through. E. N. Fawcett. 
France, Societe Zoologique, Anatomic du Corselet de la Myrmica Rubra 

Fungus Flora of Yorkshire. A. Maxe and C. Crossland. 
Glossary of Dialectal Place Names. R. C. Hope. 
Gloucestershire, Domesday Survey. C. S. Taylor. 
Gloucestershire Records. E. A. Fry. 
Hardwick Hall, Notes on. Rev. F. Brodhurst. 
Hartshorne, Parish Records of. T. North. 
Hertfordshire, Archceological Survey of. Sir J. Evans. 
Huddersfield Naturalists' Society. Transactions, Pt. i. 
Ingulph and Historia Croylanensis. W. G. Searle. 

Journal of the National Society for Preserving the Memorials of the Dead. 
Kent, Archaeological Sur\-ey of the County. G. Payne. 
Lambeth Palace, Manuscripts in the Library. M. R. James. 
Lancashire, Archseological .Survey of the County. 
Leicester, Letters of Alderman Robert Heyrucke. T. North. 
Local Records, Report of Committee. 
Melton Mowbray, Town Records. T. North. 
Mount Grace Priory. 

Nailsworth, Bristol and Gloucester Excursion, 1 899. 
Newton, Diary of. J. E. Foster. 
Norman Tympana. Dr. Brushfield. 
Northampton, The position of, in English History. 
Norwich, Marriages recorded in the Register of the Sacrist. 
Parish Registers, Report on Transcription of. 
Pipe Roll Society Report, 1885. 

Prints and Engravings of Derbyshire, a Portfolio Collection. 
Reminiscences of a Yorkshire Naturalist. Dr. W. C. Williamson. 
Repton Priory, Letter to the Governors of Sir J. Port's Charity. 
Research, The Liberty of Independent Historical. T. Kerslake. 
Scotland, Society of Antiquaries, The Bass Rock. 

,, M The Baronv of Mouswald. 

,, ,, Sculptured Stone at Meigle. 

,, ,, Notes on two stoneware vessels. 


Shropshire, Calendar of Wills. Pts. 2, 3, and 4. 

Silver Plate of Roman Workmanship found in Derbyshire, 1729. W. Slukely. 

S. Richard, The King of Englishmen. T. Kerslake. 

Tideswell and its Church. Rev. J. M. J. Fletcher. 

Warkworth, Parish Registers. 

Warwickshire Field Club Proceedings, 1897. 

Waverley Abbey, Harold Brakspeare. 

Yorkshire Carboniferous Flora. R. Kidston. 

Yorkshire Naturalists' Union Transactions, 1900. 



t ;} if/IVlAT KJOD 

VOL. XXIX. 1907 

S^ Journal 



Natural History 




MoNYASH Church, S.E. 


2)ei'b^8bire Hrch^ological 



C. E. B. BOWLES, M.A. 



Printf;d for the Society by 




TfiE Church and Village of Moxyash. 

By Rrv. J.Charles Cox, LL.D., F..S.A. - ... i 

Alabaster " Tarle "-Relief at Hoppon Hall. 

By Mrs. Meade Waldo 22 

Henovere and the Church of Heanor. 

By Rev. R. Jowett Burton, M.A. 23 

OuisiNG and Mumming in Derbyshire. 

By S. O. Addy 31 

A Note on Brough and Bathumgate. 

By S. O. Addy 43 

Brass Tobacco Stopper. 

By C. E. B. Bowles, M.A. 50 

Derbyshire Fonts. 

By G. Le Blanc Smith 51 

Grant by Sir John Benet, Knt., to Pembroke College, Oxford. 

By The Editor - 65 

Crich Ware. 

By G. Le Blanc Smith 77 

Sir William Cavendish — 1557. 

By Rev. F. Brodhurst, M.A. - ----- 81 

Some Notes on Arbor Low and other Lows. 

By T. Arthur Matthews 103 

Recent Cave-Digging in Derbyshire. 

By W. Storrs Fox, M.A., F.Z.S. 113 

Ornithological Notes for the Year 1906. 

By the Rev. Francis C. R. Jourdain, M.A., M.B.O.U. 123 

The Manor of Abney : its Boundaries and Court Rolls. 

By C. E. B. Bowles, M.A. 129 


Brazen Alms-Dish, Tideswell. page 

By G. Le Blanc Smith 141 

Editorial Notes 144 


List of Officers iii 

Hon. Secretary's Report v 

Balance Sheet viii 

List of Members x 

Appendix : Report on Excavations at Melandra - - ai end. 


MoNYASH Church, S.E. - 
Sedilia and Piscina 


FoOR-LiGHT South Window 

Alabaster " Table "-Relief - 


Old Tup at Handsworth 
Brass Tobacco Stopper - 
Derbyshire Fonts — 


Bakewell - - - . 





Chaddesden . . . . . 

Hartington ■-.... 


Crich Ware — 

Posset Pot, 171 7 

.. 1739 

>, 1777 - - - . 
Punch Bowl, 1732 

Sir William Cavendish .... 

Arbor Low — 

Sketch of South End of Stone No. i 
To Chinley Churn, Section No. i 
To Stannage Edge, Section No. 2 







facing 81 


- 105 

- 107 

ILLUSTRATIONS— ^™.v?/-\r/:/). 


Arbor Low — (on/imied — 

Hares Hill to Axe Edgk, Section No. 3 - - - - 109 

Equilateral Triangle corresponding with the Ancient 

Divisions of the Zodiac 112 

Recent Cave-Digging, Description of Plates — 
Bones from Cavern, Plates i to 5. 
Hoe Grange Cavern, Plate 6. 
Bones from Hoe Grange Cavern, Plates 7 and 8. 

Brazen Alms-dish at Tideswell facing 141 



Iatural History Society. 

E!}f ^tjutd) antr IFillagc of IWongas^.' 

By Rev. J. Charles Cox, LL.D., F.S.A. 

HE village and township of Monyash, which occupy 
a great part of that somewhat bleak and dreary 
tableland to the east of Bakewell, between the 
valley of the Wye and the upper stretch of Dove- 
dale, was a place of some little importance in mediaeval days. 
It was the centre for holding the miners' courts for the High 
Peak Hundred in connection with the disputes and settlements 
relative to lead mining, which was a far more important industry 
in North Derbyshire in old days than it is at the present time. 
-A barmote court is still held at Monyash every six months, as 
it is at Wirksworth for the Low Peak. 

If the time ever came for WTiting a history of Monyash, a 
considerable number of incidents could be brought together 
relative to its annals, apart from matters ecclesiastical. Thus 
in 1275, the township of Monyash was fined 40s. by Thomas 
Foljambe for not arresting Ralph of Over-Haddon after he had 
wounded Robert Creswell, and objection was made to this fine 
" as no hue and cr}^ had been raised. ^ 

In 1278 a commission was issued to inquire and determine, 
J by jury of the Peak, touching Ralph le Wyne and the men of 

1 For the excellent illustrations accompanying this article we are indebted to 
Mr. R. J. Hunter, Station Approach, Buxton. 
'Hot. Hund., ii., 289. 



Monyash, in appropriating to themselves what belonged to the 
king in his mine of Foweshide, and in impeding the king's men 
of Taddington and Priestcliff, and also the men of Eleanor, the 
king's consort, of Ashford and Sheldon, in digging turf and 
getting heath in the marsh of Monyash according to custom. i 
There was further litigation on this latter subject in 1290, when 
another commission was issued to deal with the complaint of 
the king's tenants, of ancient demesne, of Taddington, Priest- 
cliff, and Ashford, as to their right, from time immemorial, to 
common pasture, turbary, and heath on the moors and wastes, 
inter alia, of Monyash. Certain persons had by night cut into 
small pieces their turf stacks, and carried off the heath they 
had cut. 2 

The disputes as to common of pasture and turbary over the 
Monyash common land continued down to a late date. It is 
easy to understand that the privileges enjoyed, according to 
old custom, by the men of the adjoining townships, over the 
Monyash moors must have been peculiarly galling to the actual 
tenants of Monyash, who appear to have had no compensating 
rights in other directions. In 1586, and again in 1590, dis- 
putes of this nature between the tenants of Over-Haddon and the 
men of Monyash reached the higher courts.^ It was not until 
1 7 71 that these almost continuous wrangles, leading from time 
to time to free fights, came to an end. Their cessation was 
then brought about by " An Act for dividing and enclosing the 
common and wastegrounds within the manor of Mony Ash, in 
the parish of Bakewell."* 

In the earlier part of Edward III.'s reign the mineral rights 
of both Monyash and Chelmorton were held by William de 
Lynford ; he was seized of them at the time of his death in the 
year 1338.^ His son, of the same name, who inherited these 

i Pat. Rot. 6 Edw. I., m. 411. 
' /fiid,i8 Edw. I., m. 3d. 

3 Cal. to Pleadings, Duchy of Lane, iii., 193, 263. 
* No. 26 of Derbyshire Enclosure Awards ; see Dr. Cox's Three 
Centuries of Derbyshire Annals, ii., 308. 
5 Inq. post mort. 11 Edw. III., pt. ii., No. 70. 


rights, was attached to the king's cou'rt, it being his duty to 
serve as the king's valet when he proceeded to Scotland or 
crossed the seas to the continent. This William de Lynford, 
junior, obtained from the king two important privileges, which 
must have brought considerable prosperity to Monyash. 
Edward III., on 8th April, 1340, granted to William (styled 
Dilecius valleHus nosier) to hold at Monyash a weekly market 
ever)' Tuesday, and also a fair on the vigil, day, and morrow of 
the feast of the Holy Trinity. This charter was witnessed, 
among others, by the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishops of 
Durham and Lincoln, and the Earls of Surrey and Derby.^ 

The original holder of the market and fair (the fees would 
bring in a not inconsiderable income) did not retain these 
privileges for long. Perhaps William de Lynford died in the 
terrible visitation of the Black Death; at all events, in 1349 
the market and fair of Monyash, together with the manor, were 
all held by John de Wyne.- 

In the next centurj-, the manor, with market and fair, were 
in the hands of the Earls of Shrewsbury.^ 

Various fragments pertaining to social life in Monyash during 
Elizabethan and later times could be culled by those who 
know where to look for such records. One example must 
suffice. At a great court of frankpledge for the High Peak 
Hundred, held at Chapel-en-le-Frith on 7th October, 1589, 
George Goodwin, Hugh Ely, Thomas Ely, and Leonard Frost, 
of Monyash, presented Roger Redfem, Alice Needham, Hugh 
Rogers, Brjan Ireland, and Alice Swindell, for having broken 
the assize as common brewers ; they were each fined twopence.^ 

At the wide end of the main street of the village (where 
there used to be a considerable open space, until a central 
portion was enclosed for the erection of a school) stands the 
village cross, which was doubtless placed here in the time of 
Edward III., when Monyash obtained its market rights. It 

1 Rot. Chart., 14 Edw. III., No. 41. 

2 Rot. Chart., 22 Edw. III., No. 27. 

3 Inq. post mort., 39 Hen. VI., No. 58; 16 Edw. IV., No. 50, etc. 
^ Court Rolls, Duchy of Lane, .\Hii., 455. 


rises from a large step, 8 ft. 2 in. square, on which rests 
a second shallow step 47 in. square. On this second 
step rests a base-stone, with chamfered comers, which is 27 in. 
square and 18 in. high; from this base springs a squared shaft, 
10 in. by II in. at base, and 8 ft. high, with just the beginning 
of the mutilated crosshead. 

Near to this cross stands the village hostelry, the Bull's Head. 
On the lintel of a doorway are the initials and date, H.G. 
1619, E.G., which must stand for Humphrey and Elizabeth 
Goodwin. Humphrey Goodwin appears in a list of Monyash 
freeholders of the year 1633. Two of the smaller houses in 
the village have stone mullion windows and other characteristics 
which go back tO' at least Elizabethan days ; but several sub- 
stantial old houses of the Monyash freeholders, as well as 
smaller cottages, have disappeared within the last fifty or sixty 

It may be well now to turn to matters ecclesiastical in 
connection with this village.^ At the time of the taking of the 
Domesday Survey, in 1086, Monyash {Mancis) obtains this 
single word mention as one of the eight berewicks into which 
the widespread royal manor of Bakewell was then subdivided. 
It is astonishing to note how often rash and absolutely false 
assertions are made with regard to Domesday by ignorant 
writers. In the last edition of Kelly's Postal Directory of 
Derbyshire, the silly and baseless untruth is put on record that 
" it is recorded in Domesday that Monyash was a penal settle- 
ment for monks.'" At Oneash, in this township, the Cistercian 
monks of Roche Abbey had a grange ; but that abbey was not 
founded until 1147, and this grange here was never used in the 
manner asserted. Two- priests are mentioned in the Survey as 
being attached to the church of Bakewell. In the reign of 
Henry I., the church as well as the manor of Bakewell were 

1 This account of the church of Monyash is considerably expanded 
and corrected from that which I wrote thirty-five years ago, and which 
was published in 1876 [Churches of Derbyshire, ii., 105-111, 585-6; 
iv., 497). The original authorities have been re-consulted, and several 
documents cited for the first time. 


given to William Peverel, and continued in that family until 
the time of Henry II., when they escheated to the Crown, and 
were afterwards granted to various persons. Henry II. con- 
ferred the church of Bakewell, with all its appurtenances, on his 
second son John, Earl of Morton, who afterwards became King 
John. Earl John, in 1192, granted this important rectory to 
Hugh de Novant, Bishop of Lichfield, and his canons. During 
the episcopacy of Geoffrey de Muschamp, John came to the 
throne, and confirmed, in 1199, Bakewell church to Lichfield, 
including the chapelry of Monyash, for there is little or no 
doubt that there had been a chapel there for some time. 

Under these circumstances, mth the greater part of the tithes 
diverted to the Lichfield Chapter, it became difficult to find 
support for the parochial chaplains of Bakewell. This was 
more particularly the case with regard to Monyash, and some 
other parts of the Peak, for William Peverel had given two- 
thirds of their tithes, in 11 13, to the prior)- of Lenton, Notts., 
3nd the priory was for ever insisting that this gift set aside 
John's gift to Lichfield. 1 

Soon after John's accession to the throne, at a date as we 
know from the witnesses between 1 1 99 and 1 200, important 
religious provision was made for Monyash by a charter from 
two benefactors, Robert de Salocia, and Matthew, son of Odo 
of Aston, who appear to have been joint lords of the manor of 
Monyash ; they obtained leave from the Dean and Chapter of 
Lichfield to grant to the mother church of Bakewell an oxgang of 
land, together with a house in the town of Monyash, on con- 
dition of the said mother church providing a chaplain tO' serve 
in the chantry chapel of Monyash three days in the week, viz., 
on Sundays, Wednesdays, and Fridays. They also ordained, 
with the common consent of the inhabitants of Monyash, that 

' A summary of this long continued Lis L'entonensis, which so sapped 
ecclesiastical revenues and disturbed the peace of the church throughout 
North Derbyshire for centuries, is given in Lichfield Capitular Muni- 
ments, 66-9. There, too, will be found references to ihe various charters 
respecting Bakewell and its chapelries in the Magnum Regisirurn Album. 
Most of them were also given in the thirteenth cent. B. Mus. chartulary, 
Harl. MS., 4799. 


every messuage in that town should pay a farthing a year for 
finding lights for their chapel, in addition tO' the fee that they 
customarily paid to Bakewell for the same purpose. They 
further undertook, on behalf of themselves and the inhabitants, 
that this provision of a chaplain should not in any way prejudice 
the various rights of the mother church, and that they would 
attend sen'ice at Bakewell at Christmas and Easter, and on 
All Saints' Day.^ 

Some fifty years after the bestowal of the oxgang of land and 
a house at Monyash on the Lichfield Chapter, tO' insure three 
celebrations a week in their chapel, the Dean and Chapter 
granted this property to William, son of Alan, and his heirs, 
at a yearly rental of los., but made stringent regulations against 
its sub-division or the sub-letting of it to Jews or monks or 
anyone else.^ 

Meanwhile a vicar of Bakewell was appointed with a stipend 
of twenty marks, out of which he had to pay various assistants, 
and certain small provision was made for the different chapelries. 
But these regulations were so' ill-observed, that when the ener- 
getic Archbishop Peckham made his visitation of the diocese 
of Lichfield in 1280, he sternly rebuked the dean and canons 
for their gross neglect of the spiritual necessities of Bakewell 
and its several dependent chapelries. In defence, it was urged 
that it was only by the great favour of the chapter that the 
inhabitants had been allowed to build these chapels, to save 
them the trouble and danger in bad seasons of coming to the 
mother church. The archbishop, by his decision, made a 
compromise, and, so far as respected Monyash, ordained that 
the chancel should be kept in repair by the inhabitants, who 
were also to find a chalice and a missal, but that the rest of the 
fabric, and books, and ornaments, were to be supplied by the 
Dean and Chapter. The inhabitants of Monyash were also to 
add one mark, in addition to the glebe of twelve acres which 

1 This charter is given in full in Churches of Derbyshire, ii., 585-6. 

2 This charter is given in full in Churches of Derbyshire, ii., 586, 
from Harl. MS. 4799, f. 27 ; it is entitled AUenatio terre de 
Moniasche interdicta. 


they had originally attached to the chapelry to the stipend of 
their priest, and the remainder was to be made up by the Dean 
and Canons. 1 

Difficulties, however, again broke out after a short interval, 
and a further and somewhat different agreement was arranged, 
which was substituted for that of 1280. In the year 131 5 a 
composition was entered into between the Dean and Chapter 
of Lichfield and the parishioners of the chapels of Baslow, 
Longstone, Taddington, Monyash, and Beeley, by which the 
Chapter, desiring to be in amity with all and avoid contention, 
granted fifteen shillings to the chapelry of Monyash to be paid 
yearly for the honour of God and augmentation of His divine 
worship, and a remission of all charges for proving and adminis- 
tering ^v^lls. They further permitted that certain honest and 
chiefmen of Monyash and of the other chapelries, which should 
be meet for the bringing of holy water, may be named by the 
parishioners, and may be presented to the vicars or ministers 
of the places, and of them in the name of the Dean and Chapter, 
if they be found sufficient, may be thereto admitted. In 
consideration of all this, and certain other privileges, the 
parishioners were not to require anything for the repair or 
defence of their chapels. The parishioners also covenanted 
to pay to the Dean and Chapter (not to Lenton Priory) all 
custO'mary tithes, beginning with those of wool and lambs, 
which were due on St. Barnabas Day." The holy water carrier 
also fulfilled the general offices of a parish clerk ; his usual 
mediaeval name was aqua-bajulus, as that was one of the most 
important of his duties. He was paid by fees and certain 
customary offerings. 

On 3rd July, 1348, a fine of loos. was paid to the clerk of the 
lianaper for the alienation in mortmain by Nicholas de Congesdon 
and John, his brother, of five marks of rent out of lands in Stern- 
dale, Monyash, and Chelmorton, to a chaplain to celebrate 
daily divine service in the chantry of our Lady, within the chapel 

' Dugdale's Monasiicoti (Lat. ed.), iii., 227. 

2 Two English versions of this agreement will be found in the 
B, Mus., Add. MSS. 6696, f. 134; 6698, ff. 211-216. 


of St. Leonard, Monyash, for their good estate, for their souls 
when dead, and for the souls of their ancestors. ^ An inquisi- 
tion of the same date showed that, after alienating this property, 
Nicholas still possessed considerable lands both at Eyam and 

Monyash would henceforth, up to the Reformation, possess 
two chaplains, the chantry chaplain giving a daily mass, and 
this in addition to the services of the parochial chaplain, who 
was bound to celebrate thrice a week. At this time, and for 
long subsequently, the populous hamlet of Flagg was reckoned 
to be in Monyash and not in Chelmorton parish. 

We learn something more of Nicholas de Congesdon from a 
receipt roll of the Peak jurisdiction of the Dean and Chapter 
of Lichfield for the year 1339. Nicholas and his brother John, 
with another, were the collectors of the tithes of minerals, that 
is, of lead; the amount handed over by them under that head 
was ^18 JOS. Nicholas was also one of the two collectors of 
the general tithes of Calver. The same return shows that the 
whole tithes of hay in Monyash, together with a third of the 
tithes of com, brought in 22s. 4d. A long list of mortuaries is 
given in the same roll, that is the best beast, or in default of 
a beast the best garment, handed over to the Chapter collector 
on the death of a parishioner. In that year in Monyash a 
cow was sold for 7s. on the death of William Ely; an ox for 
15s. on the death of William Cloken; and a cow for iis. on the 
death of Gena Choker.^ 

The 1545 report on, the Derbyshire chantries, preparatory to 
their revision, says : — "The Chauntrye of Moniasshe foimded 
by Nich. Congson & John his brother & no we patron of the 
ryght Hon. Erie of Shrewesburye & Humph Stafford esq.,* 

1 Pat. Rot., 22 Edw. III., pt. ii., m. 26; Rot. Orig., 22 Edw. III.. 
No. 47. 

■- Inq. ad quod damnum, 22 Edw. III., pt. ii., No. 14. 

:■ This roll is transcribed at length in Derb. Arch. Journ. (1889), xi., 

4 Humphrey Stafford, of Eyam, had inherited lands in Monyash 
through the niarriage of his ancestor, John de Stafford, of Eyam, with 
Dionvsia, sister and eventual heir of Sir Lawrence de Lynford, circa 
1364, when a grant of lands in Monyash, Chelmorton, and Calver, with 


that a preste shulde daylye celebrate masse & other dyvyne 
service in the Chappell of Moniasshe in the Hygh Peke, for 
their souls etc, & to ministre all sacraments & sacramentalls to 
the townes & hamletts of Monyashe, Flagge, Hordlowe & 
Onasshe, which be distaunte from the parisshe churche iiij or 
V myles, lxvi^ vij"^. clere cviji besydes ij^ vj in rente 
resolute, & for a yerely obite. Mych. Bredwell Chauntrye 
priste. It is distaunt from the parisshe church iiij. myles so 
that in winter season & other tempestuous wethers the said 
hamletts cannot be ser\'ed withowte the sayd Chappell. It 
hath a mancyon howse or cotage prised at iij^ iiij'i, by yere. 
Stock xxxix^. vij*^-" 

To the eternal disgrace of Henry VIII. and of the council of 
his boy successor Edward VI., the property of this chantry, 
like hundreds of others throughout England, was confiscated 
in the first year of the latter reign, without applying the plunder 
to any decent purpose. It is quite idle to urge that any pious 
motive of trying to suppress an alleged superstition in pra)-ers 
for the dead was the motive cause. The very Crown Com- 
missioners pointed out that the chantry priest was essential to 
the due administration of religion in this extensive wild district. 
It would have been quite simple to forbid masses for the 
departed and yet retain a small income to support a resident 
minister, but the court and courtiers had set their mind on 
plunder and would not be gainsaid. So the property, given 
to the church Just two centuries before, was seized by the 
CrowTi. Michael Bredwell, the dismissed chantrj' priest, was 
granted, as was shown in last year's Journal, a pension of 
£^ 13s. 4d. 

The position of parochial chaplain at Monyash was in no 

(Note continued from p. 8) : — 
lands in Magna Lynford and Thornburgh, co. Bucks., was made by 
Sir Lawrence de Lynford to William de Lynford and John de Stafford, 
his kinsman. This is dated 38 Edward III. All these lands devolved 
on John Stafford, of Eyam, armiger, the son of Dionysia, on the death 
of her nephew, Thomas Lynford, 28 Oct., 1423. The original of the 
above deed and of other Lynford and Stafford charters have descended 
through the Staffords and Bradshaws to me, and are still in my possession. — 


sense a benefice ; the Dean and Chapter of Lichfield, as rectors 
of the whole of Bakewell parish, were bound to assist in some 
way in the case of the parochial chapels, and in the instance 
of Monyash to find a priest to celebrate three times a week. 
But such a chaplain might even reside at Bakewell, and, at 
any rate, was removable at will. In the case of the chantry 
chaplain of the Blessed Virgin at Monyash, it was quite a 
different matter, for the incumbent of that chantry, after he had 
been duly presented and inducted by the Lichfield chapter, 
held his preferment as a benefice for life or at his own pleasure. 

The following list of incumbents of this chantry, with a few 
particulars, is taken from the Chapter Act Books at Lichfield. 
There is no reference to this chantry in the episcopal registers, 
as it formed part of the chapter's peculiar. The first of these 
chantry priests occurring in the Lichfield books also appears on 
the Patent Rolls, as the patron at that time was a minor. 

William de Thornhill, chaplain of the chantry of Our Lady 
in the chapel of St. Leonard at Monyash, M'as presented in July, 
1393, to the church of St. Peter, Rhosfair, in Anglesey, on 
exchange with Henry Alexander.^ 

1396. John Alot, on the resignation of Henr)-- Alexander; 
patron, William Meynell. 

1397. William More, on the resignation of John Alot ; patron, 
William Meynell. In 1415, William More granted to the Dean 
and Chapter an acre of land, with the buildings standing on it, 
in the town of Monyash. The Chapter appointed John Dean, 
vicar of Hope, to take possession of it in their name, 

. . . William Sheladon. 

1503. Thomas Smyth. Mandate was issued to the parochial 
chaplain to induct Smyth into possession of the chantry. 

1509. William Gudwyn, on the dismissal of Thomas Smyth. 
Mandate to William Massy, vicar of Bakewell, to induct him. 

1544. Michael Bredwell, on the death of William Gudwyn. 

At the time of his induction, Michael and Thomas Sheldon, 

of Oneash, were bound over, in a sum of ^£1$, for Michael's due 

obedience to the Chapter." 

1 Pat. Rot., 17 Ric. II., pt. i., m. 25. 
"•^ Churches of Derbyshire, iv., 497. 


Neither Monyash nor Taddington obtained burial rights 
until the year 1345. There is preserved among the capitular 
muniments at Lichfield an indenture from twenty-four residents 
of Monyash, whereby, in recognition of the grant of burial rights 
to their chapel, they covenant to pay a farthing to the vicar 
of Bakewell for each corpse on the day of burial, and to offer 
at the high altar in Bakewell church, every All Saints' Day, 
twelvepence for the Dean and Chapter of Lichfield. About half 
of the twenty-four wax seals appended to this indenture still 
remain. 1 

The Valor Ecclcsiasticus of Henry VIIL notes that the 
chapelry of Monyash was still paying this yearly pensioai of 
1 2d. to the Lichfield Chapter. 

The services at Monyash must have been veiy fitful for the 
century after the suppression of the chantry. 

At the time of the Parliamentary Survey of Livings, carried 
out in 1650, it was reported of Monyash that it was fit to be 
made an independent parish. Ralph Roades was then the 
minister. The Survey of the Lichfield Chapter possessions, 
undertaken at the same time, said : — " To the Chapell of Mony- 
ash there is noe certaine meanes but of late an Augmentacon 
of Thirty pounds out of the late Deane & Chapter's rent 
due from S"^ Edward Leech." 

During the reign of Charles II., Monyash became one of the 
headquarters of the Derbyshire Quakers. John Gratton, the 
most famous of the Midland Quakers, went to live at Monyash 
in 1668, where he resided forty years, and was active in dis- 
turbing congregations both Episcopal and Presbyterian. The 
return of recusants made by the Derbyshire constables in 1689 
show that there were then twelve Quakers at Monyash, including 
John Gretton and his wife.^ 

The church, which is dedicated to St. Leonard, consists of 
chancel, north and south transepts, nave with clerestoried north 
and south aisles, south porch, and western tower and spire. 

1 Dr. Cox's Catalogue of the Muniments of Lichfield, p. 64. 

2 Dr. Cox's Three Centuries of Derbyshire Annals, i., 342-347. 


The story of the fabric, very briefly epitomised, seems to be 
this. There was a small chapel or oratory here in early Norman 
days, with nave and chancel, under a single roof. This building 
was extended eastward to form a fair-sized chancel about the 
year 1200. A western tower was added between 1225 and 1250. 
The nave was rebuilt and arcades opening into north and south 
aisles were added in the second quarter of the fourteenth century. 
In 1348 a south transept was built. Towards the close of the 
same century a north transept was added ; the aisle walls refitted 
with square-headed windows and given gabled roofs; a 
north porch built ; and a third stage and spire added to the 
tower. About a hundred years later, in the reign of Henry VII., 
the walls over the aisle arcades were raised and clerestory 
windows inserted. During the "churchwarden era" various 
debasements were effected, the fittings changed from time to 
time, and flat plaster ceilings introduced. In 1887 a whole- 
some and much needed restoration was brought about, chiefly 
at the expense of the late Archdeacon Balston, who was vicar of 

As to the dimensions of the present church, the total interior 
length, from the west wall of the tower to the east wall of the 
chancel, is 89 ft. 6 in., whilst the width of the nave and aisles 
is 47 ft. 9 in. The interior of the tower is 10 ft. 6 in. square. 
The length of the south and north aisles up to the transepts 
is 29 ft. 7 in. ; the south aisle is 15 ft. 6 in. wide, and the north 
12 ft. 2 in. The south transept measures 15 ft. 7 in. west and 
east, and 18 ft. 9 in. north and south; the north transept is 
16 ft. 2 in. west and east, and 18 ft. 11 in. north and south. 
The chancel is 28 ft. 5 in. west and east, and 15 ft. 5 in. north 
and south. 

Whatever there may have been of the nature of a simple 
chapel before the days of Robert de Salocia and Matthew de 
Eston cannot now be traced, but there is palpable evidence 
of work of the period of these two benefactors about the year 
1200. The most striking feature of that date is the enriched 
sedilia and piscina niche in the south wall of the chancel, which 


Sedilta and Piscina, Monyash. 


are fine and exceptional examples, for so secluded and rural 
a district, of Transition from Norman to Early English. The 
three sedilia rise in graded levels towards the east ; beyond 
them is a fourth continuous hood-mould over the piscina niche. 
The four arches over the sedilia and piscina are semi-circular, 
and so, too, are the effective hood-mouldings, which are orna- 
mented with early examples of the tooth ornament. The sedilia 
are separated by detached shafts with good capitals and bases. 
By an unfortunate error of judgment the old and immediately 
local stones of these shafts were removed at the time of the res- 
toration of 1887, and shafts of polished fossil marble were put in 
their place. This change is both inharmonious and incorrect. 
Fortunately the old removed shafts, which are undoubtedly the 
original work, were not broken up but carefully kept by a local 
builder. The present vicar has wisely recovered them and 
placed them again in the church, where they may be seen rest- 
ing in the sedilia niches. It is to be hoped that his intention 
of taking out the modem glossy work and replacing the old 
shafts will be speedily carried out. 

In the north wall of the chancel, near the altar, is a large 
squared aumbry recess, which has been fitted with a door; it 
is probably of like date with the sedilia. Within it rest two 
pewter plates, bearing the name S. Goodwin, London, and the 
X surmounted by a crown denoting superior quality. 

The chancel itself is of circa 1200 date. Previous to the 
restoration a single-light blocked-up window of the large lancet 
type, but having a rounded head, could be noticed in the north 
wall. This was opened out in 1887, together with another of 
like style in the same wall. A like window, of which some traces 
were found, has been placed in the south wall of the chancel near 
the east end. The chancel was to a great extent rebuilt in 1887, 
but the old material was for the most part re-used and re-placed. 
The two buttresses on the north side are plain examples of the 
beginning of the thirteenth century. On the south side there is 
an old priest's doorway with a shouldered arch, and a two-light 
window of the last quarter of the thirteenth century. Adjoining 


the nave in this same wall is a two-light square-headed window 
of late fourteenth century date, like most of the nave windows. 
This window was filled, in 1904, with good glass to the memory 
of Rev. A. G. Berry (a late vicar of Monyash) and Mary his 
wife. Below this window are traces of an earlier lowside 
window. The four-light east window of the chancel was square- 
headed and debased previous to the restoration. The three- 
light imitative thirteenth century window, which has taken its 
place, is not a successful effort, and the east wall of the chancel 
and the floor have been treated with glossy encaustic tiles of 
unhappy arrangement. The archway into the chancel is sup- 
ported on good corbels of early natural foliage, with heads 

There is nothing characteristic of the thirteenth century left 
in the body of the church; but it is clear that the building of 
a western tower followed soon after the erection of the Transi- 
tional chancel. The style of the two lower stages of the tower 
denotes a date about 1225. On the south side of the tower 
is a low central buttress. This buttress is pierced by a small 
lancet window measuring 4 ft. 6 in. by 10 in. wide. To' find a 
buttress thus pierced is highly exceptional ; there is a lancet 
in a like position on the west side of the fine tower of the 
church of Bingham, Notts. Above this buttress is another 
lancet light. There are also low central buttresses in the west 
and north walls. This tower was probably originally crowned 
by a low broached spire. The body of the church, which at this 
time connected the Early English tower with the Transition 
chancel, was most likely of the former style. 

From this date it would seem that the fabric of the church 
had rest for about a century. But in the early part of the reign 
of Edward III., Monyash grew in importance and doubtless in 
population. The minerals increased in value, and, as we have 
seen, the town obtained a weekly market and an annual fair, 
and the church obtained burial rights. This, then, was the 
natural time for enlarging the church. An aisle was added to 
each side of the nave. There were quite suflficient indications 


before the church was restored to enable us to say with 
certainty that these aisles had originally lean-to roofs. The 
arcades that divide them from the nave are similar; each consists 
of three arches supported by octagonal piers and corresponding 
responds, plainly moulded after the fashion that was common 
in the earlier time of Edward III. 

But the aisle on the south side did not remain long undis- 
turbed. In 1348 came the founding of the chantr)' of Our Lady 
by Nicholas de Congesdon and his brother John. This chantrj- 
was placed at the east end of the south aisle, which was con- 
siderably extended so as to form a transept of fair dimensions. 
The throwing out of an archway on the south side of the pier of 
the arcade nearest to the east, to give admission to the transept 
from the east end of the south aisle can now be readily traced, 
and was obviously done soon after the arcade was erected, but 
formed no part of the original plan. This Congesdon chantry 
chapel, extensively repaired during the last restoration, has a 
new three-light window of the style prevailing at the time of its 
foundation. The three-light square-headed recessed window 
belongs to the time towards the end of the same century, when 
the church was largely remodelled; it has small shafts in the 
jambs. In this chapel is a piscina niche with rounded head; 
a large stone bracket 26 in. wide, on which there doubtless 
stood the image of Our Lady ; and a smaller bracket carved into 
two faces. 

Here may be noted a feature of the exterior east wall of this 
Lady chapel which is rather difficult to explain. There is an 
exterior line of moulded stones, flush with the walling, above the 
square-headed window ; it is not easy to understand for what pur- 
pose it served prior to the insertion of this window. In fact, this 
corner or angle of the church, both of chancel and transept, is 
the one point in the fabric that cannot easily be elucidated. It 
is more puzzling since the restoration than it was before. 

After this part of Derbyshire had to some extent recovered 
from the devastating horrors of the Black Death of 1348-9, a 
wave of church restoration and rebuilding passed over the 


district, about the close of the reign of Edward III. and running 
into that of Richard 11. The work of this period may be roughly 
assigned to circa 1370-80; a date when the curvilinear or 
Decorated style was yielding place in most parts of England 
to the dawn of the rectilinear or Perpendicular style. In this 
part of Derbyshire (and elsewhere in the county, as in the 
chancel of Breadsali) there came about a somewhat exceptional 
development in the shape of square-headed windows whose 
tracery had no touch of rectilineal work about them — such were 
the continuation of Tideswell chancel, the almost entire rebuild- 
ing of Taddington church, and the remodelling of much of the 
church of Monyash. At that date a southern chancel window 
(and probably also an east window) was given to Monyash, and 
also new windows to the north and south aisles, all of square- 
headed shape. The four-light window in the south wall of 
the latter aisle, with flamboyant tracery, is a highly unusual 
example. The south porch was probably then built or rebuilt 
over a beautifully moulded doorway of the first half of that 
century. From rather full notes taken in 1872, when the porch 
was in ruins, it may be confidently asserted that this was not 
originally what is termed an " open porch," but had a doorway 
in its south wall. It has recently been restored with an oak 
screen at the entrance. 

Among the little known uses to which church porches were 
not infrequently put was the holding inquests therein by the 
coroner over the corpses of those accidentally or wilfully killed. 
There are the records of more than one Monyash inquest still 
extant, wherein John Adderley, who was coroner for this part 
of Derbyshire from 1677 to 1699, summoned the Jury to meet 
in the church porch. ^ 

To this late period of the fourteenth century may also be 
assigned the raising of the tower or the removal of its upper- 
most stage, and the crowning of it, within the battlements, with 
an octagon spire, with two tiers of projecting windows at the 
cardinal points. This spire was taken down and rebuilt (on 

f Cox's Three Centuries of Derbyshire Annals, i., 79. 



'i^'t^i s&fixtm^gn: a?;j 

MoNYASH Church, S.W. 


the old lines and with most of the old materials) at the begin- 
ning of the restoration of 1886-8. A remarkable plan was 
adopted for giving access to the ringing chamber and the bells, 
which is probably unique among English parish churches or 
parochial chapels. There was no newel stairway in any angle 
of the old thirteenth century tower, and its proportions scarcely 
admitted of one being inserted. It was therefore decided to give 
a new west front to the south aisLe, and to construct a stairway 
between the new and the old walls. There is a small doorway 
within the aisle in the west wall but close to the south angle. 
Entering this, and turning immediately to the right, a series of 
twenty-two steps lead through a narrow passage, 26^ in. wide, 
up to the first floor of the tower. From thence, in the later 
work, newel steps lead on tO' the opening of the spire. This 
ingenious late fourteenth century arrangement adds interest to 
the outer angle of the tower and aisle, as shown on the plate. 
This church had also a north transept. It is difficult tO' say 
with certainty when it was first erected ; but it was possibly 
designed and begun about 1348 to balance the Congesdon Lady 
chapel, ajid not finished till the period at the end of that century 
now under discussion. This transept getting out of repair, pro- 
bably between 1550 and 1650, when the Bakewell chapelries were 
so much neglected, the mean expedient was resorted to of sweep- 
ing away, and building up the north and east walls on the lines 
of the old aisle. It may be noted that in the account of this 
church printed in 1876, it is said: — "When the time for the 
restoration of this interesting church happily arrives, it will 
probably be found that there have been both north and south 
transepts; careful search should then be made for their 

Such search was made during 1886-8, with the result that the 
[foundations of the north transept were disclosed, and the 
[transept was creditably rebuilt on the old lines. The north 
faisle and transept continuation used to be known as the Flagg 
[aisle, clearly indicating that it was occupied by worshippers 
[from that hamlet. 

' Churches of Derbyshire, ii., 108. 



Against the eastern pier on the north side of the nave, at 
the entrance to the north transept, is a small image bracket. 
There are remains of early painting on the stones of this arch- 
way. The north transept is lighted by a new two-light pointed 
north window, and by a square-headed recessed east window 
of three lights, the third light of which, on the north side, has 
been renewed, as it had been cut off when the transept was 
destroyed. To the right hand of this window is a plain pointed 
piscina niche, denoting that the church had a third altar. High 
up in this wall, about twelve feet from the floor, a wide stone 
used to project from the wall, which had served as a step into 
the doorway leading to the top of the rood-loft. The outline of 
this doorway could be traced up tO' the restoration. 

At a period well advanced in the fifteenth century, the high- 
pitched roof of the nave was taken down and a flat one substi- 
tuted. The walls over the arcades were raised, and three two- 
light clerestory windows inserted. It would be at this time 
that the rood-loft would be constructed. 

The interesting font is also of fifteenth century date, and 
has several characteristics in common with those of Taddington 
and other neighbouring churches which were renewed about 
this period. This octagonal font stands 36 in. high, and has 
a diameter across the bowl of 28 in. It has plain square panels 
save on the north side, which is carved with the arms of Bovil 
or Bovill, a fesse between three saltires engrailed. The bowl 
is supported on a cluster of four columns, the capitals of which 
are sculptured with the heads and hindquarters of a lion, and 
of some smaller beast. Richard Blackwell, of the adjacent 
chapelry of Taddington, married Griselda, daughter and heiress 
of Bovill, of Northampton, in the reign of Henry VII. It 
should also be noted that a Bovil was joint founder of Roche 
Abbey, Yorks., in the twelfth century, and this abbey had a 
grange in this chapelry at Oneash. The font is covered with a 
flat lid, on which is inscribed, "W. B., R. N., 1733." 

In Wyrley's copy of the herald's visitation of 1569 mention 
is made of three escutcheons as being then in the church at 


Monyash. One was the coat just mentioned on the font, and 
the other seems to have been in the windows. These two were 
— arg., on a saltire engrailed, sab., nine amulets, or ; and arg., 
on a bend, gu., three escallops, or. The first of these coats 
is Leake, and the other was borne by several famiHes, but its 
connection with Monyash has not yet been solved. •'^ 

When Bassano visited the church, in 17 10, he only noted 
the arms on the font, and the last of the two mentioned by 
Wyrley in the windows. 

Mr. Rawlins, who was here in 1827, says that "there are a 
few pews built round the pulpit and reading desk, and also 
towards the chancel, but generally speaking the open bench 

Beneath the tower is an old chest of exceptionally large 
dimensions; it is 7 ft. 2 in. long, 21 in. high, and 19 in. wide. 
It is continuously encircled with iron bands throughout, which 
are about 7J in. apart. The chest is divided into two unequal 
parts, each with, its owri' lid. The age of this massive 
receptacle points to- it having been probably constructed to 
hold the vestments and altar plate for the fourteenth century 
chantry founded by Nicholas Congesdon and his brother. The 
chest -is now in a rather dilapidated state, and has been 
coarsely mended ; it would tend to its preservation if it was 
brought out into a better light and placed in one of the 

Three bells swing in the tower; they are inscribed as 
follows : — 

I. " J. Melland, W. Bateman, C. W. John Hedderley made 
me. 1732." 

II. " Sea Maria o.p.n." (Sancta Maria ora pro nobis). The 
elaborate bell-founder's mark, with initials T. B., show that this 
is a bell of Brazyer, of Norwich. 

III. " Glory be tO' God on high. 1656," with the well-known 
founder's mark of George Oldfield of Nottingham. 

There are no old monuments in the church. At the west 

IHarl. MS., 6592, f. 89. 


end of the south aisle are some mural tablets to the 
Palfreyman family, 1774-1826. 

Against the east wall of the north transept rests the some- 
what dilapidated large Royal Arms of George II., dated 1742, 
fairly well painted on panel. It is much to be desired that 
these arms should be re-hung in the church. There is an 
excellent place for them over the low arch into the tower. 

During the Churchwarden era this church became much 
degraded. The roofs of chancel, aisles, and nave were all flat 
and plastered. One of the best features of the costly restora- 
tion of 1886-8 was the renewal of open roofs throughout the 
building. This restoration, which was chiefly accomplished 
through the munificence of Archdeacon Balston, cost between 
_;/^3,ooo and ^4,000. The church was re-opened by the Bishop 
of Southwell on May 9th, 1888. 

On the south side of the churchyard, near to the porch, is 
an exceptionally well-grown and vigorous yew tree. The 
trunk, in its early life, divided into two, about two feet from 
the ground, but there is only a slight division between the 
parts. At a height of 4 ft. 6 in. from the ground the girth 
is 14 ft. 7 in. ; the stretch of the boughs, from east to west, 
is 51 ft. The Monyash yew is only surpassed in interest 
among those of Derbyshire by the very ancient yew of Darley 
Dale churchyard, and by the fine example in Doveridge church- 
yard in the south of the county. 

The beauty of the churchyard of this exposed village is 
much enhanced by the environment of tall, well-grown lime 
trees which surround it on the north, east, and west sides. 
The absence of this great fence on the south side is accounted 
for by the fact that at the time of their planting the chief 
residence or hall of Monyash immediately adjoined that side 
of the churchyard. A confident and old tradition in the parish 
assigns the planting of these limes to Rev. Robert Lomas, who 
met with such an untimely end in 1776. 

The registers at Monyash begin in the year 1701, but the 
transcripts at Lichfield go back to the year 1672.1 There are 

1 Dr. Cox's Catalogue of the Lichfield Muniments (i886), p. 84. 


Four-light South Window, Monyash. 


not many entries of interest, but the following burials under 
date February 5th, 1772, bear witness to the severity of winter 
storms on these uplands: — "John Allcock, blacksmith, and 
Richard Boham, a baker. N.B. — These two were stan'ed to 
death in coming from Winster market, on Middleton Common." 
The Registers also record the sad fate, in 1776, of " ¥*= Rev^. 
M"^. Lomas. He was killed by a fall from a rock in Lathkill 
dale in the night." Robert Lomas had been minister of 
Monyash for many years ; the Registers record the baptism of 
his son Exuperius in 1753. He was returning from Bakewell 
late on the evening of October nth, lost his way, and fell 
over a dangerous precipice between Lathkill and Harlow dales, 
at that time called Fox Tor, but ever since distinguished as 
Parson's Tor. His body was found on Saturday afternoon, 
October 12th, and the inquest and burial took place on the 
following Monday. 1 The registers give the burial of his 
widow in 1788. 

The oldest piece of the altar plate is a small chalice with 
hall-mark of 1726-7. The remarkable and exceptional feature 
of it is that it bears on the side a curious late-Renaissance^ 
looking engraving of a chapel surmounted by a dome and a 
cross, and lettered below " Monyash Chappell " ; but it has 
not the most distant resemblance to the actual church or 

1 A copy of the return of the coroner's inquest, together with other 
particulars of the fatal accident, are set forth in the Reliquary (1863-4), 
iv., 170-176. A tuft of grass found clenched in the dead man's hand 
was preserved in a bottle at Monvash up to about 1850. Various queer 
stories are still told in the neighbourhood as to Parson Lomas, but he 
has left behind him a beautiful memorial in the lime trees round the church- 

illatjastn* " ^ai>\t "^Witlitt at ?^opton f^aU. 

By Mrs. Meade Waldo. 

HE tablet of which we here give an illustration is 
the property of Captain Chandos-Pole-Gell, at 
Hopton Hall. These " table " reliefs are of much 
interest, being examples of an art, or industry, 
which, originating at Chellaston, in the alabaster country, was 
once widely known. In fact, we may safely say that all the 
carved alabaster work dating from the fifteenth century, which 
is found in churches and cathedrals all over this country, as 
well as in France, came from Chellaston. Several of these 
tablets are in the British Museum. The Hopton example is 
not one of the earliest class — and has the peculiarity, among 
others, of a battlemented canopy. The figure of the Saviour 
has the hand in blessing at arms-length, and the left hand holds 
a Resurrection banner. The position of the right hand raised 
in blessing, however, varies, and in some of the examples is 
held close to the body ; and in the British Museum Resurrection 
tablet the banner is omitted. The Hopton tablet also shews 
the remains of a gilt background, diapered all over with round 
white spots. This is also seen in two examples in the British 
Museum. The subject of one of these is the Annunciation ; 
that of the other, the Destruction of Sodom. 

Mr. St. John Hope, in Archaologia, vol. Hi., p. 698, states 
that these tablets were carved at Chellaston, circa 1494, and 
were much used for monuments in various parts of England ; 
and were also exported to France. All the tablets referred to 
by him have the head of St. John Baptist as the primary subject. 
The figure of Christ, rising from the tomb, is introduced as a 
secondary group, smaller, and below the Baptist's head. 

Alabaster " Table "-Relief. 


ll^cnobcvc antr tlje dBtjtirct) of l^eanov. 

Notes on the Chartulary of Burton Abbey and the 
Chronicle of Dale Abbey. 

By the Rev. R. Jowett Burton, M.A. 

HE early histon- of the Church of Heanor has always 

presented a difficulty to the antiquary by reason 

of its connection, or supposed connection, with the 

Abbey of Burton. The following article is an 

attempt to solve the difficulty and to clear up one or two points 

which appear to have been overlooked in the evidence relating 

to the subject. 

In the twelfth century there were in Derbyshire twO' places 
called Henovere, one in the Manor of Mickleover (as shewn 
by the Chartulary of Burton Abbey), and the other the modem 
parish of Heanor. Evidence is here adduced to shew that the 
lands belonging to the Abbey in " Heanor " were in the manor 
of Mickleover ; that if a " Church of Heanor " were subject to 
the Abbey, the church was in Mickleover also; and, negatively, 
that the Church of Heanor on the borders of Derbyshire and 
Nottinghamshire was in no way connected with the Abbey. 

For the purpose of lucidity, the spelling of Heanor in 
connection with the Abbey is retained in its ancient form — ■ 
i.e., Henovere — and the present parish of that name, on the 
eastern border of the county, is spelt in the modern manner. 

The subject divides itself into two parts : First, the place 
Henovere; second, the Church of Henovere. 

Henovere. — The place of that name mentioned in the 
Chartulary of Burton Abbey is clearly located, as shewn by 


the following extracts. (The references to the Chartulary are 
to General Wrottesley's article in vol. vii. of this Journal.) : — 

" Manors or lands in possession of the monks at the time of 
Domesday — Derbyshire, ' . . . Mickleover, Littleover, Hen- 
over (Heanor), Findem, Potlack, and Willington ' " (p. 99). 
Folio' 21 (p. 113). 
" [De Henovere.] 
"Ego Robertas Abbas Burtonise concedo etc. dbnationem 
quam predecessor meus Gaufridus bonge memorise etc. 
concesserunt Roberto filio Wachelini in feudum et hereditatem 
illam ten-am iti Oura quam de eis ipse tenuit etc. et pro eadem 
terra debet reddere Ecclesise v.s. quoque anno &c." 

\1' ran si ail on. — " I Robert, Abbot of Burton grant etc. the 
gift which nay predecessor Geoffrey of good memory etc. granted 
to Robert FitzWachelin in fee and inheritance (namely) 
that land ui Oura which he held from them &c. . . ."] 
{c. 1 1 50-1 1 59.) 

The preceding folio refers to " Pothlac," and the remainder 
of this (21) to " Oufra." 

Folio 23. 
" [De Henovera.] 
" Ego B. [Bemardus] Abbas &c. concedo et confirmo dona- 
tionem quam predecessor meus Robertus Abbas &c., 
concesserunt Roberto filio Roberti filii Walchelini in feudum 
et hereditatem illam terram in Oura scilicet Henoveram quam 
de eis ipse tenuit &c." {c. 1160-1179.) 

[Translation. — " I Bernard, Abbot &c. grant & confirm the 
gift which my predecessor, Robert, Abbot &c. granted to 
Robert, son of Robert FitzWakhelin in fee and inheritance 
(namely) that land in Oura, to wit, Henovera, which he held from 
them &c."] 

On this folio (23) are " de Potlach," " de Terre in Derbi " ; and 
under " de Henovera " an additional entry of a concession to 
one " Robert brother of Briennius " of land in Asshehurst. 

The Chartulary is thus very explicit. Oura is Magna Oura, 
now Mickleover; and the land in Mickleover which was granted 


by the Abbot to the FitzWalchelins was called Henovera or 
Henovere. That Heno\'ere was in Mickleover agrees well with 
the fact that all the Derbyshire possessions of the Abbey were 
in Derby and to the S. and S.W. of that town, while 
Heanor is some nine miles to the N.E. And, further, that 
Henovere is always mentioned in close connection with Mickle- 
over (Oufra), Littleover, Potlac, and Findern. 

Taking the widest dates of the Henovere entries, two 
members of the FitzWalchelin family held land there under 
the Abbey between 1150 and 1179. Further, Nicholas Fitz- 
Walchelin de Henovere, a tenant under the Abbey,^ held land 
in Mickleover called Crosforlong, towards Littleover, between 
1222 and 1233. And in 1225-6 Nicholas de Enovere, or 
Eynoure (obviously the same), had right of pasture in Mickle- 
over in the neighbourhood of Rughedich, Sortegrave, and 
Witesiche. " The Abbot concedes to Roger (le Breton) and 
his heirs and to his men of Rughedich common of pasture in 
the whole manor of Magna Ufre, and in the manor of Parva 
Ufre after the deaths of Philip Marcus and his wife Anne, for 
which concession Roger (so far as lies in him) concedes to the 
Abbot, etc., permission to assart 60 acres in Sortegrave, and 
Nicholas de Enovere and his heirs shall have free entry and exit 
to the same pasture near Witesiche" (p. 126).^ 

Land in Heanor was indeed held by a Nicholas de Henover 
(possibly the Nicholas mentioned in the " Testa de Nevil " as 
holding in Shipley, 1242), but this was at a later date — that is 
to say, he acquired a moiety of the manors of Heanor, Langley, 
and Milnhay in 1258. But the FitzWalchelin references appear 
to refer only to Henovere and the neighbourhood of Mickleover. 

Part of the land at Mickleover, Littleover, Findern, and 
Potlac, formerly possessions' of the Abbey, came into the 
possession of Mr. Pole, of Radburn, in 1801, as given in 
Lyson's Derbyshire, p. 226, where the following expressive 
sentence occurs : — " Mr. Pole has a manor or farm in this 
(Mickleover) parish also, called Rough-Heanor." And in a 

1 Vol. vii., p. 121. 

2 See also vol. viii., pp. 23 and 24. 


deed of 1599 " Radbourne, Eggington, Micleover, alias 
Greatore, Littleover, Heynour, Mackworth, Etwall, Dalbrye 
Lees," etc., are given among the possessions of Germa)'ne 
Pole, Esq., of Radbourn.'^ This Heynour, or Rough Heanor, 
would appear to be the old FitzWalchelin tenure. 

The historic setting of Henovere is still partly maintained, 
for the name of one of the fields belonging to the farm, called 
Rough Heanor, in the parish of Mickleover, is Rowditch^ — 
obviously the modern representative of the " Rughedich " of 
the Chartulary. 

The Church of Henovere. — -This is a more difficult 
subject, depending on negative criticism rather than on positive 
assertion as in the previous question. Several authorities are 
quoted tO' shew the diflSculty attending the assumption that 
Heanor Church was subject to Burton Abbey, and the nature 
of the difficulty. 

The earliest authority is Thomas de Musca, Canon of the 
Abbey of Dale, or, more correctly, of Stanley Park. In his 
Chronicle he gives an account of the baker of Derby who became 
the first hermit of Depedale, and in that account says : " Fuit 
quidam pistor in Derby in vico qui dicitur Sancte Marie habebat 
auteni tunc temporis ecclesia beate Marie de Derby magnam 
parochiam et ecclesia de enere fuit ei subjecta et capella."^ 

\Translation. — " There was a certain baker in Derby in the 
street which is called St. Mary's. Moreover, at that time the 
Church of St. Mary at Derby had a large parish, and the 
Church of Heanor was subject to it, and a chapel. "^J 

" Dugdale's Monasticon Anglicanum, translated into 
English," i"] I?) (p. 189), contains an account of Dale Abbey: 
" There was a baker at Derby, in St. Mary's Street, at what 
time the Church and Chapel of Eanore were subject to the 
Church of St. Mary at Derby." 

Pilkington's View df Derbyshire, vol. ii., p. 151, states: 

1 Simpson's History of Derby, p. 88. 

"^ I am indebted for this to Mr. Edward Mclnnes, of Littleover, a member 
of the Society. 

' Mr. St. John Hope's text and translation in vol. v. of this Journal, 
pp. 5 and 17. 


"As early as the reign of Henry II. there was in Derby a 
church dedicated to the Blessed Mar)', and the parish belonging 
to it was of a very large extent." . . . "The Church of 
Eanor (Heanor) was subject to it {Mon. Angl., vol. ii., p. 617)." 
On p. 225, referring to Heanor: "There was a church here 
at the time when the Domesday Book was compiled. From 
the history of the foundation of Dale Abbey it seems that 
there was a chapel as well as a church at Heanor in the reign 
of Henry II., and that they belonged to the parish of St. Mary 
in the to\vn of Derby." 

Simpson's History of Derby, p. 307, states that " A church 
dedicated to St. Mar)', together with Heanor, which seems to 
have been a chapel of ease to it, was given by William the 
Conqueror to the Abbey at Burton." 

Dr. Cox realised the difficulty more than his predecessors. 
In the Derbyshire Churches, vol. iv., p. 233, he says : " The 
manor of Heanor ... at that time possessed a church, 
and this church of Heanor was in the eleventh centur)' given 
to Burton Abbey, being to a certain extent subsidiar)- to the 
ancient church of St. Mary in Derby. On the lapse of the 
Royal Grant of these churches to the abbey, in a manner that 
has not hitherto been ascertained, the Church of Heanor would 
seem to have reverted to the Crown, and to have been after- 
wards granted to the Greys of Codnor by King John." 

On p. 70 of the same volume St. Mary's Church is referred 
to thus : Of the church we know little beyond the fact of its 
gift to Burton. At all events, neither Burton Abbey nor any 
other body apparently possessed it in the thirteenth century. 
William I. had inchided, in his grant of the Church of 
St. Mary to Burton, certain lands at Heanor, whence arose the 
subsidiary position of the Church at Heanor to that at Derby. 

It will be observed that until Dr. Cox took the subject in 
hand writers founded their statements entirely on Dugdale's 
interpretation of the Dale Chronicle. And the questions arise, 
Was Dugdale's interpretation of " ecclesia de enere '" correct ? 
If so, to what does it refer? It is perhaps worthy of notice 


that those words, which are translated by Mr. St. John Hope, 
" The Church of Heanor," have been left almost untouched in 
Glover's translation — " A church de Onere " — as though he 
were uncertain of their meaning. Certainly the spelling is 
singular if intended for Heanor Church. One cannot, of 
course, cavil at the spelling of names at that age ; but there 
are two points of interest in this case. The usual modes of 
spelling were Henovere or Henower, with variations, but in 
" Enere " it will be noticed that the initial " H " is omitted, 
which is unusual, though we do read of Nicholas de Enovere, 
or Eynoure : and in the second syllable the predominant sound 
is " e," not " o," which is probably unique if the word be meant 
to represent Henovere. 

If it should be that " de enere " describes the church and 
does not refer to a place, then the Dale Chronicle has been 
misunderstood and has led to the difficulty which has beset 
antiquaries as to the early history of the Church of Heanor. 

But assuming that the Chronicle does refer to Henovere, 
where is the place referred to? As Rough Heanor and 
Heanor, each called Henovere, are about equally distant from 
Dale, we cannot presume that de Musca considered Heanor as 
the one irnportant Henovere, unhesitatingly understood by his 
readers because of the advantage of propinquity. We have, 
therefore, to consider the claims, after what has been said in 
the earlier part of this article, of the two places known by the 
name of Henovere. 

It has been said before that the Abbey possessions did not 
extend to the north of Derby, and the Domesday account of 
Heanor makes no reference to the Abbey of Burton, but points 
to the simpler meaning of its church being an ordinary parish 

" Land of William Pevrel. ... In Cotenovre and Hain- 
oure, and Langeleie and Smitecote. . . . There is a 
church . . . Warner holds." 

The lands at Mickleover, Littleover, Potlac, and Findem 
were granted by William the Conqueror to Burton Abbey, but 


the parish of Heanor was part of the possessions of William 
Peverel. Moreover, the Chartulary specifies that Henovere 
was in the manor of Mickleover,. and, as Dr. Cox says, certain 
lands at "Heanor" were included in the grant of St. Mary's 
Church to the Abbey, from which arose the subsidiary' position 
of the Church at " Heanor " to that at Derby, the inference 
is that the " Church de Enere " was in the manor of Mickleover. 
This may not be inconsistent _ with the statement that St. Mary's 
parish was a " large " one, so large as to contain the Church 
" de Enere," and a chapel in addition to the parish church. 

The connection between the ancient manor of Mickleover 
and the Church of St. Mar)-, Derby, is further indicated by 
the Chartulary. 1 After the enumeration of the tenants of 
Littleover (c. iioo) it states that the Abbey had a church in 
Derby which Godric the priest held (p. io6), and on p. 105 
" Godric the priest " appears among the tenants of Mickleover 
as holding "two bovates." And, again, in 1114 among the 
" Censarii " of Mickleover are Seon the priest and Godric the 
priest, the latter having four bovates of land and a church. 
Whilst under Littleover is the statement that in Derby the 
Abbey had a church which Godric the priest held (p. 109). 
This seems to suggest that there was one Godric who had to 
do with the manor of Mickleover and the church at Derby. 

To sum up the points of this article : The lands in Henovere 
granted by William I. to the Abbey of Burton were, according 
to the Abbey Chartular}', situated in the manor of Mickleover. 
If there was a church there it was subject to the Church of 
St. Mary, Derby, for the Church of Henovere, which was 
subject to St. Mary's, was so subject by reason of land there 
granted to Burton ; and the land in Henovere, subject to the 
Abbey, was in Mickleover. It follows, therefore, that the land 
in Heanor belonging to the Abbey, being in Mickleover, the 
church was there also. 

Indeed, the only connection between the Henovere of the 
Chartulary and Heanor seems to consist in the identical spelling 

1 Vol. vii. of this Jotirnal. 


of the ancient names ; and there appears to be nothing to 
imply that any relations existed between Heanor and the Abbey 
of Burton or St. Mary's, Derby. Thus the difficulty arising a 

from an inexplicable early transfer of the advowson of Heanor 
Church disappears. 

The questions might be asked : " If there were a Church at 
Rough Heanor, where is the site and where are the records ? " 
And the obvious answer is another query : " Where was the 
more important Church of St. Mary, Derby, and where are its 
records ? " 




^utsmg mxti iJftumming tn I5ci1)gstnvf. 

By S. O. Addy. 


EORGE POTTER, of Castleton, told me in 1901 
that when he was a boy the Christmas guisers in 
that village were about twenty in number. They 
wore masks, big hats, and short trousers. 
At the present time a boy gets into a sack, the top of which 
is tied in such a way as to represent two ears or horns, or else 
the sack is surmounted by a real sheep's head. A second boy 
represents a butcher, and carries a knife in his hand ; a third 
is dressed like a woman ; a fourth, who has his face blackened, 
represents an old man, and carries a bowl or basin in his hand. 
They go from to house singing the following lines : — 


As I was going to Der - by up - on a mar-ket day, I 

met the fin-est Tup - sie that ev-er was fed on hay. 


lay - him, lay - lum, Pit - y - ful lay.lum lay. 


The man that stuck the tupsie 
Was up to the knees in blood; 

The man that held the basin 
Was washed away in the flood. 
Say laylum, etc. 

And all the women in Derby 

Came begging for his ears, 
To make them leather aprons 

To last for forty years. 
Say laylum, etc. 

And all the men in Derby 

Came begging for his eyes, 
To kick about in Derby, 

And take them by surprise. 
Say laylum, etc. 

As the singing goes on the butcher pretends to stick the tup, 
and the old man with the bowl or basin pretends to catch his 
blood. When the performance is ended they ask for a copper 
or two, and then they sing " Christians, Awake.''^ 

In 1867 Mr. Jewitt printed a version of "The Derby Ram." 
It begins : — 

As I was going to Derby, sir, 

All on a market 'day, 
I met the finest ram, sir. 
That ever was fed on hay. 
The long version printed by Mr. Jewitt tells us that the 
butcher who killed the ram was drowned in the blood, and 
that the boy who " held the pail " was carried away in the 
flood. The maids in Derby begged for his horns; the boys 
begged for his eyes. As regards the skin we are told that : — 
The. tanner that tanned his hide, sir. 

Would never be poor any more. 
For when he had tanned and retched it, 
It covered all Sinfin Moor. 

1 Related to me by Jack Potter, of Castleton, one of the mummers, in 

Old Tup at Handsworth. 


His jaws "were sold to a Methodist parson for a pulpit 
to preach in." In a note Jewitt tells us that another version 
of the ballad ends with the lines : — 

And if you go to Derby, sir, 
You may eat a bit of the pie.i 

We may compare the Castleton version with one or two 
others. At Handsworth Woodhouse (in Yorkshire), near Shef- 
field, a real sheep's head is put on the top of the sack, and the 
boy inside the sack walks on his hands and legs so as to look 
like a sheep. The butcher pretends to kill the tup, and his 
servant holds a basin to catch the blood, as at Castleton. Here 
six boys go round performing the old tup. They are : — 
(i) The old tup. 

(2) A butcher. 

(3) A boy carrying a basin. 

(4) A boy called " Little Devil Dout," carrying a broom. 

(5) A clown. 

(6) A collector. 

They sing the same air as at Castleton, and the following 
lines : — 

As I was going to Derby 

Upon a market day, 
I met the finest topsie 
That ever was fed on hay. 
Yea, lads, yea, lads, 
Jollyfull lay, lay, lay. 

After the boys have sung what they remember of the ballad, 
the one with the broom sweeps the ground, and says : — 

Here's little Devil Dout, to sweep you all out ; 
Money I want, and money I'll have ; 
If you don't gi^■e us money to feed the old tup. 
He will no longer be able to stand up. 

After this the collector goes round with a hat collecting 

^ Ballads and Songs of Derbyshire, 1867. 


At Handsworth (in Yorkshire), near Sheffield, the boys have 
an imitation of a sheep's head. It is made of wood with a pair 
of real sheep's horns, with two glass marbles for the eyes. The 
tongue is a piece of red flamiel. The boy who is acting the 
old tup gets under a sack, and holds the sheep's head up 
with a broom handle, as shewn in the photograph. Here five 
boys go round. They begin about seven o'clock on Christmas 
Eve, and finish their rounds on the night of New Year's Day. 
The four boys represent : — 

(i) An old woman with bonnet, frock, apron, and black- 
ened face. 

(2) A butcher with his smock and apron, and his knife 

and steel. On his apron are a few spots of blood. 
The old woman and the butcher go arm in arm to 
the door of a house and say : — 

" Here comes me and our owd lass. 
Short o' money and short o' brass; 
Pay for a pint and let us sup, 
And then we'll act our merry old tup." 

(3) The old tup. 

(4) A fool with his face blackened. 

When the butcher kills the tup it falls to the ground, as if 
it were dead, but they have no basin to catch the blood. They 
sing the following lines : — 

As I was going to Derby 

Upon the market day, 
I met the finest tupsie 

That ever was fed with hay. 
Failey, failey, 
Laddy, fallairy lay. 

The butcher that killed the tupsie 

Was up to the eyes in blood ; 
The boy that held the pail, sir. 

Was carried away with the flood. 
Failey, etc. 


The blood that ran down Derby street 

And over Derby Moor, 
It made the biggest water-wheel 

That ever was seen before. 
Failey, etc. 

The horns that grew on this tup's head 

They were so mighty high, 
That every footstep he let down 

They rattled against the sky. 
Failey, etc. 
The wool that grew on this tup's back 

It was so mighty high. 
That the eagles built their nests in it, 

For I heard the young ones cry. 
Failey, etc. 

I am told that something was formerly sung about the tup's 
horns being as long as the church steeple. The boys at Hands- 
worth have not a sheep's head, but a sack, with a pair of 
sheep's horns sticking out at the top. 

At Upperthorpe, near Sheffield, boys go round on Christmas 
Eve with " the old tup." They tie the ends of a sack to re- 
present horns, as they do at Castleton. The custom is dying 
out, and at Norton a sufficient number of boys could not be 
got together at Christmas, 1901, when I made enquiry. Both 
" the old tup " and " the old horse " were performed at Norton 
and Dronfield when I was a boy, about 1855. I have remem- 
bered the tunes since boyhood, having frequently heard them 

The butcher of modern life who kills a sheep now puts it 
on a stretcher, and stabs it in the throat with his knife, a boy 
holding a bucket or pail under the wound to catch the blood. 

The ceremony which has just been described represents the 
sacrifice of a ram, for it is inconceivable that just as the old 
year was passing into the new the men or boys of numerous 
villages should pretend to kill a ram as a mere freak. Pos- 
sibly a ram's body was once distributed amongst the people, 


for the several versions of the accompanying ballad represent 
them as begging for various parts of the body. In describing 
the " Tup o' Derby," in 1895, Mr. Arthur Mayall says that 
" the ram's horns were often gilded."'^ This is an important 
fact, because amongst the Greeks and Romans the horns of a 
victim, if an ox, might be gilded. ^ 

We must not forget that " in England, in the seventh, and 
as late as the thirteenth century, the year was reckoned from 
Christmas Day. ' 

That the ceremony of " the old tup " was intended to confer 
a benefit on the people may be inferred from the practice 
of .sweeping the house, which, as we have seen, forms part of 
the guising at Handsworth Woodhouse. It is well known to 
anthropologists that this sweeping was intended to expel evil 
from the house. At Eyam, in Derbyshire, women sweep their 
door steps on the first of March, and they say that unless you 
do this you will have fleas all the year. In the East Riding 
of Yorkshire women sweep the dust up "for luck." At Lane- 
shaw Bridge, near Colne, in Lancashire, they sweep the old 
year out and the new year in. Men, women, and children 
go round on New Year's Eve, from house to house, and they 
do this from ten o'clock p.m. to midnight. They consider 
that they have a right to enter any house if they find the door 
unfastened. They are disguised, and they wear a motley 
dress, and either their faces are blackened or they wear masks. 
They never speak or sing, but go straight to the room where 
the family are, and begin to dust the room and sweep the 
hearth. They sweep the dust into the fire-place. For this 
purpose they bring brushes and dusters with them. They do 
all this in silence, and when they have finished, they rattle a 
money-box before each person, and collect what money they 
can get. If they find a door closed against them they make 
" a mumming sound " to induce the people inside to open it.* 

1 Notes and Queries, 9th S., ii., 511. 

2 Smith's Diet, of Greek and Roman Antiq., 1891, vol. ii., 584, 586. 
■' Sir Harris Nicholas's Chronology of History, p. 41. 

'' Reported to me by Amy Wroe, aged 24, who till lately resided at 
Laneshaw Bridge, and has often seen the ceremony performed. 


I am told that in some parts of Lincolnshire young people dis- 
guise themselves and sweej) the houses out on Christmas Eve. 

The " little Devil Dout " at Handswurth was the man who, 
in popular belief, swept devils out of the house. The word 
"dout," as will be seen in dictionaries, is a contraction of 
" do out," meaning to put out, just as " don '' is to " do on," 
or put on. We might then call him " little Devil Put-out." 
The periodical expulsion of evils and devils by sweeping the 
house out has been fully discussed elsewhere, but without refer- 
ence to England.^ 


At various places in North Derbyshire, such as Norton, 
Eckington, and Dronfield, a number of men used to go round 
with " the old horse " on Christmas Eve. The body of the 
man who rej^resented the horse was covered with cloth or 
tarpaulin, and the horse's head was made of wood, the mouth 
being opened by strings in the inside. When the men reached 
the door of a house, the man representing the horse got under 
the tarpaulin, and they began to sing : — 

- vH i — ^ — * - 


_i — I — 


It is a poor old horse, And he's knocking at your 

door, And if you'll please to let him in, He'll 

* -m- -^- -0- • 

please you all I'm sure. Poor old horse. Poor old horse. 

1 In Frnzer's Golden Bough, 2nd ed. On Garland Day at Castleton a 
man with a besom formerly went before the May King " to clean the 
way" (see my article on "Garland Day at Castleton" in Folk-lore, 
vol. xii., p. 410). 


He once was a young horse, 

And in his youthful prime 
My master used to ride on him, 

And thought him very fine. 
And now that he's grown old, 

And nature doth decay, 
My master frowns upon him, 

And these words I've heard him say- 
Poor old, etc. 

His feeding it was once 

Of the best of corn and hay, 

That grew down in yon fields, 
Or in the meadows gay. 
Poor old, etc. 

But now that he's grown old, 
And scarcely can he crawl, 

He's forced to eat the coarsest grass 
That grows against the wall. 
Poor old, etc. 

He's old and he's cold, 
And is both dull and slow ; 

He's eaten all my hay. 

And he's spoiled all my straw. 
Poor old, etc. 

Nor either is he fit to ride. 
Or draw with any team; 

So take him and whip him, 
He'll now my master's . . 
Poor old, etc. 

To the huntsman he shall go. 
Both his old hide and foe {sic), 

Likewise his tender carcase 
The hounds will not refuse. 
Poor old, etc. 


His body that so swiftly 

Has travelled many miles, 
Over hedges, over ditches, 

Over five-barred gates and stiles. 
Poor old, etc. 

Then follows a prose conversation amongst the mummers, 
which is not worth preserving, because it has been so modern- 
ised as to have lost all its interest. The end of it is that the 
horse gets a new lease of life, and attempts to worry a black- 
smith, who is called upon to shoe him. The play is ended by 
the following stanza : — 

The man that shod this horse, sir, 

That was no use at all, 
He likened to worry the blacksmith. 
His hammer and nails and all. 
Poor old, etc. 

I have been told by an old man in Eckington, now dead, 
and by another man in Sheflfield, that formerly the mummers 
used to find out where an old horse was buried, and dig its 
head up. I published the version of the ballad here given 
in 1888.1 

It will be noticed that in North Derbyshire the horse is 
described as "the old horse." "Throughout Yorkshire," says 
Mr. Henderson, 2 "the Christmas mummers earn' with them 
an image of a white horse." In Lancashire " the old horse " 
was described as " Old Ball," and the ceremony was performed 
not at Christmas, but at Easter.^ It is said that " old Ball " 
is a favourite name for a cart-horse in Lancashire, and Dr. 
Murray, in The New English Dictionary, conjectures that ball 
means a white-faced horse. He refers to Fitzherbert's 
Husbandry, 1523, which mentions "a white rase or ball in the 

1 Shejfield Glossary (English Dialect Society), p. 163. I did not, how- 
ever, give the air. I now regret that I did not take down the prose 

2 Folk-lore of the Northern Counties, 2nd ed., p. 70. 

* Harland and Wilkinson, Lancashire Folk-lore, 234. 


foreheed." I have never seen " an image of a white horse " 
in Yorkshire myself. At Little Hucklow one of the guisers 
came to the door and said, " Please will you see Ball?"^ 

It seems as if the old horse, or white horse, were intended 
to personify the aged and dying year. The year, Uke a worn- 
out horse, has become old and decrepit, and just as it ends 
the old horse dies. But he rises again with the new year. 
Ihe time at which the ceremony is performed, and its repeti- 
tion from one house to another, indicate that it was a piece 
of magic intended to bring welfare to the people in the coming 

" The savage," says Mr. Frazer, " infers that he can produce 
any desired effect by merely imitating it."^ Ancient races, 
who were ignorant of natural laws, and who could not be sure 
that the setting sun would ever rise again, could not be certain 
that a new year would follow the old year. 

The folk-lore of this neighbourhood has a good deal to say 
about white horses, and they were supposed to bring luck. 
Thus, " if you seS a white horse, spit on your little finger, 
and you will be lucky all day."3 In the same way a representa- 
tion of a w^hite horse, when used for the purposes of magic or 
witchcraft, might be regarded as bringing luck to the new year. 
It is reasonable to conjecture that the figures of horses made 
by laying bare the chalk on the Berkshire hills, as in the Vale 
of the White Horse, were magical devices for attracting the 
sun. If the sun is dazzling white or bright (Lat. candidus), 
and if his chariot is drawn by white horses, then if you pre- 
tend that a white horse dies, and rises again just as the old 
year is passing into the new, you effect, by a magical act, 
the continuance of sunlight in the new year. Such, we may 
conjecture, was the barbarous reasoning which induced men 
to perform this ceremonial. 

The ancient Germans maintained white horses (candidi equi) 

1 As regards the performance at Easter, we must remember that in the 
twelfth century the Anglican Church began the year on the 25th of March. 

2 Golden Bough, 2nd ed., vol. i., p. g. 

3 Addy's Household Tales, Etc., p. 102. 


in sacred groves, and they were employed in no earthly labour, i 
They were therefore regarded as peculiarly sacred. 

That ceremonies like " the old tup " or " the old horse " 
were of a magical nature may be inferred from the fact that 
they were sternly prohibited by Christian law-givers and moral- 
ists. Theodore, Archbishop of Canterbury', in his Pcnileniial, 
forbade the practice of going about at Christmas dressed up 
like a young stag or an old woman, clad in the skins of 
animals, or wearing beasts' heads, and he declared that those 
who changed themselves into the forms of animals were to do 
penance for three years, because the thing was devilish.- 

Such heathenish practices were not confined to England, and 
in the fourth centur}' we find St. Augustine denouncing them 
in a sermon. 

"If," he says, "you still observe that people perform that 
very foul disgrace of the young hind or stag, chastise them 
so severely that they may repent of having done the impious 
act."'^ In the life of St. Eligius we have this prohibition : 
" Let nobody on the kalends of January make abominable and 
ridiculous things^ — old women, or young stags, or games." 
Again, these practices were forbidden by the Council of 
Auxerre, which declared that " it is unlawful on the kalends 
of January to perform with an old woman, or a young stag, 
or to observe devilish handsels." 

It will be noticed that a ram's head, and not a stag's head, 
is used in North Derbyshire, possibly because stags' horns 

1 Tacitus, Germania, 9, 10. See more on this subject in Grimm, 
Deutsche Mythologie (Eng. trans.), p. 658, seqq. 

2 " Si quis in kalendas Januarii in cervulo aut vetula vadit, id est in 
ferarum habitus se communicant, et vestiuntur pellibus pecudum, et 
assumunt capita bestiarium ; qui vero taliter in ferinas species se trans- 
formant, iii. annos poeniteant ; quia hoc daemonicum est." — Thorpe's 
Ancient Laws and Institutes of England, ii. 34. 

^ " Si adhuc agnoscatis aliquos illam sordidissimam turpitudinem de 
hinnula vel cervula exercere, ita durissime castigate, ut eos poeniteat rem 
sacrilegam commisisse." — Serm. de Tempore, 211;. 

■* " Nullus in kalend. Januarii nefanda et ridiculosa, vetulas, aut 
cervulos, aut jotticos faciant." — Vita S. Eligii, lib. 2., cap. 4. 

'"Non licet kalendis Januarii vetula aut cervulo facere, vel strenas 
diabolicas observare, etc." — Concil. Antissiod. can. 2. All these passages 
are quoted from the last edition of Du Cange. 


are not always easy to procure. According to Plot's Staff or d- 
shire reindeer heads were worn at Abbot's Bromley, in Stafford- 
shire, at the Christmas hobby-horse dance. 

The blackened faces, or masks, are significant, because adepts 
in magic wore masks. ^ The old woman seems originally to 
have been a sibyl, or witch, and the Old English hcegtesse, a 
witch, is related to our modern Jtag. The strence, gifts, or 
handsels, 2 forbidden by the Council of Auxerre, correspond in 
some way to the presents of money given to the guisers. 

Guising was known amongst the old Norsemen as skin-play 
{skinn-leikr)!'^ This word would be represented in O.E. as 
scinn-lac. According to Dr. Sweet, scinn-ldc means, amongst 
other things, magic trick or art. He states, however, that 
scitin or scut means phantom, demon, devil.* 

The photographs were done by an amateur, and I regret 
that they are not better. It would be a good thing if mem- 
bers of the Society would publish versions, or further details, 
from other parts of Derbyshire. ^ At this late hour they may 
not be easy to get, but one cannot believe that Castleton is 
the only place where guisers still go round. Much can be 
done by the patient questioning of old people. 

1 Grimm, op. cit. (English trans.), p. 1045. 

" S/rena, Anselle. — Wright-Wulcker, Vocab., 613, 41. 

^ See Vigfusson and Powell, Corpus Foeticum Borealc, ii. 386. 

■• The Student's Diet, of Anglo-Saxon, O.xford, 1897. 

5 Guisers certainly exist in various forms in many parts of the county. 
At Aston-on-Trent, about fifteen years ago, they used to go about the 
parish at Christmas time dressed up, and I have known them march 
straight into the kitchen, to the terror of the domestics, and go through 
a kind of mummery. — Editor. 


^ #ote on Brougt) antr Bati^umgate. 

By S. O. Addy. 

N the sixteenth century the whole of the Roman road 

between Brough and Buxton was paved. Writing 

in 1572 Dr. Jones says: — " Betweene Burghe and 

it there is an high way forced ouer the moores, all 

paued, of such antiquity as none can expresse, called 

Bathgate. "'^ 

It is interesting to see that the author speaks of Burghe, 
not Brough. To the inhabitants of the neighbourhood the 
place is known as " th' Brough" (pronounced " Bruff "), i.e., 
the fortified town. The pavement of the road cannot now be 
seen on the moors, but, owing to disuse, the turf may have 
grown over it. In the eastern, or opposite direction of the 
road, there is a very straight piece about half a mile from 
Brough. Beyond Stanage Pole, in the direction of Sheffield, 
the road is called the Long Causey, i.e., the long paved way. 

The road which Jones calls Bathgate is popularly known as 
Bathumgate, the first " a " being sounded like that in " came." 
It is better to write Bathum, rather than Batham, in order to 
preserve the dative plural " um," which forms the concluding 
element of the word. The dative plural is not unfrequent in 
the place-names of this neighbourhood. Thus Eyum, as it 
is spelt in the thirteenth century, is the dative plural of "ey," 
an island, and Leam, written Leyun in 1308,2 stands for 

^ TAe Benefit of the auncient Bathes of Buckstones, 1572, p. i. 

2 See the article by Mr. Bowles in vol. xxiii., p. 85, of this Journal. 
In Domesday Eyam is Aiune, where ai represents the French scribe's way 
of representing the sound of the English «y.— Hallam (Halum, nooks) is 
Hallun in Domesday. 


Leyum, meadows, the dative plural of " leah." As Buxton 
is not mentioned in Domesday, and as the Romans knew it 
as Aquse, its former name may have been simply Bath or 
Bathum (baths), and an Anglo-Saxon charter mentions Bath 
in Somersetshire as " aet Bathum," meaning literally " at baths." 
Domesday ignores Brough and Buxton, because they were not 
manors, or taxable units. 

Mr. Haverfield has established the very important fact that 
the Roman name of Brough was Anavio. He also says that 
the Ravennas mentions a British river " Anava," and he sup- 
poses that the "name survives in the present name of the 
stream which flows past Brough and into the Derwent, the 
Noe."i The name appears as Nooe in Glover's Derbyshire, 
1833. On Saxton's map of Derbyshire, 1577, it appears as 
Now. If we trace it to its source, about seven miles to the 
N.E. of Brough, we shall find a place called Noe Stool on 
the new one-inch Ordnance map, or Now Stoole Hill on 
Saxton's map. 

If we follow the Roman road from Brough towards Buxton 
on the new one-inch Ordnance map, we shall notice at a dis- 
tance of three and a half miles from Brough an oval so-called 
" encampment." It is very near the road on its south side. 
And if we follow the road on the map a little more than two 
miles in the same direction, we shall come to Laughman Tor, 
which is also near the Roman way, and means "lawman rock." 
This must have been a rock or hill on which a lawman 
formerly declared the law, as he did on the Logberg, or rock 
of law in Iceland. This is still done on the Tynwald Hill in 
the Isle of Man. The President of the Supreme Court 
formerly held in Orkney was called the " lagman," or lawman. 

Nearly a mile to the S.W. of Brough is a very straight em- 
bankment called Grey Dyke. Unfortunately, the new one-inch 

1 In vol. xxvi. of this Journal, p. 202. The Roman station in Derby- 
shire called Melandra Castle may also have derived its name from a river. 
The stream near Mallendar,in the neighbourhood of Coblentz, was known 
as Malandra in the tenth century (Foerstemann, Altdeiitsches Nameribiich, 
ii., 1046). The surname Mallinder, accented on the first syllable, is 
not unfrequent in Sheffield. 


Ordnance map does not give the whole of it, for it extends 
a good deal farther to the N.W., crossing the Roman road, 
and extending to Far Coates, or Meadow House. In fact it 
goes from one side of the valley to the other, and is shown 
best on the six-inch map. On the Ordnance map of 1836 it 
is shown as extending continuously in a straight line nearly 
to the top of Bradwell Edge, in the direction of Abney. It 
has not been proved that it is Roman. Pilkington, viriting in 
1789, says "there is no tradition concerning it, but pieces of 
swords, spears, spurs, and bridle bits have been found very 
near it."'- When I examined it, in 1901, I found that the 
width of the convex surface was 45 ft., the height, measured 
from an imaginary line drawn at right angles to the base, 
being about lo ft. The boundaries of townships were some- 
times marked by dykes or trenches. For instance, the town- 
ships of Kellingley and Knottingley, near Pontefract, were 
anciently separated from each other by an embankment.^ 
Grey Dyke, however, does not mark the division between the 
townships of Bradwell and Brough. It seems therefore to be 
older than that division. 

The village of Bradwell, which is mentioned in Domesday, 
is a mile to the south of the Roman Station at Brough, and 
for a very long period its chief occupation was lead-mining — ■ 
an industry which has only ceased during the last forty years. 
Now it is remarkable that a tradition exists in this village, 
and also in Castleton, that the old inhabitants of Bradwell are 
the descendants of "convicts," or "transports," as they are 
popularly described. 

1 found this tradition in 1901, when collecting evidence about 
the Castleton Garland, for an article which was printed in 
Folk-lore.^ It seemed to me so remarkable that I made 
enquiries on the subject from old people in Bradwell and 
Castleton, and published the result in the introductory part 

^ A View of the Present State of Derbyshire, ii. 403. 

2 " Per fossatam unam que Anglice vocatur Poste-Leiesic, que certificat 
divisam inter Kellinglaiam et Nottinglaiam." — Pontefract Chartulary 
(Yorkshire Record Series), i., p. 30. 

3 Vol. xii., p. 394, seqq. 


of my article. I will here repeat a portion of the evidence 
which I then collected. 

Samuel Marrison, aged 86, retired farmer and cattle-dealer, 
told me that he had lived in Castleton all his life, as his father 
had before him. He said that the old inhabitants of Brad- 
well were the descendants of " transports, like the people sent 
from Russia." He said he had heard that these " transports 
built themselves little stone huts without mortar, and settled 
down in Bradwell." He had heard about the " transports " all 
his life; " it was quite true, and had been handed down." He 
had heard " scores and scores of people talk about it." They 
were transported to work the lead mines. Some of them came 
out of Italy and France, and they used to call them " part- 
bred Italians." 

Henry Ashton, of Castleton, said that the lead-miners of 
Castleton, as well as Bradwell, were the descendants of con- 
victs. He thought he had seen that in a book, but could not 
remember where. 

Robert Bradwell, of Bradwell, formerly a lead-mine owner, 
aged 88, said that he was the oldest inhabitant of Bradwell, 
and was descended from the old stock of Bradwell people. 
He had heard that the lead-miners of Bradwell were sent 
there as convicts — that was his word — from a foreign country 
a long time ago. He had heard that from his father. It was 
an old tradition. He had never seen it in print, but he 
believed that many people were descended from those men. 
"We're descended from a nice lot, aren't we?"' he said. He 
said that the Castleton people used to say that the Bradwell 
people were descended from convicts, whilst the Bradwell 
people retorted that the Castleton people were descended from 
slaves. Mr. Bradwell said that these convicts lived in stone 
huts near the mines. Mr. Bradwell's daughter-in-law said that 
the old Bradwell people were "transports," sent over -by some 
foreign power, and " that is why they differ from other people." 
I saw Mr. Bradwell many times on this and other subjects, 
and found him a most satisfactory and conscientious witness. 


The witnesses allowed me to write down their words in my 
note-book as they were speaking. 

If this tradition is genuine it is valuable ; if it has arisen 
from an expression of opinion by some antiquary, or writer, 
it is no value at all. I have searched in county histories and 
guide-books for these " transports " or convicts. Glover, in his 
History, etc., of the County of Derby, says (i. 228): — "The 
word ' Tor ' is a common name for a mountain in the north 
of this county, and it is a word of Phoenician derivation; and 
the meaning of many of the terms still in use among the miners 
can only be traced to an Asiatic source, which seems to go 
far in proving that the mineral treasures of the country were, 
at a very early period, wrought either by a colony of foreigners 
from the East, or under their direction. The miners anciently 
possessed extraordinarj' power and privileges, probably derived 
from these settlers from the East." There is no mention of 
convicts here. 

But another author is more explicit. Writing from Eyam, 
where he lived, in 1862, W. Wood says: — 

" That the inhabitants of this mountainous locality, genera- 
tions back, should have been rough, uncouth ; yea, even 
savage and ferocious, may be accounted, if not apologised 
for, by the generally stated fact that the north of Derby- 
shire was, during and after the Septarchal ages, a penal 
settlement; that criminals were sent to work in mines (tinder 
captains) as a fit punishment for certain crimes. '- 
I take it that the words " generally stated fact " mean a 
tradition which Wood had heard, and that the words " Sept- 
archal ages ' and " under captains " (which he prints in italics) 
are embellishments of his own. As will be seen at once by a 
perusal of his book. Wood made no distinction between tra- 
dition and inventions of his own. He does, however, report 
some genuine folk-lore, such as that about Dick of Tunstead, 
m a " doctored " shape.^ 

1 Tales and Traditions of the High Peak, p. 57. 

- The same tradition exists also at Wirksworth — a verv ancient centre 
for the lead industry. The " Hope and Anchor " public-house in the 
Market Place, now owned and occupied bv Mrs. Budworth, is the reputed 
former residence of the " Captain of the Convicts." — Editor. 


Under the Roman Empire the workmen in mines, says Pro- 
fessor Ridgeway, " were slaves, free labourers, soldiers, or 
criminals. In the latter case there was a militar\' station always 
near the mines. "^ It is extremely unlikely that Wood knew 
anything about this Roman practice, even if the information 
were available in his time. Moreover, he speaks of a penal 
settlement "during and after the Septarchal ages," by which 
he appears to mean the Heptarchy. The question then is 
raised : Were the lead-mines in Bradwell, or its neighbourhood, 
worked by Roman criminals, who, as the phrase was, had been 
damnati in metalla, condemned to the mines, and was Anavio 
intended for a military station near those mines? And the 
further question arises : Had the embankment called Grey Dyke 
anything to do with this matter ? 

The answer to the first two questions depends on the value 
of the tradition. It is certain that tradition, even in this 
neighbourhood, has preserved historical facts, and that for a 
very long time. For instance, in Glover's Derbyshire we are 
told that " adjoining Little Barlow is a very large bog called 
Leech-field, or Leash-field.^ from which two considerable brooks 
take their rise, supposed to occupy five or six hundred acres, 
being between three and four miles in circumference. There 
is a tradition that a town formerly stood here, from which have 
arisen the following proverbial lines : — 

When Leech-field was a market town, 
Chesterfield was gorse and broom ; 

Ncjw Chesterfield's a market town, 
Leech-field a marsh is grown. 3 
The tradition is still remembered, and I have heard the 
concluding lines repeated thus : — 

Now Leech-field it is sunken down. 

And Chesterfield's a market town. 

1 In Smith's Diet, of Greek and Raman Aniiq., ii., i68b., referring to 
Martjuardt, Staatsverwaltung, ii., 252 seqq. 

2 Leech means lake or fen, and the village was built there for security. 

3 Vol. ii., p. 86. In South Devon they say : 

When Plymouth was a furzy down, 
Plympton was a market town. 


This tradition has been verified by the discovery of " frag- 
ments of rude earthenware"' and "pieces of black oak, squared 
and cut by some instrument " on the spot.^ Some years ago 
one of my friends saw at a farmhouse near the place, which 
is about two miles N.W. of Baslow, some remains of this kind 
found in Leech-field. I believe that Leech-field is the pro- 
p»erty of the Duke of Rutland, and there is no doubt that a 
prehistoric village here awaits exploration. 

Again, about nine years ago, Mr. Bagshaw, a farmer living 
at Garner House, near Shatton, told me that " if a man could 
build a hut on the moors in that neighbourhood in a single 
night, and make a fire so that the smoke would go up in the 
morning, he would obtain a right of following a vein of lead 
on those moors."^ This tradition in one point at least is right, 
and Jacob Grimm, writing of old German law, says " the kind- 
ling and maintaining of a fire upon a piece of land was proof 
of its lawful occupation and possession."^ 

There is, therefore, no reason why the tradition about the 
"convicts" at Bradwell, and also at Wirksworth, should not 
be substantially right, and it is very unlikely that anybody 
would invent it. If it is right, it can only refer to the Romans. 

In my article in Folk-lore I have described the short stature 
and other personal characteristics of the old inhabitants of 
Bradwell, but Ave need not discuss that subject here. 

» W. Wood, op. cit., p. 204, and my Household Tales, p. 58. 
* Folk-lore, xii., p. 400. 
' Deutsche Rechtsalterthiimer, 1854, p. 194. 


ISrass ^otacfo Stopper. 

By C. E. B. Bowles, M.A. 

HE above is a drawing, by Mr. George Bailey, of 
Derby, a member of our Council, of an old tobacco- 
stopper belonging to Miss Wright, of Eyam Hall. 
It was found about four years ago in a gravel-pit 
at the foot of " The Delfe," which is the name of the broken 
ground belonging to the Wright estate, and is entered by iron 
gates exactly opposite the Hall. 

In this dell, among a group of rocks, which is raised above 
the surrounding ground, is a curious natural archway. This 
was used as a pulpit by Mr. Mompesson, Rector of Eyani, 
during the time of the plague, in the years 1665 and j666. 
Here, having thought it wiser to close the church, he held the 
services, and it was possibly on one of these occasions that the 
tobacco-stopper was lost. It is of brass ; two inches in length, 
the ring being | inch in its widest part ; while smoking the 
owner probably wore it on his finger. When so worn, the 
stem lies easily in the palm of the hand, and is not 

The part engraved with the cross-keys, above a heart pierced 
with two arrows, would be used as a seal, but the signification 
of the emblem is not so apparent. Mr. Dalton, of the British 
Museum, pronounces it to be " a tobacco-stopper of the seven- 
teenth century," but will make no further suggestion. Might 
it not have been given as a love token to the landlord of an 
inn bearing the sign of " The Cross Keys " ? 


I3crti)st)uc Jfonts. 

By G. Le Blanc Smith. 


HE period of Ecclesiastical architecture which is 
usually known by the ver)- broad name of " Decor- 
ated " has no very numerous examples of fonts in 
It is a curious fact that this Decorated style, which perhaps 
owns more beautiful examples of churches than any other style 
of English architecture, should be the only style in which design, 
as applied to the Baptismal Font, is so lacking in feature or 
grace, and in which the workmanship is so rough and so badly 
executed as to shame, almost, the early Norman sculptor. 
Yet such is the case ; poor quality of design, coupled with work- 
manship of an even worse quality, are the almost invariable 
characteristics of this period. 

The Decorated style followed the Early English style, exam- 
ples of whose fonts were given in the Journal of last year. 
The latter was the lirst to use the pointed window, and in the 
Decorated style we see this pointed window undergoing a pro- 
cess of evolution, resolving into one with a pK)inted head, but 
filled with other pointed windows, i.e., tracery. 

The principal fonts of this Decorated period which yet remain 
in Derbyshire are at Bradboume, Bakewell, Ballidon, 
Chaddesden, Hartington, Monyash, Sandiacre. 


Of these, the earliest is undoubtedly that at Bradbourne ; 
the others are hard to place in order of date, and may be well 
taken in alphabetical sequence. 

This font stands at the West end of the church, on a large 
block of stone. The most remarkable point about it is its 

Fig. I. — Bradbourne. 

size. Height, i ft. lo in.; width, 2 ft. 3 in.; diam. of bowl, 
I ft. 9 in.; depth of bowl, 11 in. 

Paley illustrates it and describes it as Early English ; I very 
much doubt if this is so, and feel confident that the Decorated 
period may legitimately claim it. The shape is one which no 



Early English sculptor would use, i.e., a square, for delicacy 
and lightness are predominant features in that style, and this 
great clumsy block of stone can lay claim to neither of these 
necessary attributes. Then, again, the weakly cut design (a 
feature of Decorated work, as we have seen), and the very 
nature of the design itself, is redolent of the early days of 
the Decorated style, which succeeded the days of plate-tracery. 

Fig. 2. — Bakewell (faces 8, I, 2, 3). 

Here is the geometrical tracery with which the early days of 
Decorated architecture opened, i.e., a quatrefoil. 

What may partly have influenced Paley is the curious likeness 
to a font in Leicestershire, at Twyford ; here is a somewhat 
similar design on a square font (now supported on legs), and 
this font has the dog-tooth ornament on its angles. This dog- 
tooth lends a suspicion that the font is the work of Early English 
carvers; this is most probable, but we find the font of the 


neighbouring village of Thorpe Arnold (vide The Reliquary, vol. 
ix.) with the same ornament on it, also a characteristic bit of 
Norman symbolical carving. 

Thus the Twyford (Leicestershire) font is very early in the 
Early English style, but this example at Bradboume has the 
design more fully developed — from an arrangement of fleur- 
headed crosses paiecs in a circle — into what may be called 


As Fig. 2 shows the angles of this font are chamfered and the 
sides are all ornamented with designs, as on the two shown. 
This font must not be confused with the other font at Brad- 
bourne ; this other font is Norman, and lies beneath the tower, 
rescued from the gardens of the hall. 

This font is one of those rude specimens which have already 
been mentioned, and is, as a rule, pointed out, with much 
reverence, to the casual visitor to Bakewell Church as 
Saxon ! 

How many people depart annually from Bakewell with this 
curious and misleading piece of information instilled into their 
minds it would be hard to imagine, as even some of the guide 
books have not yet had this startling fact " edited " from their 

The three photographs of this really very interesting font 
show all the eight sides. 

Each face of the octagon is roughly, indeed badly, carved 
with saintly figures under unorthodox canopies, formed by the 
interlacement of natural foliage (at least it is supposed to 
represent nature), with cuspings beneath the boughs. 

Taking Dr. Cox's interpretation of the figures shown, we first 
light upon the very evident figure of St. Peter, with his custom- 
ary symbols of church and key. The fact that the wards of 
the key are as bulky as the whole church was but a small, and 
quite unimportant, detail to this slovenly sculptor. 


Facing him is St. Paul, with naked sword and open book. 
On the right of Fig. 2 (face 3, shown in Fig. 3) is a figure 
wearing a crown, and holding, in his right hand, a branch with 
a big bird sitting on it, and in his left what apj>ears to be a 
musical instrument like a harp. 

This personage is considered by Dr. Cox to be either King 
David or Edward the Confessor. The emblem of the former 

Fig. 3. — Bakewell (faces 2, 3, 4, 5). 

is either a figure playing on the harp or else a figure bearing 
the head of Goliath in his hand. 

King Edward the Confessor is represented either as a crowned 
figure carrying St. Johns Gospel, or else with a sceptre in his 
hands, though more often he bestows a ring ujwn St. John 
the Evangelist, who is dressed as a pilgrim. 

Face 4, fig. 3, shows a figure seated in the attitude in which 
saints are usually portrayed in Anglo-Saxon art ; in fact, this 


resemblance is so striking that it may well have created the 
idea that the font was Saxon. This figure is nimbed, and raises 
both hands in blessing, and is considered by Dr. Cox to 
represent St. Augustine. This saint is often represented by his 
emblem of a heart, as one of the four doctors of the Church ; 
sometimes as a bishop, before whom stands a child, nimbed. 
and with a spoon in its hand. 

Face 5, Figs. 3 and 4, represents a figure with a scroll, 
which might be any saint, and, in the case of face 6, St. John 
the Baptist. 

Face 7, Fig. 4, might represent any saint in the Calendar, 
and Dr. Cox considers face 8 (fig. 4) to be carved with a 
representation of St. Chad. It shows an undoubted bishop. 

Mr. Rawlin's interpretation of these designs — read in the same 
order as the foregoing — seem rather wild ; they are : 1 
Abraham, 2 St. Peter, 3 Noah, 4 St. John, 5 St. Paul, 6 David, 
7 Christ before Pilate, or Paul before Agrippa, 8 Pope, with 
triple crown. 


This font is a curiosity, in fact one might almost term it a 
freak. It is, however, another of the many examples of the 
careless and little premeditated work of the designer's 
drawings, in the Decorated period of English church architec- 

The shape is one which originated, in a really graceful form, 
with the designers of Decorated times, and found much 
favour in the eyes of ecclesiastical architects for a very con- 
siderable period afterwards, lasting even into the debased and 
miserable style — if " style " it can be called — which succeeded 
the Reformation. 

This design is chalice-shaped, and should therefore be an 
especially favourite one for the subject, as we thus get the two 
Sacraments of the Anglican Church symbolized by utensils of 
one shape. 

In executing the finer carved work on this font, the sculptor 
evidently found it more convenient to work with the stone 



reversed, perhaps to secure extra stability for his work. At any 
rate, whatever his object may have been, he has carved much 
of this font with designs upside down. 

I" Fig- 5' which shows the south side, we see in the upper 
row an inverted uncharged shield on the left; then, working 
round to the north side, are a blank panel, a panel filled with 
a mass of foliage and — not shown in Fig. 5 — a human head and 

Fig. 4. — Bakewell (faces 5, 6, 7, 

shoulders, the person depicted points with his right arm to an 
open book on the other side of the panel ; then follow another 
uncharged shield and a three-light piece of Decorated period 
tracery. All this row is upside down like that beneath, which 
contains foliage, of a kind, all the way round, save under the 
uncharged shield, which is on the reverse side to that shown 
in the photo ; here is a square panel, which contains sixteen 



like pellets, arranged in lines of four. The third row, count- 
ing downwards from the top, is also filled with inverted foliage, 
of a nondescript and undescribable character. 

Beneath this third row is a break in the stone of which the 
font is constructed ; thus the complete font consists of two parts, 
the bowl and half the .stem, which are carved upside down, and 

Fig. 5. — Ballidon. 

in the other part, the other half of the stem and the foot of 
the pedestal, which are carved right way up. 

As shown in Fig. 5, on the left, the first panel is blank, the 
second contains some square leaved foliage, the third likewise, 
while the fourth has an object resembling a very attenuated 


pear as much as anything, while No. 5 panel is blank, being 
followed by another of the curious designs as in the fourth 

The ornament on the foot consists of shields and what seems 
to lie intended to represent bunches of grapes. 

Fig. 6. — Chaddesden. 

This font is 3 ft. i in. high and 2 ft. 6 in. wide. The church 
or rather chapel, is very tiny, and was once adorned with 
some curious frescoes, or perhaps wall paintings is a better 

These a sapient churchwarden — of the period when our 
Church was in her darkest mood in the eighteenth centurv — 


removed, owing to the fact that he considered their presence 
caused the church " to look like a bad place," to use his own 


Here again we get another font which is something of a 
freak, not only in general appearance, but in its method of 
construction and design. 

In shape it is heptagonal, being, I believe, one of the only 
four si>ecimens known to be constructed on this peculiar plan. 
As far as shape was concerned, the favourite plan was that of an 
octagon, while the square, from which sprang the octagon, 
by chamfering off the corners, and the round planned bowls, 
were also firm, but earlier, favourites among constructors of 
mediaeval fonts. 

The general design is as nondescript as it is peculiar, and 
in addition to the foregoing peculiarities it is constructed of no 
less than three separate stones. 

From mere appearance it seems as though the bowl of the 
present font was orginally the upper portion of a larger font, 
which, so far from being perched on a very crazy-looking pedes- 
tal, was continued downwards from its present base, having 
the appearance of a heptagonal tub or vat, and consisting of 
one block of stone to the base. 

The present broken and rough-looking upper portion of the 
bowl was no doubt once a highly decorated projecting 

The bowl, as it now is, is ornamented with trefoil-headed 
tracery, such as was often used in the earlier examples of 
Decorated style windows; the lower part of the stem or pedestal 
is, I fancy — relying on memory — an octagon ; while the little 
stone between the latter and the bowl is square in plan. 

The pedestal is rather of the shape of the later style of 
ecclesiastical architecture, the Perpendicular, so that this font 
is perhaps constructed of three distinctly different fonts, or at 
any rate of two. 



There is really nothing more to remark with regard to this 
font, save that it is a matter for serious wonderment how it 
ever came to be preserved at all during the ages in which any- 
thing with the taint of antiquity about it, anything not severely 
plain and puritanical, was consigned by those in charge of our 
Parish Churches to either the churchyard, or secular or 
horticultural purposes, should it, by any curious chance, avoid 
being smashed up. 

Fig. 7. — Hartington. 

Then, on the other hand, the apparent mutilation of the 
original bowl may have been accomplished by these very church- 
wreckers, and these fragments that remain pieced together and 
patched up by a more scrupulous and more sane-minded genera- 


The font in the border village of Hartington is another of 
these traceried examples of the Decorated style, but is more 


carefully executed. When last I saw this font, some six years 
ago, it still was bedaubed with colours, which were once 
considered to be the height of beauty in church furniture; 
pillars, fonts, woodwork, monuments, etc., alike being either 
painted with all the varied hues of the rainbow, or choked 
up with successive coats of limewash. The use of whitewash 
still continues, unfortunately, in the south-west of this country, 
many fine old Devonshire churches being liberally plastered 
with it, to their utter ruin, in so far as appearances are 


This font is probably well advanced in the period known as 
Decorated, but seems to possess more characteristics of this 
style than the succeeding one, termed Perpendicular. The 
chief points about it are the coat of arms, within a shield, on 
the south side of the octagonal bowl, and the curious animal 
whose head projects from beneath the projecting bowl on the 
east side. 

The stem consists of five clustered shafts — a large central one 
and four small side shafts. This arrangement would be rare, 
if not unique, in a font of the Perpendicular style, and in- 
clines one to the belief that it was constructed in the earher 

The coat of arms is that of Bovili,i the armorial bearings 
being a fess between three saltircs eyigrailed. 

The curious semi-human, semi-bestial face which has been 
mentioned, has a counterpart in the angle corbel in the tower 
of Darley Dale Church. On the North-east and South-east 
pillars of the clustered shafts, which form the stem of the font, 
are the creature's forepaws and legs, while the hind legs project 
from the North and South sides of the stem. 

The enormously heavy and ponderous-looking base should be 


1 Though not the proper armorial bearings of this family, they were thus 
borne by Bishop Bovill. Their presence here is perhaps owing to the 
marriage of Rich. Biackwell with the Bovill heiress. 



This font, of which but brief mention is necessary, is a very- 
fair, but unusual, example of the Decorated period. It is 
octagonal and of a chalice shape, though somewhat too com- 
pressed. The panels round the bowl are carved with various 

Fig. 8.— Monyash. 
square-edged leaf forms. The mouldings round the lower por- 
tion of the bowl, the stem, and upper part of the foot, are bold, 
good and rich in style. 

The fonts already dealt with in the last few volumes of the 
Journal have now shown the various phases of ornament and 


design for no less than three separate architectural periods — 
Norman, Early English, and Decorated ; or, as some people 
prefer it, Norman, First Pointed, and Middle Pointed. 

Next year I hope to deal with several more or less interesting 
fonts of the Perpendicular, or Third Pointed, style. These 
are not numerous, however, and the gradual decline of richness 
in ornament, and poverty of thought in design, will be still more 
noticeable than in the last two periods which have been dealt 


^rant f)v Sbiv gfof)n Brnct, mt., to pttntvolic 
a^oXhf 0xfovti, of certain Incuts in ^tvi)v&\)ivt. 

By The Editor. 

HE Indenture transcribed below, the original of 
which is at Pembroke College, is from a copy in the 
possession of Mr. John Borough, of Derby, who 
for some years acted as Receiver of the rents. 

Such documents are worth preserving, if only as a means of 
reference, and as a valuable assistance to the student of county 

This particular Deed is a grant of certain fee farm rents, ^ 
etc., derivable from lands in Derbyshire and elsewhere to the 
Master and Fellows of Pembroke College, Oxford, for the 
purpose of founding two fellowships and two scholarships. A 
Bennet Fellowship is still in existence at Pembroke College. 
The donor was Sir John Bennet, of Dawley, co. Middlesex. 
He was himself of Pembroke College, where he had matricu- 
lated at the age of seventeen, on the 24th of April, 1635. He 
was the eldest son of Sir John Bennet, of Dawley, was created 
Lord Ossulston in 1682, and died in 1688. His son was 
created Earl of Tankerville — the title of his deceased father- 
in-law — and from him is descended the present earl. 

Most of the rents mentioned in this Deed have at various 
times been redeemed in recent years by the freeholders. These 
rents had been purchased from the Cro^vn by Sir John Bennet 
only three years^ previous to this grant to the College. 

1 A fee Farm Rent is a perpetual Rent issuing out of an estate in fee of at 
least a fourth of the land at the time of its reservation. — Coie on Littleton. 

2 See page 73. 




This Indenture made the tenth day of November 
in the eight & twentieth year of the reign of our 
Sovereign Lord Charles the Second by the grace 
of God of England Scotland France & Ireland 
King Defender of the faith &c. & in the year of 
our Lord God One thousand six hundred seventy 
& six Between the Honorable Sir John Benet of 
Doyly in the County of Middlesex Knight of the 
Bath on the one part and the Master Fellows and 
Scholars of Pembroke College in the University of 
Oxford on the other part Witnesseth that the said 
Sir John Benet in consideration of the sum of five 
shillings of lawful money of England to him in 
hand paid by the said Master Fellows & Scholars 
before the sealing & delivery of these presents the 
receipt whereof is hereby acknowledged And under 
the trust & for such ends & purposes as are herein- 
after mentioned & expressed Hath granted bar- 
gained & sold & by these presents Doth grant 
bargain & sell unto the said Master Fellows & 
Scholars all that amount or fee farm rent of five 
& twenty shillings of lawful money of England 
reserved and issuing out of or for the house & site 
of the late Priory of BeaiicJiief in the County of Beauchief 
Derby And also all that annual rent or fee farm 
of fifty seven shillings & fourpence of like lawful 
money reserved & issuing out of or for the Grange 
of Tickenhall in the said County of Derby And Tickenhall 
also all that annual Rent or tenth of eight shillings 
& eightpence of like lawful money reserved and 
issuing out of or for certain lands & tenements in 

Thiirsley alias TJmrmansbv in the said County of Thurmansby 

-^ - -' S^'i' 8'' 

Derby And also all that annual rent or tenth of 

eight shillings & ninepence halfpenny of like lawful 


money reserved & issuing out of or for the Grange 

called Grife Grange in the said County of Derby Griffe Grange 

And also all that Annual Rent or tenth of eight 

shillings & eight pence of like lawful money reserved 

and issuing out of, or for lands in Harishorne in the Hartshorne 

said County of Derby And also all that annual 

Rent of eleven shillings & fourpence of like lawful 

money resert'ed & issuing out of or for the Grange 

called Stanley Grange in the said County of Derby Stanley 

And also all that annual rent of Three Pounds & "^'^"^^ " ^ 

nine pence of like lawful money reserved & issuing 

out of or for certain lands in Eckington in the said Eckington 

. A3 o 9'' 
Co : of Derby heretofore belonging to the late Guild 

or Chantry there now or late paid by the several 

tenants there And also all that annual Rent of 

three pounds thirteen shillings & fourpence of like 

lawful money reser\'ed and issuing out of or for the 

Capital Messuage in LitcJturch in the said County ^'^''^*'""^*^ 

of Derby now or late paid by the Rt Hon the Duke 

of Newcastle. And also all that Rent or rents of 

Assize amounting to one Pound fourteen shillings 

and eightpence of lawful money payable by the free 

tenants of our Lord the King in Brampion in the Brampton 

said County of Derby now or late paid by Henr)' 

Tomlinson & others And also all that Annual Rent 

or tenth of Three Shillings and four pence of like 

lawful money issuing & payable out of or for one 

tenement in Lynton in the said County of Derby Lynton 

heretofor belonging to the late priory of Griesley 

in the said County & late in the tenure of Alice 

Carter And also all that annual Rent or tenth of 

Sixteen Pence of like lawful money reser\'ed & 

issuing out of or for lands in Mackivorth in the said Mackworth 

County of Derby late paid by Richard Robinson '' "* 

And also all that annual Rent of Ten Pence of like 

lawful money reserved and issuing out of or for 


Lands in Barowcote in the said County of Derby Barocote loa 
late paid by — Wilmot And also all that annual 
Rent OT tenth of Two shillings & eight pence of like 
lawful money reserved and issuing out of or for 
■ Lands in Farm-field in the said County of Derby which ^^f ^l*^^''' 
said premises out of which the said three last 
mentioned rents are payable were heretofore parcel 
of the possessions belonging to the late Priory of 
Kings Meade And also all that annual Rent of 
twenty pence of like lawful money issuing and pay- 
able out of or for one shop in Chesierjield in the J,l|^|,\^'''^^^*' 
said County of Derby late in the Tenure of John 
Fox & was heretofore parcel of the possessions 
belonging to the late Priory of Beauchieffe And 
also all that rent or rents of Assize amounting to 
eighteen pence of like lawful money issuing and 
Tsavable out of the Town of Thiirlaston in the said Thurlasion 
County of Derby now or late paid by Sir John 
Stanhope Knight. And also all that annual Rent ^ 
of five shillings of like lawful money reser\'ed & 
issuing out of or for one messuage in Sandy Acre in Sandy Acre 
the said County of Derby now or late paid by ^ 
Sir Francis Leake Knt And also all that annual 
rent of three shillings and eleven pence of like 
lawful money reserved & issuing out of or for lands 
in Mapperley in the said County of Derby late Mapperley 
paid by — Powdrell And also all that annual rent 3' 'i' 
or tenth of tenpence of like lawful money reserved 
& issuing out of or for one messuage in Bursnaston Bumaston io<i 
alias Bamaston in the said County of Derby late 
paid by . . . BuUington Gentleman & which 
said premises last mentioned Avere heretofore parcel 
of the possessions belonging to the late Priory of 

' He was of Elvaston, M.P. for Co. Derby, High Sheriff 
5 Charles I. (1629), and was half-brother of Philip i^' Earl of 
Chesterfield, and direct ancestor of the present Earl of 


Darleigh And also all that rent or rents of Assize 
amounting to two shillings & two pence of like 
lawful money issuing & payable out of Boidton in Boulton 2= 2^' 
the said County of Derby late paid by Sir Thomas 
Burdett Knight And also all that rent or rents of 
Assize amounting to two shillings & fourpence of 
like lawful money issuing & payable out of or for 
Ockbrook in the said County late paid by Edward Ockhrook 
Osborne & others And also all that rent or rents ^ ^ 
of Assize amounting to sixteen pence of like lawful 
money issuing & payable by the Free Tenants in 
Twyford in the said County which said premises Twyford 
out of which three last mentioned rents are payable '^ "•■' 
were heretofore parcel of the possessions belonging 
to the late Priory of Dale And also all that annual 
Rent of five shillings of like lawful money reserved 
& issuing out of or for one Cottage in Thurlaston in Thurlaston s^i- 
the said County late paid by the said Sir John 
Stanhope which said premises did heretofore belong 
to the said Priory of Dale And also all that rent 
or rents of Assize of twelve pence of like lawful 
money issuing & payable out of Chdlaston in the Chelaston I'h 
said County late paid by William Roberts And also 
all that rent or rents of Assize amounting to eighteen 
pence of like lawful money issuing & payable out of 
Harishorne in the said County late paid by John Hartshorne 
Crosse which said premises out of which the said ^'^ 
two last mentioned rents are payable were heretofore 
parcel of the possessions belonging to the late priory 
of Repingdon And also all that rent or rents amount- 
ing to four shillings issuing & payable out of or for 
lands in Middleton Moore in the said County late MidfHeion 4^'' 
paid by . . . Fulwood which said premises out of 
which the said rent is payable did heretofore belong 
unto or was parcel of the possessions of the new 
works of Leicester And also all that annual pension 


of two shillings of like lawful money reserved 

and issuing out of or for the Vicarage of Brailcsforth Brailesford 

in the said County of Derby late paid by the Vicar 

there And also' all that free rent or rents amounting 

to five shillings of like lawful money being the free 

rents of Thomas Fitzherbert in Norbury in the said Norbury s^^ 

County of Derby which said last mentioned premises 

were heretofore parcel of the possessions belonging 

to the late Priory of Tutbury in the County of 

Stafford And also all that free rent of two shillings 

& sevenpence of like lawful money issuing and 

payable out of or for two tenements in Chesterfield ^^^^^^'''^^^^ 

in the said County of Derby late in the tenure of 

James Woodward & John Smith And also all that 

annual rent or tenth of five shillings & four pence 

of like lawful money reserved & issuing out of or 

for the Grange of Moldrich alias Bouldertch alias Moldrich 

Bolder Grange in the said County of Derby late 

paid by Edward Pegg Esquier And also all that 

annual rent or tenth of four shillings of like lawful 

money reserved & payable for the tithe hay in 

Ulkerthorpe alias Olkerthorpe alias Ogarthorpe in Okerthorpe 

the said County of Derby late in the tenure of John 

Blackwell All which said last mentioned premises 

were heretofore parcel of the possessions of or 

belonging tO' divers Forraigne Monastereys And 

also all that rent or rents of Assize amounting to 

four shillings & tenpence of like lawful money of 

the Free Tenants of Rowston & Over shell in the said Rowston and 

County of Derby which said last mentioned premises J'I^qA 

were heretofore parcel of the possessions belonging 

to the late Hospital of Saint John of Jerusalem in 

England. And also all that rent or rents of two 

shillings &: fourpence of like lawful money issuing 

& payable out of or for lands in the said County 

of Derby viz : out of Newfoundlands in Catnpden j^^^jg j„ 

Campden 2/4 


four pence & out of lands in Ashbonic two shillings Ashbourne a^" 

paid by the tenants there. And also all that annual 

rent of eighteen pence of like lawful money reserved 

and issuing out of or for lands in Stoney Middleton Stoney 

^ • , , Middleton 

in the said County of Derby, now or late paid by |s 6'i 

Roger Ashton Esquier And also all that annual 

rent of three shillings & fourpence of like lawful 

money reserved & issuing out of or for the tenth 

part of the pannage of the Park of Siak€l\\ alias Staley Park 

Staley Fark in the said County of Derby now or 

late paid by John Frethvile & others And also' all 

that annual rent of three shillings & fourpence of 

like lawful money reserved & issuing out of or for 

a tenement^ in the Town of Derby now or late paid D'^'l'y 3" 4' 

by William Allestrey Esquier which said three last 

mentioned premises were heretofore parcel of the 

concealed lands in the said County And also all 

that annual or fee farm rent of twenty pounds twelve 

shillings & fivepence halfpenny of like lawful money 

reserved and issuing out of or for the Manor of 

Chcllareston alias Chellardeston & out of the scite of Chelaston 

/"20 12 ^^ 
the said Manor & out of the Rectory of Chellardston 

& out of divers other parcels of land Meadow & 
Pasture in Chellardston aforesaid with all their rights 
members & appurtenances in the said County of 
Derby now or late paid by Lyonell Earl of Hunting- 
ton And also all that fee farm rent of six shillings 
& eightpence of like lawful money reserved and 
issuing out of or for one messuage in Nether T/i/ir- Nether 
7iastoH in the parish of Longford in the said County ^jj"g^'^^'°" 
of Derby And also all that fee farm rent of forty- 
three shillings of like lawful money reserved & 
issuing out of or for two- parts of the Ward of 
Beureper called Belper Ward alias Beury Ward parcel ^"^'P^^^, 
of the late Forrest or Chase of Duffield Frith in the 

' Now Staveley. - College Place near All Saints' 


said County of Derby And also all that fee farm 

rent of Sixteen shillings & eight pence of like 

lawful money reserved & issuing out of or for all 

that pasture & all that close called the Newfleld 

lying & beincT without the Parke of Posterne with Postern Park 

the appurtenances in the said County of Derby And 

also all that fee farm rent of forty shillings of like 

lawful money reserved and issuing out of or for the 

third part of the Ward of Beurcper alias Belper alias Helper £2 

Beury Ward with the appurtenances parcel of the 

said Forest or Chase of Duffield Frith in the said 

County of Derby And also all that annual rent of 

four pounds of like lawful money reserved and 

issuing out of or for all those the Manors of Neivn- Newnham 
• 1 1 -1 Aura and 

ham Aiire & Pulton with the appurtenances m the Poulton £a, 

County of Gloucester And also all that annual rent 
or tenth of Three Pounds one shilling of like lawful 
money reserved and issuing out of or for the scite 
and precinct of the late Hospital of Saint John ^- John's 
the Baptist in the city of Bristol and also for divers Bristol, 
Manors Rectories Lands tenements & hereditaments •^3 i' 
to the aforesaid late Hospital in the said County of 
Gloucester And also all that the annual rent or fee 
farm of Three Pounds seventeen shiUings & four- 
pence of like lawful money reserved and issuing out 

of or for the Manor of Lymington alias Lemington Lymington 
■^ , Co. Glouc. 

in the said County of Gloucester And also all that £-i it 4 

annual rent or fee farm of Two Pounds eighteen 

shillings and sixpence of like lawful money reserved 

& issuing out of or for certain lands perteyneing to 

the Chantrey of the blessed Virgin Mary in Berkely Berkely Co. 

in the said County of Gloucester. And also all that £2 ig'sh 6d 

annual Rent of Twenty six shillings & three pence 

halfpenny of like lawful money issuing & payable 

out of or for the Manor of Perton with all its rights Perton Co. 

. , . , ^ r Glouc. 

members and appurtenances m the said County 01 ^j 5 ^jd 


Gloucester And also all that annual rent of Two 
Pounds eighteen shillings & three pence of like 
lawful money of England issuing and payable out of 
& for the Manor of Dry-field in the said County of Dryfield 
Gloucester aforesaid now or late paid by George £^ jgsh -^i 
Hanger Esqr All which said Fee Farm Rents & 
other Rents & annual payments hereby bargained 
& sold were amongst other things granted & conveyed 
to the said Sir John Benet & his heirs for good & 
valuable considerations mentioned & expressed in 
the several Tripartite Deeds of Bargain & Sale 
Indented and Inrolled in His Majesty's High Court 
of Chancery bearing a date on or about the sixteenth 
day of June & the thirtieth day of July in the five 
& twentieth year of his Majesty's reign that now is 
& in the year of our Lord God one thousand six 
hundred seventy & three made between the Right 
Honorable Francis Lord Hawley Sir Charles Har- 
bord Knight his Majesty's Surveyor General Sir 
William Haward of Tandridge in the County of 
Surrey Knight Sir John Talbot of Laceck in the 
County of Wilts Knight & William Harbord of 
Grafton Parke in the County of Northampton 
Esquier surviving trustees for the sale of fee farm 
rents and other rents of the first part The Right 
Honorable Charles Lord S* John of Bazing Ralph 
Bucknall of London Esqr & Sir William Doyley the 
younger of the city of Westminster Knight of the 
second part and the said Sir John Benet of the third 
part with all and every the right royalties privileges 
Immunities benefits & advantages whatsoever of 
them the said Francis Lord Hawley Sir Charles 
Harbord Sir William Haward Sir John Talbot & 
William Harbord or which they or any of them their 
or any of their heirs or assigns could or might claim 
or of right ought to have of in & to the said rents 


and premises by force or virtue of the letters patent 
& acts of parliament therein mentioned or either of 
them or by force or virtue of his Majestys royal 
prerogative or otherwise howsoever As in & by the 
said several recited Indentures Tripartite whereunto 
relation being had more at large may appear And 
the reversion & reversions remainder and remainders 
of all the said fee farm»rents & other rents & annual 
payments And also all the estate right title and 
interest Together with all and every the rights 
royalties privileges immunities benefits & advan- 
tages whatsoever of the said Sir John Benet, or 
which the said Sir John Benet his heirs or assigns 
can or may claim or of right ought to have of in 
and to the said rents and premises by force or virtue 
of the said several recited Indentures of Bargain 
& Sale or either or any of them or otherwise howso- 
ever. To' have & to hold the several fee farm rents 
and other rents and annual payments & every of 
them And the reversion & reversions remainder 
and remainders of them and every of them so granted 
as aforesaid with all and singular their right privi- 
leges and appurtenances — And all and every the 
benefits and advantages and other the premises 
whatsoever thereunto belonging or of right appertain- 
ing unto the said Master Fellows and Scholars and 
their successors To the only use and behoof of 
the said Master Fellows and Scholars and their Suc- 
cessors for ever In trust nevertheless & to the intent 
and purpose that the aforesaid fee farm rents & other 
rents & annual payments with all benefits and 
advantages whatsoever thereby yearly or otherwise 
coming & arising to the yearly sum of Threescore 
Pounds shall for ever hereafter be from time to time 
yearly laid out and imployed for and towards the 
maintenance of two Fellows & two Scholars in Pem- 
broke College in the University aforesaid who shall 


be called & known by the name of Sir John Benets 
Fellows & Scholars. And shall be from time to 
time elected ruled and governed according to such 
orders rules and constitutions and for and towards 
their yearly maintenance shall have & receive such 
sum & sums of money respectively as are hereinafter 
mentioned & expressed (that is to say) That each 
of the said Fellows shall out of the rents and pay- 
ments aforesaid have & receive the yearly sum of 
Twenty Pounds & each Scholar Ten Pounds That 
the election of the said Two Fellows & Scholars 
shall be made in the College aforesaid by the Master 
& Fellows of the said College for the time being or 
the Major part of them (of which the Master of the 
said College shall be one) Out of any Scholars in 
the University aforesaid except such as are or have 
been eligible by the former statutes of the College 
Regard being had first to those of the College who are 
not of the foundation nor have been eligible unto it. 
That in the Election of the said Two Fellows The 
Scholars of this Foundation shall be preferred before 
others if they be equally qualified That the Election of 
the Fellows and Scholars of the foundation aforesaid 
shall be as soon as conveniently may be after the 
place becomes void That none shall be chosen 
Fellow into this Foundation under the degree of 
Bachelor of Arts nor a scholar under two years 
standing That none so chosen shall continue Fellow 
beyond seven years after he is complete Master of 
Arts except he hath taken that degree before he 
is chosen fellow — In which case he may keep his 
Fellowship seven years from his election. Not- 
withstanding which if after the expiration of seven 
years a Fellow so chosen shall be found very useful 
in the Society It shall be lawful to choose him again 


to continue for other seven years or longer if he 
obtain the consent of the Master for the time being 
of the College aforesaid. That within four years 
after they are Masters of Arts they shall take the 
Orders of Deacon & Priest And that these Fellows 
& Scholars shall be obliged to observe the Statutes 
of the College as other Fellows & Scholars are 
In witness whereof to the one part of these Inden- 
tures remaining with the said Master Fellows & 
Scholars the said Sir John Benet hath set his hand 
& seal, and to the other part thereof remaining with 
the said Sir John Benet the said Master Fellows & 
Scholars have set their Common Seal the Day & 
year first above written 


enc!) a^aare. 

By W. TURNER, in "The Queen," April and May, 1906. 

By G. Le Blanc Smith. 

N the pages ot The Queen, Mr. Turner has concisely 
set forth much that is worth knowing about the 
old and almost entirely forgotten potteries of Crich. 
Crich, on its craggy limestone hill top, does not 
ap|Tear a place either yielding clay for the potter or art for 

Fig. I. — Posset Pot of Crich Ware. 17 17. 


the pottery, but it has done both, and what is more, done 
them well. 

Mr. Turner has lately explored the site of this old pottery, 
and when we hear that his companion-in-arms was Mr. Micah 
Salt, of excavation fame, we may rest assured that the work 
was thorough. 

In the paper under notice Mr. Turner goes through the 
gradual development of the present name Crich; in 1085 
it is "Crice," 1195 " Crech," 1291 "Crouche," 1580 " Cryche," 

Fig. 2. — Posset pot of Crich Ware. 1739. 

1586 " Creach," 1693 " Critch," 1815 Crich (" i " pronounced 
long as to this day). 

Mr. Turner concludes therefore that " Crouch ware " was 
Crich pottery, for " in the seventeenth century, when it became 
' Cruche,' the pronunciation of it, in the patois of the county, 
would become 'Crouch.'" 

After reference to the geological formation of the neighbour- 
ing country Mr. Turner continues :— 

" Water, washing along various deposits, has formed a 

clay, called Wessington clay, and sometimes Crich clay. 


which has a large amount of silica in it, very like (as 

Farey says) the clay which the Staffordshire potters called 

' Clunch.' ... It was a clay most suitable for the needs 

of the potters who made crucibles for the Bank of England." 

The first move in the direction of establishing potteries at 

Crich was, Mr. Turner considers, the transference of " a piece 

of ground to one Thomas Morley, a potter," by Lady Mary 

Dixie {nee Willoughby. and a descendant of one John Clay — 

a curious coincidence — of Crich). From ancient documents 

Mr. Turner places the first working date of these potteries at 

.'ibout 1 666-1 763. 

Fig. 3.— Posset Pot of Crich Ware. 1777. 

With regard to the discovery- and excavation of the ancient 

site Mr. Turner says : — 

"This is all that has been discovered about this old pot 
works, until the re-discovery of the site and its interesting 
contents by myself and friend in the year of grace 1904. In 
the refuse heap a trench was cut. It was about 6 feet by 
4 feet, and 3 feet deep." 
During the excavations the old potter's cellar, or store-house, 

\vas unearthed, and locally exaggerated into a subterranean 


passage, some three miles in length, connecting Crich with 
Dethick ! 

Fifteen excellent photographs help to explain the nature of 
the pottery, a description of which, however, space does not 
admit in this notice. Of those here illustrated, fig. i is dated 
1 717, and is a posset pot from the collection of Mr. H. T. 
Wake, Fritchley. Fig. 2 is another posset pot, height 9 in., 
diameter 9I in., date 1739, with a fine lustrous glaze. Fig. 3, 
another posset pot, owned by a Crich family, is glazed, dated 
1777, and has remains of the initials T. H. on the spout. 
Fig. 4 represents a punch bowl, marked " John Hogg and Sarah 
his wife, November i6th, 1732." It is well glazed. 

Fig. 4. — Punch Bowl of Crich Ware. 1732. 

The specimens illustrated are, with the exception of that 
in fig. I, owned by Mr. Micah Salt. There are many old 
potteries in our county ; does nobody know their history and 
associations? I am sure the Editor would be glad of contri- 
butions on this subject, and the feeling should be shared by 
many others. 

It is satisfactory from our point of view, if not from that 
of Crich, to think that the decadence of the Crich potter's art 
was owing to " the overwhelming competition of the Stafford- 
shire potteries," and not to State-aided " dumping " from be- 
yond the seas, which has proved the death of another famous 
Derbyshire industry, i.e., lead-mining. 

Sir William Cavendish. 
From the original pictuie in the possession ol His (irace the Duke of Devonshire. 


Sir asanuam Cabcutris!) 

By Rev. F. Brodhurst, M.A. 

IR WILLIAM CAVENDISH was descended from 
Chief Justice Cavendish, of Cavendish Manor, co. 
Suffolk, near Bury St. Edmunds. In the year 1366 
King Edward III. raised John de Cavendish to 
the office of Chief Justice of the King's Bench, although he had 
not filled the office of Attorney or Solicitor-General, or even 
reached the dignity of the Coif. Lord Chief Justice Cavendish 
held his office sixteen years, being re-appointed on the accession 
of Richard II. About the year 1381 he received the appoint- 
ment of Chancellor of the Universitj' of Cambridge ; and as 
William Cavendish, 7th Duke of Devonshire, was Chancellor, 
and Spencer Compton Cavendish, the eighth and present Duke, 
is now Chancellor of Cambridge, there have been three members 
of this family who have borne the honour; the same can be 
said probably of no other family. The Chief Justice at last fell 
a victim to the brutality of the populace in Wat Tylers insur- 
rection, after the terrible confusion which occurred in the land 
owing to the visitation of the Black Death in the years 1349- 
1350. After that rebel chief had been killed in Smithfield by 
Sir William Walworth, to whom Sir John Cavendish, son 
of the Chief Justice, and an Esquire of the King, had given the 
coup de grace, there was a rising in Norfolk and Suffolk, under 
the conduct of a leader much more ferocious, who called himself 
Jack Straw. One of his sayings was — 

When Adam delved, and Eve span, 
Who was then the gentleman? 


A band of them, near 50,000 strong, marched to the Chief 
Justice's mansion at Cavendish, which they plundered and 
burned. The Cliief Justice made his escape, but was taken in 
a cottage in the neighbourhood. Unmoved by his grey liairs, 
they carried him in procession to Bury St. Edmunds, as if 
to open the assizes, and after he had been subjected to a 
mock trial in the Market Place he was sentenced to death. 
Jack Straw's Chief Justice magnanimously declaring that 
in respect of the office of dignity which his Brother Cavendish 
had so long filled, instead of being hanged he should be 
beheaded. Thus three of the Chancellors of Cambridge — 
Chief Justice Cavendish, Sir Thomas More, and the Earl of 
Essex, for some time the favourite of Queen Elizabeth, have 
been beheaded. 

Sir William Cavendish was the son of Thomas and Alice 
Cavendish. There were three sons — George, William, and 
Thomas. Thomas, the youngest son, was one of the knights 
of St. John of Jerusalem, and died unmarried. George, the 
eldest, was seated at Glemsford and Cavendish, in Suffolk. 
He wrote the interesting biography of Cardinal Wolsey, and was 
with him at his death at Leicester Abbey. He quotes the last 
speech of the Cardinal : " Well, well, Master Kingston, if I had 
served God as diligently as I have done the king, he would not 
have given me over in my grey hairs." It has been supposed 
that Shakespeare must have read this biography, for he 
quotes this sentence almost word for word in his play of 
Henry VIII. But though written in the reign of Philip 
and Mary, it could not be published for many years 
afterwards — not until 1641, on account of the blame which 
he had laid on the memory of Henry yiH. for his 
dissolution of the monasteries, and his cruel divorce of Queen 
Katherine. If Shakespeare read it he must have read it in 
manuscript. When first published it was put out as the author- 
ship of his better known brother. Sir William Cavendish. It 
was only in the year 18 14 that it was rightly assigned to the 
elder brother, George Cavendish. The grandson of this George, 


namely, William Cavendish, sold the Manor of Cavendish in 
Suffolk, from which the family take their name, in the year 

At Welbeck there is a pocket book of Sir William Cavendish 
in which he has entered several particulars of his marriages and 
of his children. 

I married first Margaret, daughter of Edward Bostotk, of Whatcross, 
in Cheshire, esquire. 

By this marriage there were one son and two daughters who 
died early, and two daughters who grew to maturity. 

(i) Catherine, married to Thomas Broke, son to Thomas, 
Lord Cobham. 

(2) Anne, married to Sir Henry Baynton, knt. 

It was during this marriage that Sir William Cavendish was 
appointed a Commissioner for Dissolving the Monasteries, of 
which we shall speak further on. There is extant a document 
in the Record Office which runs as follows : — 

To Wm. Cavendisshe and Margaret his Wife, Pardon for having 
acquired to themselves and the heirs of their bodies, with remainder 
in default of issue to the right heirs of the said William for ever of 
Thomas Lord Audley of Walden the Lord Chancellor the Manor called 
Bircheholt, Heits., and the Messuage Lands, etc., called Bircheholt in 
Hertyngfordbury, Herts., without royal licence. 

Margaret, his first wife, died 32 Henry VIH., and was buried 
in the church of St. Botolph's, Aldersgate, under the monument 
of Alice Cavendish, his mother. 

Here lyeth buried under this stone Margaret Cavendishe late Wife of 
William Cavendishe, which William was one of the sonnes of the above- 
named AUce Cavendishe, which Margaret dyed the 16 June in the year 
of our Lord God MCCCCCXL., whos soul Jesu pardon. 
" Heven blis be here mede 
Yat for the sing, prey or rede." 

During the years 1538-9, Sir W. Cavendish was very busy in 
taking the submission of the abbots, priors, prioresses, monks, 
and nuns of many monasteries and nunneries, and assigning 
pensions to them, and selling up all the internal fittings, the 
painted glass, the vestments, the corn and cattle, and all belong- 
ings excepting the lands, which usually were granted as a free 



gift or let at a moderate rent to some responsible layman in 
the county. Thomas Cromwell's advice to King Henry was, 
" Divide the monastic lands as much as possible amongst the 
gentry of each shire, and then it will be more difficult to recover 
them again." And so Queen Mary found it when she came to 
the throne and desired to restore the monasteries. She found 
that those even who had remained steadfast to the Roman faith 
and obedience clung steadily to the lands they had received. 

In the Record Office there is a book of accounts of Sir Wm. 
Cavendish and of his sale of the goods of eleven abbeys. He 
rode on horseback from abbey to abbey, taking with him a small 
army of masons and carpenters to unroof the abbey church and 
the dormitories and other buildings, that the monks might find 
no resting-place there, according to the orders delivered to him 
and the other Commissioners. He appears to have carried out 
his orders m a very merciful spirit, and very differently from the 
savage manner in which Sir John Russell, who became the first 
Earl of Bedford, acted towards the Mitred Abbot of Glastonbury, 
and a Lord of Parliament, whom he caused to be hung up in 
sight of his own abbey, and afterwards his body to be taken 
down and quartered and sent to four neighbouring towns and 
hung up on the walls to strike terror in the hearts of lesser men. 

The book is headed : — 

A booke of Accompts of Sre Wyllm Cavendyshe, Kt touching hys 
accompts for ye goods of Monasteries. 

He was at 

Merivale, 15th October, 30 Henry VHI. 
Brewood, i6th October. 
Lylleshall, Salop, 17th October. 
St. Thoma.s, nigh Stafford, i8th October. 
Delacres, co. Stafford, 21st October. 
Darley, near Derby, 24th October. 
Dale, CO. Derby, 24th October. 
Repton, CO. Derby, 26th October. 
Grace Dieu, co. Leicester, 28th October. 
Pypwell, CO. Northampton, 6th November. 
Barnewell, co. Cambridge, 7th November. 


The heading of the account of Dale Abbey is as follows : — 

There after foloweth all suche pcells of implements or howsehold 
stuflfe, come, cattell, ornamentes of the Churche and suche other like 
founde within the late Mon : ther at the tyme of the dyssolucion of the 
same house soulde liy the Kinges Commissiones to flfraunces Pole esquier 
the xxiiij. day of October in the xxx. yere of our sovegne Lorde Kyng 
Henry the VIII. 

Some of the stonework of Dale Abbey is now made up in a 
terrace at Risley Hall. Some of the interior woodwork is at 
Radbourne Church, taken there by Mr. Francis Pole. It is 
supposed that the painted glass which was in the refectorj', or 
as some think, in the cloisters, was bought by Sir Henry 
Sacheverell and given by him to Morley Church, where it now 

Sir Wm. Cavendish received from Mr. Francis Pole the sum 
of ^30 (about jQsoo in present value) for the movables at 
Dale Abbey, as by the following certificate appears : — 

And Sir Wm. Cavendishe owes xxx. li by fFraunces Pole de Rodborne 
in the Countie of Derby, Armiger a debt to his Majestie ye King by an 
obligacione given 24 October in the xxx"" Regis predicti, to be paid 
on the Feast of the Nativitie T540, as by an indenture and book more 
clearly appears. 

There is extant a letter written from Lilleshall Abbey, i6th 
October, 1538, by Thomas Legh, LL.D., one of the Com- 
missioners, to Thomas Cromwell, Earl of Essex, who was the 
moving spirit and the adviser of Henry VIII. in the destruction 
of the monasteries. 

At the Blackladies (or Benedictine Xuns, of Brewood in Co. Stafford), 
I received a letter from Mr. Heneage' containing the King's command 
for the preferment of Mr. Thomas Gifford to the farm of the house of 
Blackladies. There was Mr. Littleton also, who said the King was 
jileased he should have it, as he perceived by your Lordship when last in 
London. Wherefore I and Mr. Candisshe have put them both in pos- 
session and sold the stuff to them both, till they know the King's further 
pleasure. Now being at Lilleshill I intend to put Mr. Candishe in 
possession of the farm of the house, who prays you that in his absence 
he be not in this behalf supplanted. 

1 Ancestor of Lord Heneage. 


The Heading of the Accounts for Lilleshall Abbey is ; 

The late Monas? of lylleshall in the Countie of Salopp. 
Hereafter folowyth all suche fJcells of Implements or houshold Stuflfe, 
Corne, catell. Ornaments. of the Churche, and suthe other lyke founde 
wythyn the late Mon : ther at the tyme of the Dissolucon of the same 
house, solde by the Kyngs Commissionrs unto Mr. Will"' Cavendisshe 
Esquier as particularly and playnly folowyth : 

In the Vestry: It: xi. Copies of olde blewe baudekyn.i 
It : iij Copis of Whyte Baudkyn. 
It : iij other Copis of Whyte counterfeit baudekyn. 
It : other iij copis of Whyte counterfeit baudekyn. 
It ; viij olde Copis of dyverse sorts. 
It : vj olde Copis of Dornyx. 
It : a Sewte of Blewe baudkyn. 
It : an other Sewte of Blewe baudekyn. 
It : a Sute of Redd Sylke full of Amies. 
It : viij olde Alterclothys. 
It : ij Alter Clothys to hange before Alters. 
Ix. s. 
(About ^30 in present Value.) 
At Hardwick Hall at the present time, in the chapel, there 
is an ancient cope which covers the pulpit front. There is also 
an ancient hanging on the altar rails. It appears to be made up 
of the hoods and " orfreys "2 of twenty-four cojies. Not unlikely 
these were brought to Hardwick by Sir William Cavendish from 
Lilleshall Abbey. 

On 28th November, 30 Henry VIH., a grant was made to 
" Wm. Cavendysshe of the House and Site of the late Monastery 
of Lylleshall, Salop, and divers lands (named) thereto belonging," 
formerly in the personal occupation of the late Abbot, for 21 
years at a rent of ^20 5s. od." (or about ^£202 in present value). 
In 31 Henry VIII. To Jas. Leveson, of Wolverhampton, 
Stuff merchant, a grant in fee for ;^i,i73 i6s. 8d. (or about 
_;£i 2,000 in present value) was made of the reversions, and 
rents due, on certain Crown leases, including Lilleshall, and this 
is now in the possession of his descendant, Cromartie Suther- 
land-Leveson-Gower, Duke of Sutherland. 

1 A rich and precious species of silk stuff, interwoven with gold threads, 
introduced into England in the thirteenth centur/. 

2 Embroidered edging. 


Besides the enormous grants of lands which Thomas 
Cromwell, Earl of Essex, obtained, having the ear of the king, 
the number of bribes and presents he received from religious 
houses, to be good master to them and to spare them, were 

As an instance of how abbey lands, and money, were squan- 
dered, and stolen, and not accounted for, this may be sufficient. 
After Cromwell's death the following memorandum was written 
and still remains among the Cottonian MSS. : — 

May yt please yr moast excellente Majestic to be advertised that I your 
moast humble Servant. John Gostwyck (one of the Commissioners) have 
in my hands whiche I treasured from tyme to tyme unknowne unto th' 
Erl of Essex, whiche if I had declared 
unto hym he wolde 

have caused me to ' X. 

disburse by Commandcment 
without Warrannt, 
as heretofore I have don. 

On the principle of " set a thief to catch a thief," Cromwell 
looked very sharply after those whom he chose to dissolve and 
sell up. Sir William Cavendish and Doctor Leigh were charged 
with having falsified accounts and kept back certain moneys in 
their hands. A Commission was appointed, to which the 
following refers : — 

Declaration, made by Sir John Daunce by express command of the 
King, for the trial of certaine particular sums of money paid by William 
Cavendishe, Comm"" appointed with Thomas Leighe, doctor in the law, 
for the dissolution of divers and sundry houses of religion hereafter 
ensuing for the rewards and wages of divers and sundry persons being 
servants within the same, " at the first jiayment," whereunto the said 
William Cavendishe added sundry sums of money, written with his own 
hand, without knowledge of any of his said clerks. 

Total of the additions, ^£34 13s. 8d. ; about ^350 in present 


Memorandum. — As touching the Plate that was supposed to be sold by 
the late Abbot of Meryvale to George Warrene, Goldsmith of London, 
to the value of ;^i8 st. (about ;^i8o now) wherein information was 
given to Dr. Leigh and Will™ Cavendishe after they dissolved the said 

1 ;<i'ro,ooo would amount to ;^ioo,ooo in the present day. 


Monastery, riding by the way, the same Dr. Leigh and Wm. Cavendish 

sent unto the said late Abbott for the said £i& they confess that the said 

late Abbott sent it to them by one of their servants by way of free 

gifte to be good Masters unto him and his Brethren. And as the said 

Cavendishe doth affirm by his answer, and also by the said Dr. Leigh 

confessing the same. 

Signed, John Daunce, Knt. 

We are not aware whether any record remains of the ultimate 
(letermination of these charges, but we know that Sir WiUiam 
Cavendish must have been able to clear himself entirely; for 
not only was he continued in office, but he was appointed to 
the responsible office of Auditor of the Court of Augmentation, 
and was constituted Treasurer of the Chamber to Henry VIII., 
and continued in that office in the reigns of Edward VI. and 
Queen Mary. He was also admitted to the Privy Council. 

We sometimes see the families of Russells and 
Cavendishes named together as holders of large amounts of 
monastic property, and thus enriched and founded upon its 
possession. We know that Tavistock, Wobum, and Thorney 
Abbeys were granted to John, Lord Russell, and are yet the 
Duke of Bedford's. We are not aware that any such large and 
valuable estates were granted to Sir William Cavendish. His 
name is not mentioned by Spelman, or Burnett, or Froude. 
As far as we are aware (and we may be pardoned for naming it) 
the estates of the family have come through the four marriages 
of Elizabeth Hardwick, Countess of Shrewsbury, and the 
marriages with heiresses, such as the fourth .Duke of Devon- 
shire with the heiress of the Earl of Burlington and Cork, which 
brought Lismore in Ireland, and Bolton Abbey and 
Eanesborough and Chiswick in England ; and other marriages 
which brought Eastbourne and Holker. 

Sir William Cavendish received, however, a certain amount 
of monastic lands as a free gift, iind also bought a certain 
amount, but the exact quantity of either of these it is probably 
now impossible to say. The following records of his purchases 
and grants are preserved : — 

Wm. Cavendishe, one of the Auditors of the Court of Augmentations, 
and Margaret his Wife Grant in Fee for ^769 8s. 4d. (about ;^Sooo in 
present Value). 


(i) The Lordships and Manors of Northawe, Cuffeley and Childe- 
wyke, Co. Herts., belonging to the late Monastery of S. Albans, 
Herts., the Rectory and Church or Chapel of Northawe, Herts., lately 
belonginge to the said late Monastery; and the Advowson of the Vicarage 
and Parish Church or Chapel of Northawe; and all Messuages Lands &c. 
in Meriden in the Parish of Tewynge, Co. Herts lately belonging to the 
said late Monastery ; and all appurtenances of the premises in Northawe, 
Cuffeley, Meryden and Chyldewyke, and elsewhere Herts., in as full 
manner as Ric. Boreman the late Abbott, held the same. 

(2) The House and Site of the late Priory, Cell or Rectory of Cardigan 
S. Wales, which formerly belonged to the late Monastery of Chertesey, 
Surrey, and afterwards to the late Abbey of Holy Trinity Butlesham 
alias Bisham, Berks., the Rectories and Churches of Cardigan, Berwyke, 
and Trenieyn, S. Wales parcel of the possessions of the said late Cell ; 
and the Advowsons of the Vicarages and Churches of those places, and 
all other possessions of the said late Cell. 

The following extract refers also to the same grants : — 

(i) Sale of Lands by virtue of the King's Thomas Lord 
Cromwell, and Sir Ric. Ryche, Chancellor of Augmentations : for cccc. li. 
(;/^40o) by the said Treasurer received of William Cavendische generosus 
in ptem solucionis Vcclxix. li. viij. ?. iiij. d. pro Manerio de Northaw 
and Cuffeley with the Chapel and Church of Northaw, and also the 
Manor of Childewyke in Co. Herts lately belonging to the Monastery of 
S. Albans in the said Co. 

And the Cell of the Priory of Cardigan with all the hereditaments of 
the said Cell, for the benefit of the said William, as by a writing made 
28 Feb. 31st year of the Lord the King (A.D. 1540). 

(2) And for ccclxix. li. viij. s. iiij. d. the residue of the said sum 
li. viij. s. iiij. d. (^^769 8s. 4d.) for the same William Cavendisshe paid to 
the said Lord the King for the Manors aforesaid, as by the said writing 
more clearly appears. 

IVo/e. — Item for cccxlviij. li. viij. s. iiij. d. (^348 8s. 4d.) to John 
Cavendish, armiger, as a Debt to the Lord the King for the Priory of 
Axholme in Co. Lincoln. 

Item for Vcccx li. ;^8io) to John Byron, Militem for Lands lately 
the Monastery of Newstede in Com. Nottingham. 

In the year 1541, Sir William Cavendish was sent to Ireland 
to see after monastic property, and to inquire into the accounts 
of certain Irish officials. He was in Ireland a whole year ; 
and after his return to England Sir Anthony St. Leger, the 
Lord Deputy, wrote to King Henry, praising much his good 
work in Ireland, and praying for his return there : — 

Sir Anthony St. Leger, Deputy of Ireland to King Henry VIII. 
6 May, 1542. It may please yr Matie to knowe that ther is grete lackc 


here of suche bokes of survey as were late made by my fellowes yr 
hyghnes Comissions as well for saale of friars howses here wche yr 
pleasure is sholde be solde, as also of one to fynishe th' accompt of yr 
Vicethesaurerl here And trusting, upon the seying ageyne of Mr. 
Cavendishe the same is as yet slacked. Which Mr. Cavendyshe toke 
grate paynes at his being here in yr saide saervice as well wth conty- 
newall paynes aboute the saide accompts and surveis, as in taking very 
paynful jorneys, aboute the same as to Lymericke and those ptes where 
I thinke none of your hyghnes mgtie comssonrs com this meny yeers, 
and in suche wether of snowe and froste that I nev' roode in the like 
to my remembraunce. And I note him to be suche a man as letill 
ferythe the displeasure of any man in yor hyghnes sarvice wherfore I 
accompte him the meter man for this lande if yr hyghness pleasure so 
be ; wherefore most humblie beseching yr majestic to pardon this my 
rude wryting, for seeing the grate paynes toke here in yr sarvice, I 
thought I coulde no lesse do then to signifie the same unto yr Majestic ; 
and also to desire yr hyghness that the same bokes, or the Copies of 
them may be retourned for the better order of yr Majesties affairs here, 
and the finishinge of yr saide Vicethesauriers accompts. And thus I 
beseche almightye Jhesu long to preserve yr mooste excellente Majestic 
in mooste prosperous helthe to his pleasure flfrom yr hyghnes Mano' of 
Kilmaynan the vith of Maye in the xxxiiij. yere of your Majesties mooste 
Victorious reign. 

Your Magestes most humble and obedyent subject and sarvant, 

Antony Sentlegr'. 

In Sir William Cavendish's pocket book at Welbeck there is 
this entry : — 

Md, that I was marryed unto Elizabeth my Wife, Daughter of Thomas 
Parker of Postingford in Suffolk, Esq., at the Black Fryars in London, 
the Morrowe after All Souls Dale, Anno 34, R. H. 8 (1543)- 

His Wife died 1545; her three children died young. 

Md, That I was marryed to Elizabeth Hardwycke my third Wiflfe in 
Lecestersheere at Bradgatt (Bradgate) my Lord Marquesses (Dorset) 
House the 20th of August in the first yeere of kinge Edward the 6, at 2. 
of the clock after midnight ; The Domynicall letter B. 

The list of the god-parents is a most interesting one, and 
ought to be studied. If we except two names — the Duke of 
Somerset, the Protector, and the Duke of Norfolk — it contains 
the principal political personages of the period. And this 
should be noticed — during the reign of Edward VI. they were 
all chosen from the Reforming party. Sir William and Lady 
Cavendish cast in their lot with the Reformers. Their married life 

1 Vice-treasurer. 


lasted for ten years — from 1547-1557, that is through the reign 

of Edward VI. and the first years of Mary. When Queen Mary 

came to the throne then, as good courtiers, they conformed to 

the rehgion of the Queen, according to the agreement of the 

Diet of Augsburg: " Cujus Regio, Ejus Religio," which means, 

" Whoever reigns shall set the religion of his country.' But 

Lady Cavendish throughout her long life was a Reformer at 

heart. And in her last will the only books mentioned are of a 

religious character, as wall be seen : — 

My Ladyes Bookes 

Calvin uppon Job 

Covered with russett velvett. 

The resolucon of Salomons proverbes. 
A booke of meditations. 
Frances my g childe, and the first by the said Woman,! was borne on 
Munday, betweene the Howers of 3 and 4 at Afternoon, viz., the 18 of 
June Anno 2. R.E. 6 (1548), the Domynicall Letter then G. 

Memorandum at the Cristeninge of the Childe, my Ladie Frances 
Grace, and my Ladie of SufTolkes Grace weare God Mothers, and my 
Lord of Suffolke God Father, and at Bishoppinge. 

" My Ladie Frances Grace " was eldest daughter of Charles 
Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, by his wife, Princess Mary, Queen 
Dowager of Louis XII. of France, and youngest sister of 
Henry VIII. of England. 

" My Ladie of Suffolkes Grace " was last wife of Charles 
Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, her maiden name Katherine 
Willoughby, daughter and sole heir of William Willoughby, the 
last Lord Willoughby de Eresby of that family, and therefore 
Baroness de Eresby in her own right, of Grimsthorpe, near 
Stamford, co. Lincoln. 

" My Lord of Suffolke " was Henry Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, 
now eleven years of age, son of Charles Brandon, late Duke. 
He and his younger brother, the only sons of their father, were 
taken off quite young by the sweating sickness whilst at the 

1 It seems strange and a coarse manner of expression to speak of a wife, 
and she a lady of title, as " the said Woman " ; but we must remember 
that language changes. Our Lord addressed His Mother as "Woman, 
what have I to do with thee? " and, again, ", behold thy Son." 
In each case in the original the word signifies " Lady." 


University of Cambridge. His eldest sister, the Lady Frances 
Brandon, had married Henry Grey, Marquis of Dorset, the 
father of the Lady Jane Grey. He was created Duke of Suffolk. 
" At Bishoppinge," or at Confirmation. This took place on 
the same day as the Christening if a bishop was present. Queen 
Elizabeth was confirmed when three days old. 

Temperance my lo Childe, and the second by the same Woman was 
borne on Tuesdaie in the Mornynge just at 2 of the Clock, viz., the 
loth of June, Anno Tercio, R. Edw. 6 (1549). The domynicall Letter 
then F. 

At the Cristnynge of the Childe, my Ladie of Warwick, and my 
Ladie Jane, my Lord Marques Dorsetts Daughter weare God Mothers, 
and the Earl of Shrewsburie, God Father, and at Bishoppinge. 

" My Ladie of Warwick "' was Jane, daughter and heiress of 
Sir Edward Guilford. The Earl of Warwick, her husband, was 
created Duke of Northumberland 4th October, 1551. 

" My Ladie Jane " was Lady Jane Grey, the nine days' Queen, 
daughter of the Marquis of Dorset, afterwards Duke of Suffolk. 
She was afterwards married to Lord Guilford Dudley, son of 
the Duke of Northumberland. 
Sir Ralph Bagenhall, loquitur. 

Seventeen — and knew eight languages — in music 

Peerless — her needle perfect, and her learning 

Beyond the Churchmen ; vet so meek, so modest 

So wife-like humble to the trivial Boy 

Mismatched with her for policy ! I have heard 

She would not take a last farewell of him 

She fear'd it might unman him for his end. 

She could not be unmann'd — no, nor outwoman'd — 

Seventeen — a rose of grace ! 

Girl never breathed to rival such a rose. 

Rose never blew that equall'd such a bud. 

From Tennyson's " Queen Marv." 
" The Earl of Shrewsburie " was Francis, the fifth Earl. 
Henry my nth Childe, and the third by the said Woman, was borne 
on Tuesdaie at 12 of the Clock at night, viz., the 17th Daie of December 
Anno 4. R.E. 6 (1550), the domynicall Letter then E. 

Memorandum. At the Cristnynge of the Childe, my Ladie Elizabeth 
Grace was God Mother, and my Lord Marques Dorsett and my Lord of 
Warwick, God Fathers, and at Bishoppinge. 

" My Ladie Elizabeth Grace " was the Princess Elizabeth, 
afterwards Queen. 


" Henry Grey," the Marquis of Dorset, afterwards Duke of 
Suffolk, and John Dudley, Earl of Warwick, afterwards Duke 
of Northumberland, were spoken of by the German Reformers 
as the two most shining lights of the Church of England. They 
married their daughter and son — the Lady Jane Grey and Lord 
Guilford Dudley ; and they persuaded Edward VI. on his 
death-bed to make a will in favour of Lady Jane Grey. It was 
witnessed by many of the principal men of the kingdom — 
amongst them being Sir William Cavendish. On the death of 
Edw^ard, the Duke of Northumberland raised an army against 
Mary, who claimed the throne. His army deserted the duke ; 
he was taken prisoner and was sent to the Tower. At his trial 
he said, " For the last seventeen years I have been playing the 
hypocrite; I have been a Catholic at heart; I did it to obtain 
power." He received Mass, and went out to his execution. 
The Duke of Suffolk was pardoned by Mary; but when he 
afterwards joined in the rebellion of Sir Thomas Wyatt he too 
suffered execution ; and through him Lady Jane Grey and 
Lord Guilford Dudley both lost their lives. 

William my 12 Childe and the 4th by the said Woman, was borne on 
Sunday in the Morninge betweene the Howers of 2 and 3, viz., the 
27th Daie of December. Anno Quinto R.E. 6 (1551). The Domynicall 
Letter then D. 

Memorandum. At the Cristnynge of the Childe, my I.ady Marques 
of Northampton was God Mother, the Marquis of Winchester, and the 
Earl of Pembrooke, God Fathers, and at the Bishoppinge. 

" My Lady Marques of Northampton " was Elizabeth Brook, 
daughter of Lord Cobham. Her husband. Sir William Parr, 
Lord Parr of Kendal and Marquis of Northampton, was brother 
to Lady Katharine Parr, last Queen of Henry VIII. 

Sir William Paulet, the Marquis of Winchester, was Lord 
Treasurer. His portrait hangs in the drawing-room at 

Sir William Herbert, Earl of Pembroke, married the sister 
of the Marquis of Northampton and Lady Katharine Parr. He 
received the rich estates belonging to the dissolved abbey of 
Wilton. In the reign of Mary he consented to the restoration 


of the abbess and her nuns. When Elizabeth came to the 
throne he again turned them out. The abbess reminded him of 
his promises, and of his protestations of sorrow for her previous 
disturbance. But all he replied was, " Go spin, you jade ; go 

Charles my 13th Childe and the fifte by the same Woman, was borne 
on Tuesdaie in the night betweene 9 and 10, viz., the 28th of November. 
Anno primo Marice. The domynicall Letter then D. 

At the Cristnynge of the Childe, the Queens Majestic Vfa.s God Mother 
and the Duke of Suffolke, and the Bishopp of Winchester, God Fathers, 
and at the Bishoppinge. 

" The Queens Majestie " was Queen Mary ; this was very 
shortly after she came to the throne, and therefore it is 
called the first year of Mary. At the next christening the Queen 
was married to Philip of S])ain, and therefore it is said to be in 
the years of Philip and Mary, the first and second. 

The Duke of Suffolk was at first thrown into the Tower, 
but was pardoned through the intercession of his Duchess, 
who was a personal friend of the Queen. 

Elizabethe my i4<h Childe and the 6 by the same Woman, was borne 
on Sundaye in the Morninge betwixt 8 and 9. Viz. the last dale of 
Marche Annis Phil, et Mariae primo et secundo, the domynicall Letter 
then F. 

Memorandum at the Cristninge of the Childe my Ladie Marques of 
Northampton and my Ladie Katharine Graye, weare God Mothers and 
Henry Cavendish my sonne, God Father, and at Bishoppinge. 

" Ladie Katharine Graye " was second daughter of the 

Marquis of Dorset and Duke of Suffolk, younger sister of 

Lady Jane Grey. She was married as a child to Lord 

Herbert, who became second Earl of Pembroke, on the same 

day as her sister, the Lady Jane, was married to Guilford 

Dudley. Queen Mary was naturally jealous of all the Grey 

family for usurping her throne, and her influence led the Earl 

of Pembroke to consent to a dissolution of the marriage. She 

afterwards married, without the consent of Queen Elizabeth, 

Edward Seymour, Earl of Hertford. For a Grey and a 

Seymour to marry was to shake her throne, as the Queen 

argued. Lady Katharine was sent to the Tower and died 



Henry Cavendish was the eldest son of Sir William and Lady 
Cavendish, now three and a half years old. 

Mary my istb Childe and the 7 by the same Woman, was borne on 
Sundaie in the Morninge betwene 7 and 8, viz., the 22nd Daie of Aprill. 
Annis Phil, et Mariae, Secundo et Tertio, the domynicall Letter then D. 

Memorandum, at the Cristeninge of the Childe my Wives Mother and 
Miss Elizabeth Frechwell weare God Mothers, and Sir George Vernon, 
God Father, and at Bishoppinge. 

Mary Cavendish was married to Gilbert Talbot, seventh Earl 
of Shrewsbury. She helped largely to build the Second Court 
of St. John's College, Cambridge, where her statue appears 
over the door into the butteries ; but she was unable to com- 
plete it on account of the heavy fine — ^^^20,000; over ^100,000 
in present value — for conniving at the flight of her niece, the 
Lady Arabella Stuart, and supplying her with ;£i,40o for that 

" My Wives Mother " was Elizabeth, daughter of Thomas 
Leake, of Hasland, Esquire, a member of the family then 
living at Sutton Scarsdale. The head of the family became 
Baron Deincourt, of Sutton, in a.d. 1624, and Earl of Scarsdale 
in A.D. 1645. The fourth Earl of Scarsdale died unmarried 
in A.D. 1736, when the peerage became extinct. It was he who 
erected the present Sutton Hall. 

" Miss Ehzabeth Frechwell " was of the Frechville family, of 
Staveley. Their monuments are in the Frechville Chapel in 
Staveley Parish Church. The representative of the family now 
is Sir John Ramsden, Bart., of Byram Hall, co. York. 

" Sir George Vernon " was father of Dorothy Vernon, of 
Haddon Hall, who married Sir John Manners, second son of 
Thomas, first Earl of Rutland. 

Lucres my i6tli Childe, and the 8 by the same Woman was borne on 
Shrove Tuesdaie in the Morninge between 2 and 3, viz., the second 
Daie of Marche. Annis P. and M. 3° & 4° (1557). The domynicall 
Letter then C. 

At the Cristeninge of the Childe, my Sister Knyveton and Frances 
my Daughter w-eare God Mothers, and Mr. John Revell of Sherland, 
God Father, and at Bishoppinge. 

Lucres Cavendish died when young. 

" My Sister Knyveton."' This was Lady Cavendish's eldest 


sister, Jane Hardwick, who married Godfrey Bosville, of 
Gunthwaite, co. York, and who af':er his decease married into 
the family of Kniveton, of Murcaston. 

" Frances my daughter " was now nine years of age. She 
became the wife of Sir Henry Pierpoint, and it was her daughter 
" Bessie " who became so great a favourite and companion of 
Mary Queen of Scots, and who is referred to in her letters. 

Mr. John Revell lived at Ogston ; monuments of his family 
are in Shirland Church. 

In these interesting notes, recorded in a pocket book which 
belonged to Sir William Cavendish, now at Welbeck, it will be 
noticed that the days of the week and the hours of the day, 
and the dominical or Sunday letters of the year in which the 
children were born are carefully recorded. This is probably 
owing to the wide belief there was at that time in the science of 
astrology. According to that science much depended on what 
planet was visible at the time of birth ; and therefore not only 
the day of the month but the hour of the day was recorded. 
Also some days of the week were counted favourable, others 
unlucky and unfavourable. It would seem that Si^ William 
believed in astrology, and very probably had a horoscope drawn 
for each child — that is the position of the planets at the time 
of birth, so as to foretell the chief events of their life. 

Other members of the family also believed in astrology. In 
the reign of Elizabeth there was a Rev. Dr. John Dee, who 
lived at Mortlake, and whose wisdom in the occult science the 
Queen so much believed in that she preferred him to the 
Wardenship of the Collegiate Church at Manchester. The 
following notices appear in his Diary, published by the Camden 
Society : — 

A.D. 1590. May i8th the two Gentlemen, the Uncle Mr. Richard 
Candish, and his Nephew, the most famous Mr. Thomas Candish,i who 
had sailed round about the World, did visit me at Mortlake. 

May agtli bona nova de industria Domini Richardi Candishie cum 
Regina et Archiepiscopo et Domino Georgio Carey de propositione 
Etonensis Coilegii obtinendi legem. He sent me a hogshead of Claret 
Wine as a gift. 

1 Vol. XXV., p. 109, of this Journal. 


June 24. ;^2o of Mr. Candish. 

Nov. 27. The Queens Majesty being at Richmond graciously sent 
for me. I came to her at three quarters of the Clock after noon, and 
she said she would send me something to keep Christmas with. 

Nov. 28. Mr. Candish on Saturday gave my Wife forty shillings, 
and on Tuesday after sent ;^'io in Royals and Angels, and before he 
sent me ;^2o, ;^32 in all. 

Dec. 2. Her Majesty told Mr. Candish that she would send me an 
hundred Angels to keep my Christmas withall. 

Dec. 4. The Queens Majesty called for me, at my door, circa 3^ a 
meridie as she passed by, and I met her at East Sheen Gate, where 
she graciously, putting down her Mask, did say with merry cheer, " I 
thank thee, Dee; there was never promise made, but it was broken or 
kept." I understood her Majesty to mean of the hundred Angels she 
promised to have sent me this day, as she told Mr. Richard Candish 

Dec. 6. A Meridie circa 3 recipi a Regina Domina. ;^5o. 

Dec. 14. The Queens Majesty called for me at my door, as she 
rode by to take the air, and I met her at East Sheen Gate. 

Dec. 16. Mr. Candish received from the Queens Majesty warrant 
by word of mouth to assure me to do what I would in Philosophy and 
Alchemy, and none should check, controll or molest me ; and she said 
that she would ere long send me ;^5o more to make up the hundred 

Mr. Candish went from Mortlake at four of Clock at night toward 
London, and so into Suffolk. 

Sir William Cavendish appears to have been fond of 
hawking. There is the following entry in one of the household 
books still existing in the muniment room at Hardwick : — 

XVIII. die Novembris. 

Anno. R.E. vj. vto (1551). 

Itm paid to Mr. Richard Starky of litle Saint Bartolimews by Smyth- 
felde for a Gosse Hawk, by Mrs Comaundment. 
Ixvij. s. viij. d. 
(;^3 7^- Sd.) in present value about ;^33. 

by me, Rychard Starkey. 

In August, 1557, Sir William Cavendish was in London, 
employed doubtless about his official duties at Court. He was 
Treasurer of the Chamber to Queen Mary, as he had been to 
Henry VIII. and Edward VI. Lady Cavendish was at Chats- 
worth; probably in part on account of her young family, and 
in part to escape from the Court of Queen Mary. It ^\^ll be 
noticed that the god-parents of their Uvo youngest children are 


chosen from their neighbours in the county of Derby — Sir 
George Vernon, of Haddon ; Miss Frechville, of Staveley ; 
Mrs. Leake, her mother, of Hasland Manor; and Mr. Revell, 
of Ogston. The god-parents of their previous children were 
from the courtiers. Lady Cavendish appears to have received 
notice of the serious ilhiess of her husband. She started from 
Chatsworth on Friday, August 20th, and made forced marches 
to London. The journey took her three nights and four days, 
resting at Loughborough, Northampton, and St. Albans. On 
the first day a ferry had to be crossed. This was probably 
acio'ss the Trent, near Shardlow, where now is erected 
" Cavendish Bridge," built by the fourth Duke. The footmen 
(running footmen, we suppose) required two new pair of shoes 
at the end of the day; and some of the litter horses had also 
to be shod. A guide was required on this day. His charge 
was xij'^., or los. in present value. Lady Cavendish took with 
her her eldest son, Henry, aged 6| years, and Elizabeth, aged 
2 1 years, leaving two younger children at Chatsworth as well 
as older — six in all. 

On the second day at Northampton, the great town in that 
day, as in this, for shoemaking : — 

For one payre off showes for Mistress Elesabelhe viij. d. 

It. for V yerds of poyntinge Reben x. d. 

And again 

It. for showinge the horses ther xiiij. d. 

On the third day again : — 

For one payre of showes for Anthony Flyntt (footman) xiiij. d. 

On the fourth day : — 

It. geven to fowre men whiche came wth my lady from Sancte Albons 
in ye nycht ^- ^• 

or j£5 in present value. 
. These probably were for protection frotn highwaymen. 

The journey cost her 

iij. li. V. s. xj. d. 
or about ^33 in present value. Thirty-four years afterwards, 
in the year 1591, as the Countess of Shrewsbury, her ladyship 
took a more deliberate journey from Hardwick to London, 


taking seven nights and eight days. She had her Utter, with 
four horses, three waggons for the luggage, and over forty 
nag horses for her attendants. The journey to London cost her 
;£g6 13s. 9d., or in present value about ^^^yS. The return 
journey cost her j£ii2 15s. lod., or in present value about 
^789. The church bells and the wayts greeted her with their 
music at each resting-place. 

The accounts for household expenses in London commence : — 

Rheconk of mony disboursed sens my ladies comyng to loundown 
beginning Tuesdaye the xxiv. off August. An. qt & qnt (4th ^ ^thj 
Regni Regis & Reginias Philip & Marine. 

The chief things to be noticed are that provisions are bought 
each day for each day's consumption. There is a market held 
on Sundays as on other days. The wine is brought in from 
a wine shop for each meal. 

25 August 

Paid for Wyne at dyner . . . . . vj. d. 

Paid for Wyne at supr ..... viij. d. 

Paid for one pyntt of Seke .... ij. d. ob. (2^d.) 

Paid for one pottell of Malvesey . . . . x. d. 

Paid for Wynne att aftnoune . . . . ij. d. 

Tea had not yet been introduced into England. What did 
ladies do without their afternoon tea ? They had to be content 
with their afternoon wine. 

And this lasted down to the year 1857 in Yorkshire to our 
knowledge. In old-fashioned families, when a friend made an 
afternoon call, wine and cake were introduced as a matter of 
course. And in Scotland when the present Duke of Portland 
first visited his estates there (a.d. 1880) he called upon his 
principal tenants ; and one afternoon his Grace said to a friend : 
" This afternoon I have called upon thirty tenants, and do you 
know what that means ? It means thirty glasses of whiskey." 
The national popular liquor was offered to the Duke as a matter 
of course, and he had to taste of each glass. 


27. Auguste. 

Paid for halfe a bushell of oysters 


Paid for v. place, ij. solles, and one haberdyne (Codfish). 

No Flesh Meat bought on this day. 


28. August. 

Paid for beff & moton wayinge Ix.xiij. lb. at id. ob. (i^d.) the pound 

ix. s. 
Paid for one quartr of velle .... xviij. d. 

Paid for iij. dossen of sparowes (for a Sparrow Dumpling) ix. d. 
Paid for Wyne att dyner & super ... vj. d. 

Paid for bere . . . . . . ij. d. 

The next thing to be noticed is the food bought to tempt the 
appetite of the sick man. 

Necks of Mutton. Pigeons. 

Oysters. Whiting. Capons. 

Calves' feet for Jelly. 

Wormwood Wine repeatedly to sharpen his appetite. 

And then — 
vij. October. 

For seyinge Messe — to a preste .... xx. d. 

and to the Clarke . . . . . . vj. d. 

This was doubtless for a private celebration of Mass for the 
sick man. 

On Wednesday, October xiii., the accounts cease. Lady 
Cavendish is so busied with her husband she has no time or 
heart for accounts. 

They do not commence again till xxvj. of November. 

Here follows an extract from Sir William Cavendish's pocket 
book at Welbeck : — 


That Sir William Cavendyshe, knight, my most deare and well-beloved 
Husband departed this present life of Mundaie beinge the 25th daie of 
October, betwixt the howers of 8 and 9 of the same day at night in the 
yeare of our Lord God 1557. On whose soul I most humbly beseeche 
the Lord to have mercy, and to ridd mee and his poore children out of 
our great miserie. 

Elizabeth Cavendyshe. 

Thus Lady Cavendish was left a young widow, aged 37, with 


eight children, the eldest nine years of age, the youngest six 
months, after a short married life of ten years. 
From " Marhyn's Diary," Camden Society: — 

A.D. 1557. The XXX. day of October was bered Sir Wylliam Candyshe, 
knight, with ij. whytt branchys, and xij. stayff torches, iij. grett tapurs, 
and skochyons (or Escutcheons) at Saint BotulfF with-out Alther-gatt. 

When Sir William Cavendish came into Derbyshire he sold 
his monastic property and bought Chatsworth. Francis Leche, 
who had married Alice Leake, the youngest sister of Lady 
Cavendish, had lived there. Sir William Cavendish was build- 
ing a mansion at Chatsworth at the time of his death. It was 
completed by Lady Cavendish at a cost, it is said, of ;^8o,ooo. 
But that is not the present building. Chatsworth House, almost 
in its present stateliness, was built by the fourth Earl and first 
Duke of Devonshire about the year 1687. He had left the 
King's Council on account of the arbitrary measures of the 
King. He was dismissed from the Lord Lieutenancy of the 
county as others were. He spent the vacant time in the country 
by rebuilding Chatsworth; and he was the king-maker — 
contributing largely by his influence to set the Prince of Orange 
on the throne of England, by the title of William III., in the 
place of his father-in-law, King James II. 

Of the children of Sir WiUiam and Lady Cavendish — 
(i) The eldest son, Henry Cavendish, married the Lady 
Grace Talbot, and left no issue. 

(2) William Cavendish was created Baron Cavendish of Hard- 
wick and Earl of Devonshire ; and the Dukes of Devonshire are 
descended from him. 

(3) From Charles Cavendish, of Welbeck, were descended 
the loyal Duke of Newcastle, and the Dukes of Portland, in the 
female line. 

(i) The eldest daughter, Frances Cavendish, was married to 
Sir Henry Pierpoint, and from this marriage were descended 
the two Dukes of Kingston and their representatives in the 
female line, the Earls Manvers, 


(2) Mary Cavendish was married to Gilbert Talbot, seventh 
Earl of Shrewsbury. They had no son, but three daughters, 
who became Countess of Arundel, Countess of Kent, and 
Countess of Pembroke. 

(3) Elizabeth Cavendish was married to Charles Stuart, 
Earl of Lennox, brother of Lord Darnley, who married Mary 
Queen of Scots. The only child of the Earl and Countess of 
Lennox was the Lady Arabella Stuart, who was heir-presumptive 
to the Crowns of England and Scotland in case James I. had 
died leaving no heirs. 


Some i^otcs on ^vlior HoUj auti oti^n* HoUjs 
in tijc p^iQlj ^calt. 

By T. Arthur Matthews. 

ANY excellent descriptions of Arbor Low have been 
published, but a few points, which appear to me 
of interest, have not, so far as I have been able to 
ascertain, been noted. 

Arbor Low is about a mile from Parsley Hay Station, on the 
northerly slope of a hill which rises somewhat to the south, 
the centre of the " circle " being 1,231 feet above the Ordnance 

Why was it not placed on the summit ? 

Arbor Low is in latitude 53° io| N. and longitude 1° 455 W. ; 
Stonehenge is in latitude 51° 11 N. and longitude 1° 49 W. 
(The latitude and longitude of Arbor Low are taken from the 
Ordnance map; those of Stonehenge are as given in Stanford's 
London Atlas.) 

Thus Arbor Low is nearly due north of Stonehenge, and still 
mere exactly two degrees of latitude to the north. 

The division of the circle into 360 degrees is very ancient ; 
it was used by Ptolemy in the Almagest, and probably long 
before his time, so that the double coincidence is noteworthy. 

In the middle of the southern gateway of Arbor Low there is 
an isolated stone right away from the "circle," broken off, but 
with the base still in position. This stone is sharply pointed, 
and is due south of the centre of the " circle." I take it to 
have been the marker of high noon. This stone is shown on 
Mr. Gray's plan, but is not numbered. I call it the south 


The largest of the stones in the centre of the "circle," 
numbered 1 by Mr. Gray, has the appearance of having been 
dressed to shape. The upper surface as it lies is approximately 
a plane. On one side two nearly semi-cylindrical portions have, 
in my opinion, been artificially removed, as their rounded sides 
are square to the plane face of the stone. If the stone were a 
surface stone (known locally as Rockery stone), and the holes 
had been produced by weathering, the arrises or angles would 
have been rounded off ; the smooth appearance of a weathered 
stone is also absent. It is inconceivable that any process of 
cleavage or fracture could remove these semi-cylindrical portions, 
leaving the rounded sides square tO' the face. 

— Sketch of South End of Stone N9I. — 

k to E dressed square to face/ 
Scale, 4. feet to an inch. 

This stone has a rough similarity of outline to the hawk- 
headed Egyptian sun-god, Ra. (See Sketch.) The stone when 
standing may have been used as a pointer for some object, one of 
the sharp points being used ; or it may have been a base of 
observation, the spaces which have been worked out being 
used. I rather incline to the second idea, and think it was 
used in conjunction with the south pointer to mark the high 

If we stand in the centre of the " circle," due north of the 
south pointer, and lay off a line 30° west of the true 



north and another 30° east of north (which may be 
readily done by describing an equilateral triangle with its 
base due east and west and its apex due south) we shall find 
that the line 30° west of north passes exactly through the middle 
of the northerly gateway or entrance to the " circle." Con- 
tinuing it farther it passes exactly through the centre of a 
nearly semi-circular depression in the hills against the sky line, 
formed by Chelmorton Low to the right, and Brown Edge to 
the left. This cup-shaped hollow is so marked that it is one 

- Section N?I. -• 
Arbor Low to C hinley Churn 


f Horizontal, 6 miles 
\ Vertical, 600 feet 

to an inch. 

of the most conspicuous objects to be seen from Arbor Low. 
Producing the line still farther, it passes exactly through the 
summit of Chinley Churn, at a distance of about fifteen miles 
(see Section No. i). This line is almost exactly horizontal. 
Given a clear day, it is possible (but only just possible) to see 
the point of the hill (Chinley Churn) through the before- 
mentioned hollow, the lowest point of which nearly obstructs 
the view. The section along this line shows this clearly, and 


is worth comparison witli a section on an exactly parallel line 
from Hare's Hill (Section No. 3). 

I should like to draw special attention to this direction, 
30° west of north. 

On its way this line from Arbor Low passes close by, but not 
exactly through, two lows on Chelmorton Low, and between 
two lows below Brown Edge called Lady Low and Cow Low. 
It also runs through the curious amphitheatre in Deep Dale 
called Churn Hole. I note this as the parallel section from 
Hare's Hill to Axe Edge and the Shining Tor runs through 
the Shining Ford. The words " Churn " and " Shining " are 
not common in place names. 

If we produce this line the reverse way, 30° east of south, it 
passes through the low just outside the embankment or vallum, 
and a little further on through the traces of another low, which 
has been destroyed. This line is the transverse axis or greatest 
diameter of the approximate ellipse formed by the stones of 
the " circle." The greatest diameter of the stone " circle " on 
Castlerigg, near Keswick, is also on this line. 

Let us now take the other side of the equilateral triangle, 
which gives us a line pointing 30° east of north. At first sight 
it appears to pass through the summit of Longstone Edge, a very 
noticeable pointed hill and nothing else ; but if we produce the 
line the reverse way (30° w'est of south), and stoop down in the 
ditch, we shall find that the centre of Arbor Low, the top of the 
vallum, the peak of Longstone Edge, and the crest of Stannage 
Edge against the sky line, are in a uniform gradient (see section 
No. 2) ; and this line is also almost exactly horizontal. More- 
over the line passes through the biggest stone of the whole lot, 
numbered X by Mr. Gray. This stone is perforated ; and when 
it was standing it is more than probable that the perforation 
was also in the same line of sight. In other words, the points 
named are in the same vertical plane and in the same horizontal 

It is obvious that any two points must be in the same straight 
line. The odds against three points being in the same straight 



line by accident are enormous ; so that we may safely say that the 
existence of foiir, and possibly five, so placed is due to more 
than coincidence. 

It seems to me that the people who laid out Arbor Low 
arranged their gateways, or positions of unobstructed view, in 
what they regarded as the most important directions, namely, 
one 30° west of north and one due south. 30° east of north 
appears to have been also of great importance, but not 
perhaps quite so great as the westerly line. My first idea, 

— Section N?2. — 

Arbor tow tn ■Stanna f<p FHg^ 


f Horizontal, 6 niiles \ 
\ Vertical, 600 feet ] 

to an inch. 

naturally, was that these points 30° east and west of north 
marked the position of the midsummer sunrise and sunset. I 
spent midsummer night at Arbor Low on one occasion, hoping 
to verify this. There was so thick a fog that I could hardly 
see across the " circle." I have, however, found that the mid- 
summer sunset in the latitude of Arbor Low takes place about 
40° west of north, so that the theory appears untenable. 

But is it possible that when the site of Arbor Low was 
selected the sun did rise and set 30° east and west of north 


at midsummer ? If this were so, an approximate date for the 
construction would be ascertainable. I put this with great 

From my knowledge of the climate, I have no hesitation in 
saying that the selection of the site was an undertaking requiring 
many years (perhaps hundreds) of observation. This appeals 
to me as being quite as great an achievement as its material 

Having been much impressed by the angles I have noted, 
I applied them to a convenient low adjoining Ashbourne on the 
Old Hill. This low is on the northerly slope of the hill, and 
is happily placed for obser\'ation, as it is not much blocked 
by trees or buildings. 

There is nothing noticeable 30° east of north. The view 
south is blocked. 

On the line 30° west of north there is a very marked depres- 
sion in the hills against the sky line, formed by the eastern slope 
of the pyramid-shaped hill, Thorpe Cloud, and the western 
slope of Sharplow. This line is nearly horizontal, but not so 
nearly as the parallel line from Arbor Low. Somewhat to the 
east of this line I found a low near the top of Hinchley Wood. 
I was much puzzled that this should be so much out of the line, 
but from its own point of view the lowest part of the hollow 
between Thorpe Cloud and Sharplow is exactly 30° west of 
north. Still nearer the hollow, Broadlow, from its name and 
position, probably had another low with a similar bearing 30° 
west of north. An old quarrj^ may account for its destruction. 

Following the reverse line from the Old Hill, 30° east of 
south, I found three lows near Tinker's Inn, which probably 
have the bearing 30° west of north to the Thorpe Cloud and 
Sharplow depression ; but I cannot state it positively, as trees 
and buildings are in the way. 

I can, if necessary, give many more instances of lows which 
{not being on the tops of pointed hills) have sky line depressions 
bearing 30° west of north. Perhaps it is sufficient to say that 
I have found for myself, without having received any information 



on the subject, close on a score of such, none of which are 
shown on the Ordnance maps. In fact, in the neighbourhood 
of Ashbourne wherever there is a marked sky line hollow 30° 
west of north, there one or more lows will be found. 

And now I should like to say something about the little 
known Hare's Hill. It is a mound, probably partly natural and 
partly artificial, at the head of a deep and narrow side dale 
running into the valley of the Dove near Clifton. The summit 


is about 190 yards long and 85 yards wdde. Its greatest length 
is on the line from 30° east of south to 30° west of north. 
The line from it, 30° to the west of north, runs do;™ the narrow, 
twisting dale, and if it were not for trees of modern growth 
there would be a clear view. This line points for Axe Edge and 
the Shining Tor in Cheshire. A section to scale (see Section 
No. 3) shows that Axe Edge is theoretically visible, but only 
just visible, over the western shoulder of Binnclifif precisely 
as the extreme peak of Chinley Chum is just visible from Arbor 


Low. I think that the Shining Tor is also theoretically visible, 
but as the Ordnance contours above i,ooo feet are at 250 feet 
intervals, I have not been able to get a section to prove or 
disprove this. I have never had a sufficiently clear day to 
make a practical observation. 

On its way this line 30° west of north passes through or close 
by two lows near New Buildings, a very large low near Clifton 
station, a curious mound of something resembling gravel con- 
crete near the Orchards Farm, Mayfield, an excavation in 
Okeover Park (which is very conspicuous as one walks along the 
line from Hare's Hill), the remains of a low at the top of 
Okeover Park, and three lows near Blore, known as Lady Low, 
Little Lady Low, and a nameless one. All these I have per- 
sonally examined. Further on the line crosses Binncliff, where 
there may be a low, Wetton Low, with probably two, Ecton 
Low, Warslow, and the Shining Ford (to which I have previously 
referred). From the names and positions a further exploration 
might disclose other lows with which I am at present un- 

I have perhaps said enough to show that this direction, 30° 
west of north, had a peculiar importance, or perhaps sanctity, 
for the makers of the lows. I am unable to make any further 
suggestion as to the reason for it, and should welcome any 


Note i. — The apparent radiation of the Arbor Low " circle ' 
stones, as they lie, which has been noticed, may be accounted 
for in this way. The stones are all more or less flat, with two 
nearly parallel faces. The flat faces, when and if the stones 
were upright, were in line with the circumference of the 
" circle." When they fell, or were thrown dowTi, it would 
naturally be side-ways, so that whether they fell inwards or 
outwards they would lie approximately radially. 

Note 2. — In Dr. Flinders Petrie's plan of Stonehenge the 
midsummer sunrise is shown at 45° east of north. Assuming 
the midsummer sunset to be at 45° west of north, this would 



give 90°, or the fourth part of a circle, as an angle of some 
importance. At Arbor Low 60°, or the sixth part of a circle, 
is undoubtedl}' of importance. The square with an internal 
angle of 90°, and the equilateral triangle with an internal angle 
of 60°, would be amongst the first mathematical figures to be 

Note 3. — The Low on the Old Hill, Ashbourne, is of 
peculiar construction. It bears traces of a raised terrace run- 
ning all round the mound, or low proper, giving somewhat the 
appearance of a soup plate turned wrong side up. I only 
know one other low of this construction. This second instance 
is on the hill above Okeover to the north of the road leading 
to Blore. The raised terrace is here very evident. This is 
locally called " Arbor Low," but the name must not be con- 
founded with that of the stone " circle." 

XoTE 4. — May I make a somewhat fanciful suggestion, which 
may be applied to the positions of the hills as seen from Arbor 
Low and Hare's Hill ? The sections show the appearance 
under circumstances of ordinary atmospheric refraction. 
Refraction is greatest at sunrise and sunset, so it may be 
possible that the positions of the hills would appear to vary. 
If so, at sunrise, from Arbor Lo\v, Longstone Edge would show 
below the line of sight from Arbor Low to Stannage ; as the sun 
got higher Longstone Edge would appear to rise. On the 
other hand, the distant hill tops — Chinley Churn from Arbor 
Low and Axe Edge ( ? Shining Tor) from Hare's Hill — would 
at sunset appear to grow above the intervening obstructions. 
I am again very diffident about this. 

XoTE 5.- -I may mention a few lows and other antiquities 
to which I have not had an opportunity of applying the angle 
30° west of north. There is {a) Gib. Hill, near Arbor Low. I 
may have been wrong in regarding this as a " hill-top " low, and 
I have never had time enough when at Arbor Low to examine 
it. {b) A low shown on the Ordnance map near Wyaston. {c) 
A tumulus, marked on the Ordnance map, near Bentley Hall, 
between Alkmonton and Great Cubley. {d) The stone circle 


on Eyam Moor, (e) The Bow Stones, about two miles, as the 
crow flies, west of Whaley Bridge. (/) Two tumuli, about half 
a mile north-east of Little Hucklow. Doubtless there are many 

Note 6. — Referring to Note 2, the equilateral triangle has 
the curious property of accurately dividing the horizon into 
twelve equal parts, corresponding with the ancient divisions 
of the Zodiac. 

Thus — 

B C being East and West. 

B A produced gives 30° East of North. 

CA „ ,, 30° West of North. 

B C ,, „ 90° East of North. 

AB ,, „ 150° West of North. 

AC ,, ,,150° East of North. 

CB „ ,, 90° West of North. 

And D being the bi-section of B A ; E the bi-section of B C ; 
F the bi-section of A C. 


60° East of North. 
60° West of North. 
120° West of North. 
120° East of North. 
This perhaps seems rather complicated on paper, but in 
practice, given the north and an equilateral triangle, it is quite 

A E produced is 

EA „ 

BE „ 

CD ,, 

FB „ 

DC ,, 


l^eccnt Cabc=SigQiuQ m Snljpstjirr. 

By W. Storrs Fox, M.A., F.Z.S. 

URING the past three or four years three papers have 
been read before learned societies in London on the 
subject of cave-exploration in Derbyshire. The 
discoveries thus recorded are presumably of greater 
interest to residents in this county than to those outside its 
borders; and it would, therefore, be unfortunate if there were 
no means of bringing these facts under the notice of those most 
likely to appreciate them. 

The caves were situated in the Carboniferous Limestone — the 
first at Doveholes, near Buxton ; the second at Longcliffe, near 
Brassington ; and the third in Cales Dale, a branch of Lathkil 
Dale. Taking them in this order, their respective heights above 
Ordnance datum were 1,150 feet, 1,090 feet, and 800 feet. In 
point of time, the Mammalian remains found at Doveholes 
belong to a much earlier, and those from Cales Dale to a much 
later, period than the Longcliffe bones. 

The Cales Dale Cave is a natural passage in the rock, 
probably enlarged to a slight extent by the action of water 
passing through it. It begins at its innermost extremity with 
an impassable cleft, widens out to a maximum height of 32ft- 
and width of 6 ft, and opens into the dale by means of two 
small exits, each of which is less than 3 feet high and wide. 
It is quite evident that the bones found in this cave entered 
it from the dale through one or other of these two openings. 


At the outset of the work of excavation the passage was in no 
way choked with earth and stone, so that its extremity could be 
reached without difficulty ; and the deposit containing bones was 
only a foot or so in thickness. 

Far othenvise was it in the case of the Doveholes and Long- 
cliffe Caves. These two- had many points in common. They 
were both broken into accidentally during the ordinary processes 
of quarrying. They both were filled, or nearly filled with 
earth and stone, with which deposits the bones were mingled. 
They both exist nO' longer, having been quarried away. But 
the most important point of likeness was the fact that these 
deposits showed unmistakable signs of having been laid down 
by water. In short, it has been shown by Professor Boyd 
Dawkins^ and Messrs. H. H. Amold-Bemrose and E. T. Newton^ 
that each of these caverns is an old swallows-hole. 

Now, anyone who visits either of these localities to-day will 
be struck by the fact that each of these caves was practically 
on the top of a hill, whereas a swallow-hole implies a gathering- 
ground for water. Professor Dawkins explains that the physical 
conditions and the lie of the land have entirely, changed owing 
to the denudation of masses of rock which existed at the time 
when the caves were being filled up. He writes : 

" The drainage of their eastern slope " [i.e., the eastern slope 
of the Yoredale Shales] "passes downward until it reaches the 
limestone at its base. Here it sinks into the rock through the 
many swallow-holes which mark the upper boundary of the 
Carboniferous Limestone. There are no surface-streams in 
the limestone in the immediate neighbourhood of the quarry, 
which, from its position on the divide, could not, under existing 
geographical conditions, receive the drainage of the range of 
hills to the west or from any other direction. The existence. 

1 " Pliocene Ossiferous Cavern at Doveholes," l)y W. Boyd Dawkins ; 
Qtiaiterly Journal Geological Society, vol. lix., 1903. 

2 "The Ossiferous Cavern at Longcliffe," by H. H. Amold-Bemrose and 
E. T. Newton; ibid., vol. Ixi. , 1905. 


however, of numeroiis ' swallets ' on the divide, as well as in 
other portions of the Carboniferous Limestone, at a considerable 
distance from the impervious Yoredale Shales covering the 
limestone, proves that the limestone did in ancient times receive 
from the surface a considerable drainage which it no' longer 
gets. Most of these ' swallets ' are now filled with clay and 
loam, and some, as in the case of that at Windy Knoll, near 
Castleton, about six miles to the north-east, contain consider- 
able quantities of the remains of Pleistocene mammalia." 

Similarly, it must be granted that where there is now a hill- 
top at Longcliffe, there existed, at the time when the swallow- 
hole was active, a valley bounded by shales, and constituting 
a gathering-ground for water. 

The question naturally arises : What caused the bones of so 
many animals tO' be carried down intO' these swallow-holes ? 
Messrs. Bemrose and Newton are very cautious on this point. 
After suggesting several possible solutions, they favour the 
conclusion (i) that there may have been an old hyaena den above 
the swallow-hole, and that some of the bones may have been 
carried by water out of it into the cavern where they were 
found ; (2) that animals may have fallen into the hole itself, and 
possibly through the roof of the cavern ; and, lastly, (3) that the 
cavern itself may have at one time served as a hyaena den. 
The second suggestion seems hardly probable when it is borne 
in mind how very few unbroken marrow-bones were found. 
Probably no record has been kept of the exact number of such 
bones. The presence of a few gnawed bones and of " over 
forty hysena-coprolites," gives support tO' the third hypothesis; 
and the more or less complete stratification of the soil in which 
the bones were deposited makes it probable that the first one 
at least partly accoimts for the phenomena in question. 

But Professor Dawkins is much more decided about the 
causes of what he found at Doveholes. After calling attention 
to the fact that " the preponderance in the cave at Doveholes 


of the remains of young, as compared with old, teeth of Mastodon 
is exactly that which is noticeable in the case of calf and adult 
mammoths in all hyaena dens," he proceeds : 

" It may be concluded that the fragmentary remains at Dove- 
holes were derived from a den of hyaenas belonging to the 
Pliocene Age. It is, however, obvious that they were not 
introduced by those animals into the chambers where they were 
discovered, but that they were conveyed from a higher level 
into it by water. My reading of the riddle is simply that they 
were originally accumulated in a hyaena den open to the surface, 
and that afterwards they were conveyed into lower chambers, 
where they were protected by the limestone from the denudation 
which has destroyed nearly all traces of the original surface." 

Having now discussed the caves generally, it is necessary 
to give some account of their discovery, and of the animals 
represented in each of them. 

It is not an uncommon occurrence to find in quarries a joint, 
or fissure, filled with earth or clay. So that when the men, 
in the course of their ordinary- duties, broke into the cavern at 
Victory Quarry, near Doveholes, no special interest seems to 
have been aroused, nor was it deemed surprising that large 
bones were embedded in the deposit which filled it. Conse- 
quently, a great number of them were thrown on the rubbish- 
tip and were soon buried beneath an immense accumulation of 
waste matter. The importance of these animal remains was 
first brought to light by a boy who picked up some teeth of 
Mastodon, and showed them to Mr. Micah Salt, of Buxton. 
Mr. Salt at once communicated with Professor Boyd Dawkins, 
who visited the cave, and, having obtained the permission of 
the owner of the quarry, secured all the remaining " finds." 

The following is a list of the bones and teeth thus preserved : — 
Machairodus crenatidens. 

This rare sabre-toothed lion was represented both by teeth 
and by bones — namely : 

3 canines (2 of them being ver}- fragmentary). 


2 upper camassials, 
I distal end of a right tibia, 
I proximal end and shaft of a right radius, 
I fragment of the shaft of a femur. 
Two of these bones bear " unmistakable marks of the teeth of 

I fragment of a left ulna of a large species, bearing teeth- 
marks of another animal of its own kind. 
Mastodon arvcrnensis- 

18 teeth, exclusive of fragments, as well as many broken and 
water-worn bones. 
Elefhas mcridionalis. 

1 much-worn fragment of a molar. 

Rhinoceros etruscus. 

2 fragments of water-worn molars. 

Kqiins Stetionis. - 

2 upper and i lower molar. 


" The Cervidae are represented at Doveholes by numerous 
bones, all more or less fragmentar}^, and therefore very 
difficult to determine specifically. They belong, however, 
to one or other of the many species of Pliocene deer, and 
agree more particularly with Cervus eiueriarum of Croizet 
and Jobert." 
With regard to the period to which these remains belong. 
Professor Dawkins gives his opinion as follows : — 

" The mammalia of Doveholes belong therefore to the 
Mastodon arvernensis fauna of the British and Continental 
Pliocene strata, and are clearly defined from that of the Pleisto- 
cene age, not only by the presence of characteristic Pliocene 
forms, but by the absence of those which came into Europe at 
the beginning of the Pleistocene, such as the cave-bear, the 


mammoth, the woolly rhinoceros, and the living Palsearctic 

And, again, Professor Dawkins' own words must be quoted, 
when he sums up the netl result of the discovery as follows : — 

" It has added one species, Machairodus crenatidcns, to the 
Upper Pliocene fauna of Britain, leaving out of account Cerviis 
etiicriariim. It has not added to our knowledge of the distribu- 
tion of Upper PHocene land and sea, but it has confirmed the 
conclusions arrived at on other evidence. It is the only 
Pliocene cave yet discovered in Europe, and is the only evidence 
as yet available of the existence of the Upper Pliocene bone- 
caves, which, from the nature of the case, must have been as 
abundant in Europe as those of the succeeding Pleistocene Age." 

As has already been stated, the cave at Hoe Grange Quarry, 
Longcliffe, was also broken into accidentally. At the place where 
the opening was first made there was a space left between the top 
of the deposit and the roof of the cave. Stalactites^ hanging 
from the roof attracted the attention of a lad named Walton 
working in the quarry, and he crawled in to secure them. He 
brought out with him several bones. This led to further 
exploration, and soon the vast number and variety of bones and 
teeth attracted notice. The news of the discovery was spread 
throughout the locality, and before long reached Mr. H. H. 
Arnold-Bemrose, who at once took the matter in hand, and from 
that time spared neither time nor trouble in making the cave a 
success scientifically. Those who were associated with him in 
this excavation could not fail to be struck with admiration at the 
thoroughness and perfection of his work. 

But before he came on the scene large numbers of specimens 
had been carried off by private collectors, to- many of whom 
they could be of no value whatsoever. And it is regrettable 
that all these could not at least have been identified and cata- 
logued. The number, however, of those secured was ver)' great, 
as the following list testifies : — 

1 Watericles they are locally called. 



J^eh's /eo {I .ion) 

Fe//s mf?/s (WM Cat) 

HycEiia Croat fa (Spotted Hysena) ... 

Canis lupus ( Wolf) ... 

Vulpes alopex (^oyi) 

Ursus horribilis (.?) (Grisly Bear) 

Meles taxtis (^?i^%tx) 

Vespertilio auritus {?) (Long-eared Bat) 

Bos or Biso7i 

Cervus giganteus {\x\i\\ Deer) 

Cervus elaphiis (Red Deer) 

Cervus dama (Fallow Deer) 

Capreobis caprea (Roebuck) 

6"?^.? jf/'tf/a (Wild Boar) 

Rhinoceros leptorhinus 

Elephas antiquus ... 

Lepus cuniculus (Rabbit) ... 

Zepus sp. (Hare) ... 

Micro fus glareolus (Bank Vole) ... 

Microtus agrestis {?) (Field Vole) ... 

Microtus amphibius (?) (Water Vole) 

Mus sylvaticus (?) (Field Mouse) ... 

Asw accipitrimis (Short-eared Owl) 

Turdus iliacus (Redwing) ... 

Erithacus rubecula {?) (Robin) 

Rana temporaria (Frog) 

Bufo vulgaris (Toad) 

Thus twenty-seven species were represented, and 4,545 bones 
and teeth were identified. Besides these, 3,461 remained unde- 
termined, so that altogether a total of 8jOo6 were secured and 

The most interesting discovery was the presence of fallow 
deer in this cave, mingled indiscriminately with other Pleistocene 
9,nimals. Hitherto this species had been supposed to have 















been introduced into Britain by the Romans. Its absence from 
other Pleistocene cave-deposits is extraordinary, but Longchffe 
provided ample material for examination, and Messrs. Bemrose 
and Newton have sifted the evidence in a masterly manner. 
To quote their own words at length : — 

" The deposits might have been formed at a date subsequent 
tO' Pleistocene times. That is to say, they might have been 
washed in from a hyaena den, or other Pleistocene deposit, and 
mingled wath later ones. In this way the occurrence of the 
fallow-deer with the Pleistocene species would be accounted for. 
The abundant remains of what we take to be fallow-deer in 
nearly all parts of the bone-deposits necessitate a very careful 
consideration of the possibilities of these deposits being of 
recent origin. But the supposition that they are of recent 
origin would imply that the surface of land in the neighbourhood 
must have been sufficiently elevated above the swallow-hole to 
collect water to wash the remains into the cavern ; and that 
this land has been denuded, not, indeed, since Pleistocene 
times, but since the redisposition of the bones in Roman or 
post-Roman times, if the fallow-deer was really first introduced 
into this countr}' by the Romans. Such rapid denudation does 
not seem possible, and we do not think the supposition tenable." 

In commenting upon the discoveries at Longcliffe, Dr. Boyd 
Dawkins declared that " the occurrence of the lower jaw of a 
lion's whelp was the most important recorded from any cave 
in this country." 

Whereas the Doveholes Cave was 90 ft. long, 15 ft. high, 

and 4 ft. wide at its mouth, and the Longcliffe one was half as 

long again, that in Cales Dale^ is only 40 ft. long, and its narrow 

passage only in one place is enlarged into a sufficiently spacious 

chamber to fo'rm a suitable den for a fair-sized animal. Not 

many bones were obtained from it, but many of those which 

were found were of special interest. 

1 " On Some Bones of the Lynx from Cales Dale, Derbyshire," by W. Storrs 
Fox, Proc. Zool. Soc. of London, igo6, vol. i., pp. 65-72. 


About 1894 Dr. Melland, of Manchester, then a student at 
Owens College, entered the cave and carried off one or more 
bones, which he presented to Professor Boyd Dawkins, who 
identified them as belonging to Lynx. Up to that time bones 
of this species had only twice been found in Britain. In 1866 
part of a skull and the right ramus of the lower jaw of the 
Ly?ix borealis were unearthed in Pleasley Vale,^ on the borders 
of Derbyshire and Nottinghamshire, and are now in the 
Nottingham University Museum. And about fourteen years 
later the late Mr. James Backhouse, of York, found a humerus 
and metatarsal of the same species in Teesdale.- 

There appears to be no sort of record of Dr. Melland's find, 
and the cave was left undisturbed again until 1897. In the 
spring of that year all the contents of the chamber, or den, were 
removed. The remains of Lytix then found were as follows : — 

I right ramus of the lower jaw, with its teeth ; 

I right upper camassial tooth ; 

I right premaxilla, containing its 3 incisors ; 

3 canines ; 

I humerus — the shaft and distal end; 

I ulna — proximal end only ; 

I axis vertebra; 

I left OS innominatum — almost perfect ; 

I right OS innominatum — a fragment, and evidently from 
a different individual; 

I left femur — shaft and proximal end ; 

I left femur — the head only ; 

5 tarsal bones; 

6 metapodials ; 

1 1 phalanges, including a terminal one. 
These altogether make up a total of thirty-five specimens as 
compared with four only which had hitherto been recorded. 

1 "British Pleistocene Mammalia," part iii., pp. 172-176 (Palseontographical 
Soc, vol. for 1868). 

- Geological Magazine, vol. for 18S0, pp. 346-34S. 


The other animals represented were : Wild cat, fox, dog (or 
wolf), badger, hare, rabbit, water vole, bank vole, sheep, goat, 
and ox; also fowl (possibly pheasant), grouse, raven, jackdaw, 
kestrel, common gull^ toad, and frog. 

Such little evidence as is given by this cave supports the view 
that the Lynx lived in Britain in Prehistoric times, in association 
with animals which still exist in the island at the present day. 

In conclusion, it may be well to call attention to the fact that 
other caves in the county await the necessary funds for working 
them ; and that they will probably disclose facts interesting not 
only to the palaeontologist, but also to the antiquarian. 

The Geological Society has kindly permitted the use of the 
following plates to illustrate this article. 


Plate L 

Fig. I. Upper canine of Machairodus crenatidens, nat. size : 

a = serration magnified. 
Figs. 2 & 3. Left upper carnassials of M. crenatidens, nat. size. 

Fig. 4. Left upper carnassials of M. crefiatidens, from the Val 
d'Arno : nat. size. 
,, 5. Upper milk-tusk of Mastodon arvernensis, nat. size. 

Plate II. 

Fig. I. Upper canine oi Alachairodus crenatidens, nat. size. 

,, 2. Outer view of lower milk-tusk of Mastodon arvernensis . 
nat. size. 

,, 3. Outer view of upper milk-tusk of M. arvernensis, nat. 

„ 4. Outer view of upper milk-tusk of M. arvernensis, nat. 


,, 5. Lower milk-molar 3 of M. arvernensis, from the Crag of 
Norfolk : nat. size. 

Palte III. 

Fig. I. Last upper milk-molar of Mastodon arvernensis, unworn, 
nat. size. 

,, 2. Last upper milk-molar of M. arvernensis, worn, nat. size. 
{d. = talon.) 

,, 3. Lower milk-molar of M. arvernensis, nat. size. 

„ 4. Section of molar of Elephas meridionalis, nat. size, 
(a = enamel ; b - dentine ; c - cement.) 

Plate IV. 

Fig. I. Tibia of Machairodi/s crenatidens, |- nat. size, {a, a - 
tooth-marks. ) 

„ 2. Left lower true molar 2 of Mastodon arvernensis, ^ nat. 
size, {a - ridges ; d = secondary cusps ; c = valleys ; 
d- lalon.) 

„ 3. Humerus of Mastodon arvernensis (?), gnawed by hyaena : 
\ nat. size. 

,, 4. Femur of Machairodus crenatidens, gnawed by hyaena : 
h nat. size. 


Plate V. 

Figs. I, 2 & 3. Upper molar oi Equus Stenonis, nat. size. 

,, 4, 5 & 6. Upper molar oi,ixom the Pleistocene 
of Creswell Crags, nat. size, {a - columella.) 

Plate VI. 

Fig. I. View of the cavern soon after the work was commenced, 
showing the wooden door at the entrance, 27 feet 
north-north-west of the place where the men first 
broke in. The rock on the left-hand side had been 
quarried before the cavern was discovered. (From 
a photograph taken by Mr. W. AValker, of Buxton.) 

„ 2. A more general view of the quarry, showing the position 
of the cavern. (From a photograph taken by 
Mr. Arnold-Bemrose.) 

Plate VII. 

[All the figures are of the natural size, and are reproduced from 

Fig. I. Felis leo : left ramus of the lower jaw, with milk-teeth. 

,, 2. Felis catiis : left femur, from the front. 

,, 3. Felis catus : right humerus, distal portion, from the 

,, 4. Ursus horribilis ( ? ) : last lower molar. 

Figs. 5 & 5a. Elephas antiqiius : half milk-molar 3, side- and 

Fig. 6. Cennis dmna : three true molars of the left side. 

Plate VIII. 

[All the figures are half the natural size, and are reproduced from 

Fig. I. CerVKS giganteus : metacarpal. 

,, 2. Cervus elaphus : metacarpal. 

,, 3. Cervus dama : metacarpal. 

„ 4. Capreolus caprea : metacarpal. 

,, 5. Cervus gigantetis : astragalus. 

Pl. I. 

Fig. 1 

Fig. 5. 

Refiroiiuced hy permission of the Geol. Soc, London. Beiiirose, Ltd.. Collo. 

Machairodus crenatidens and Mastodon arvernensis. 

From Doz'elioles Cavern. 


Produced hy f'e 

vse Ltd., Colio. 

Machairodus crenatidens and Mastodon arvernensis. 

Fyoin Doveholcs CavcJit. 



Fig. 4. 

Rep>-oiiiicedby /leriiiissiou of the Geo/. Soc, London. Beiiirose Ltd., Collo. 

Mastodon arvernensis and Elephas meridionalis. 

From Dmieholes Carrie' it. 

Pl IV. 

Fig 2 

Fig. 1 


Fig 4 

/ the Geo/. Soc, Lojuio, 

Machairodus crenatidens and Mastodon arvernensis. 

From Dtn'ehoU-s Cai'ern. 

Ltd., Colla 

Pl. V. 

a Fig. 1 . 

Fig. 2. 

Reproduced by permission of the Geol. Soc, London. 

Equus Stenonis and Equus caballus. 

From Doveholes Cavern. 

Fig. 6. 

Bemrose Ltd , Colio. 

PL. VI. 

Hoe Grange Cavern, looking N.N.W. 

H. A. B., Fhoto. Fig. 2 

Reprinted by permission oj the Geo!. Sec, London. 

Pl. VII 

Fig. 1. 

Re/,roihtccd hy permission of the Geo!. Soc, London. Bem>ose Ltd., Co/In. 

Mammalian Bones from Hoe Grange Cavern. 

Pl. VIII. 

Fig 5. 

Fig. 1. 

Fig. 4. 

Fig. 2. 

Fig. 3. 

Re/-roduce,i by /.criuisslon of the Gcol. Soc, Lon.lon . 

Bviin-cse Ltd.:Collo. 

Cervine Bones from Hoe Grange Cavern. 







C^vntti^ologtcal Notes fvom IScvbPstjivc fov 
tt)c ¥cav 1906. 

By THE Rev. Francis C. R. Jourdain, M.A., M.B.O.U. 

N January 19th Mr. G. M. Bond saw a drake Scoter, 
Ocdemia nigra (L.), fly over the mad between 
Ashburne and Hanging Bridge as he was driving 
home from Ashburne. It was so close to him that 
he had every opportunity of identifying it, and he is, moreover, 
familiar with the appearance of the bird, having in his 
possession another drake which was shot within a mile of the 
spot on November 4th, 1904. 

Mr. J. Henderson came across a very large flock of Red- 
polls on January 29th in the Dove Valley, near Okeover — at 
least a hundred in number. The weather was mild, and the 
Thrushes, Mistle Thurshes and Hedge Sparrows could be 
heard singing in all directions. On February 8th the hedge- 
rows near Osmaston were covered with Fieldfares in the 
morning, and in the afternoon great flocks passed over Clifton 
in a westerly direction. Next day we had about four inches 
of snow, which, however, did not stay long. 

Herons have been much more numerous during the last year or 
two in the Dove and Manifold Valleys. It is quite a common 
thing to see five or six on the wing at the same time, and as 
they were reported to be nesting in a wood not far off, I 
walked up the river on February 20th to the place, and again 
later in the year, but could find no trace of nests, and am 
inclined to think that they come across the hills from the 
Churnet Valley, where a small heronry has been established 
of late years. 


At Mapleton a remarkably early Blackbird's nest in a laurel 
hedge contained young birds on March 6th. 

On March loth Mr. A. S. Hutchinson received a cock 
Blackbird, which had been killed near Derby. The plumage 
was entirely of a pale cinnamon colour, with a few lighter 
feathers under the chin. On the 19th I picked up a fresh 
Wild Duck's egg in a small swamp not far from Dovedale, from 
which I had flushed several duck. On the same afternoon 
while walking with Mr. J. Henderson by the river Dove we 
noticed a PJiylloscopiis on the opposite side, about twelve yards 
away. The wind was cold and the bird kept low down beneath 
the shelter of the bank, and did not utter a note, but after a 
careful examination through the Goerz glass, we came to the 
conclusion that it must be a Chiff-Chaff, F. mfus (Bechst), 
the feet being too dark for the Willow Warbler. The early 
arrival is the more remarkable as since the summer of 1903 
the Chiff Chaff has entirely deserted the upper Dove valley, 
where it was formerly common. Subsequently, however, we 
found breeding pairs established at Norbury and Offcote, 
so that it appears to be gradually re-colonizing the district. 
With the exception of this solitary individual, no Phylloscopi 
were seen till April 2nd, when Mr. Henderson reported the 
arrival of a second, probably also' a Chiff Chaff. A fine old 
elm tree not far from Ashburne has been occupied by a pair 
of Brown Owls and two or three pairs of Jackdaws for many 
years past. On climbing to the hole and looking in, I saw 
the owl sitting quietly on the nest. As she flew off she dis- 
closed twO' eggs, which appeared to be much incubated (March 
20th). There were no dead mice or birds in the nest. 

On March 26th we noticed some eight or ten Wheatears on 
a ploughed field in the Dove valley, about three and a half 
miles from Dovedale. Now the Wheatear is a common 
summer visitor to Thorpe Cloud, Bunster, and the whole upland 
country to the northward, but curiously enough, although it 
probably follows the course of the Dove valley in order to reach 
its breeding haunts, I have never met with it on passage in the 


low-lying pastures of the lower Dove valley until the present 
year. For the next three or four days we noticed several small 
parties of these birds in the same field, and once in another 
ploughed field on the opposite side of the road, but nowhere 

On the 28th three Wild Swans were seen by a local farmer, 
near the Dove, and on April 2nd a small herd of five birds 
came flying down the Henmore valley. Two of them pitched 
in the river Dove below Birdsgrove, the other three 
flew on towards Calwich. Mr. J. Henderson, who was the first 
to notice them, thought they were Whoopers, Cygmis nmsicus 
(Bechst.), and after examining two through the glass, I came 
to the same conclusion. Unfortunately they were driven off 
by a man who mistook them for ordinarj- Mute Swans, and 
set out to capture them with a landing net and some sopped 
bread ! It is almost unnecessary to add that the swans did 
not await his arrival, but took wing while he was still some 
distance away. 

On April 7th we noticed the arrival of a party of six Sand 
Martins at a quarry on Cannock Chase, and the same evening 
three more were seen at Clifton. During the latter half of 
April and the early part of May I was on the Continent, 
and on my return found that all the summer migrants had 
arrived, and nesting was in full swing. On the whole, the 
spring was decidedly late and everjthing verj' backward, but 
the summer was wonderfully fine and hot, and the rainfall 
much below the average. 

Thanks to the provision of nesting boxes affixed to the trees. 
Great Tits have increased in numbers in my own garden, and 
this year we had four boxes occupied by them, from which 
over thirty young were reared. 

While returning from looking at a Snipe's nest with two 
eggs on May 28th, we flushed a Tree Pipit from a nest vdth 
four eggs, in the evening. For quite six or seven yards she 
tumbled along the ground, looking in the dusk more like a 
frog than a bird, till at last she took wang. I have seen a 


Tree Pipit run a yard or so from the nest occasionally, when 
taken by surprise, but never quite like this. Another Tree 
Pipit's nest in a railway cutting contained a fine olive brown 
Cuckoo's egg in addition to four red-spotted eggs of the Pipit 
(May 30th). On the way home we surprised a Stoat in the 
act of killing a rabbit in the usual way, paralyzing it by a bite 
at the back of the head. 

The Great Spotted Woodpecker seems to have been driven 
away from the Ramsor woods by the extensive felling that 
has been carried on there, and a careful search on May 31st 
failed to show any signs of birds or new nest holes. Under- 
neath a Kestrel's nest lay a dead hen Kestrel, which had 
obviously been shot as she flew from her eggs. On June 4th 
I climbed to another Kestrel's nest in a Magpie's nest at the 
top of a tall larch. Earlier in the season the local keeper 
had shot both Magpies from this nest, and a few days before 
my visit I was informed that he had managed to kill both 
Kestrels. In the nest were four eggs, cold and wet. The 
thorny roof of the nest was still in place, but the lining of 
roots had been ejected by the hawks. 

In some open sheds at the Dog and Partridge Inn, Thorpe, 
several pairs of House Martins were nesting on the beams 
inside the roofing, instead of affixing their nests to the outside 
walls, as is usually the habit of this species. The entrance 
to these nests was at the side, unlike the open nests built by 
the Swallow. 

The warm summer must have been favourable to bird life 
on the whole, as the clutches were in many cases larger than 
usual. Thus a nest of the Greenfinch found on June 9th 
contained seven eggs; one of the Thrush had six (the only one 
I have ever met with, although I have examined many hun- 
dreds), while two Blackbirds' nests with six eggs were reported 
to me— one from Egginton (Rev. F. F. Key), and one from 
Clifton. However, the most extraordinary case occurred at 
Osmaston, where the Tufted Ducks are common, and breed 
on the islets in the ponds. On one of these islets, covered 


with rhododendrons, were three nests. The first contained 
two eggs, the second ten (both apparently forsaken), while the 
third held no fewer than twenty-eight eggs ! On looking closely 
at them, however, it was evident that they were the produce of 
three or more ducks. Eight eggs were dark brownish and very 
distinct, while the others, though more alike, showed at least 
two types. A duck was on the nest, or rather heap of eggs, 
when found, but it is needless to say that the bulk of them 
were quite cold. There are now two pairs of Great Crested 
Grebes on the ponds at Osmaston ; one pair had three young 
(almost as big as their parents) with them on June 13th. On 
the same day I had a good view of a fine drake Pochard, 
which was strong on the wing, so that it is quite possible that 
this species may have bred with us.' On July 19th Mr. G. Pullen 
found an addled egg of the Nightjar on Breadsall Moor, where 
the birds have been common this year. 

At Rocester station on July 20th I heard the cries of young 
birds from an iron crane, and a minute's search disclosed a 
brood of young Great Tits in a noUow part of the crane to 
which the old birds obtained access through a chain hole. 
Perhaps this may have been a second brood, though all the 
evidence has hitherto seemed to point to the Great Tit being 
single brooded. 

Canon Molineux writes from Staveley to say that an Egyptian 
Goose was shot this spring on a pool not far away, and that 
the Stock Dove still breeds in the district. 

Most of our local Swifts had disappeared by the middle of 
August, but five or six were flying over the lake at Calwich 
on August 1 6th, and two more were seen by the river Dove 
on August 1 8th by Mr. Henderson. 

Mr. W. Storrs Fox noticed a Chiff Chaff singing in his garden 
at Bakewell on September 14th, rather a late date for this 
species, although in 1902 I heard it as late as October 2nd 
at Clifton. The record is the more remarkable as the bird 
is SO' ver}^ uncommon in the Bakewell district. 

Swallows and Martins were present in their usual numbers 


in the Dove valley till about October iith-i2th, although 
previous to that date large passages of migrants from further 
north had taken place. 

Two correspondents from the Bakewell district (Messrs. W. 
Storrs Fox and W. Boulsover) remark on the unusually large 
number of Yellow Wagtails, Motacilla flava rail, seen during the 
past season. The Tufted Duck appears to be well established as 
a breeding species in the Bakewell district. 

On October 12th a dead Redwing was picked up at Bakewell 
(W. Boulsover), and on the 29th a flock of about fifty or sixty 
Fieldfares passed over Clifton, flying westward. 

On the afternoon of November 5th, Mr. Alfred G. Tomlinson 
found a Little Owl, Athene noctua (Scop.), sitting in a privet 
bush in the wood close to Mr. H. G. TomHnson's house at 
Burton-on-Trent. It allowed both gentlemen to approach within 
four yards and to watch it for ten minutes before taking wing. 
Only one definite occurrence of this bird in the county is on 
record : one having been caught in or near Derby in 1843. The 
late Lord Lilford turned many of these birds down in the 
neighbourhood of Lilford Hall, near Oundle, and they have now 
become well established and breed commonly in Northampton- 
shire, while of late years numerous occurrences have been 
reported from the adjoining counties, so that its appearance in 
the south of the county is not altogether unexpected 



Wi)t IWanov of ^Ijueg: its ISountfavies anH 
Court HoUs, 

By C. E. B. Bowles, M.A. 

HE Manor of Abney consists of two separate hamlets 
— Abney and Abney Grange — which are about a 
mile apart. Together they form one township in 
the Union of Bakewell, containing about 1,400 

The existence of the Poor-house — ^necessary to each town- 
ship before the " Union " system was in force — and at least 
one inmate is within the recollection of the oldest inhabitant. 

Prior to the year 1875, when, much against its will, this 
township was included in the new ecclesiastical parish of Brad- 
well, it formed part of the large and widely-straggling parish 
of Hope. 

In the Domesday Book, Abney is included among the 
numerous manors bestowed by the Conqueror on William 
Peverel; and is thus described: "In Habenai, Swain had one 
carucate of land to be taxed land to one plough. It is 
waste. "1 

Presumedly it passed out of the possession of the Peverel 
family, together with the rest of their vast estates, in 1155, 
when William, the third of his name, was banished in conse- 
quence of the murder of Ranulph, Earl of Chester, of which 
crime he was accused. During the next four centuries the history 
of the manor is not very clear. About half a century after it 
passed out of the possession of WiUiam Peverel it appears to 

1 Glover's Derbyshire, vol. ii., p. 3. 



have formed part of the possessions of one Gilbert de Stoke, 
for among the earliest of the Rufford charters (fol. 129) is 
one which is dated 2 John (1200), and, as quoted by Mr. Pym 
Yeatman in his section viii., p. 402, is as follows: — " Gerebertus 
de Stoca gave half of Abbeneia to the Abbey of Rufford." 
Another charter, from the same source, is quoted in section v., 
p. 189, to this effect: — ^" Galfrey Pavelli had license of 
concord with Eustace de Mortain. Robert Pavelli attested a 
charter of Amicia, Lady of Stoke, to Rufford, concerning half 
the manor of Abney — dated 3 John." — (Rufford Charters, 234.) 

Whether this is the same moiety granted by Gilbert, or 
whether it alluded to the other half of the manor, does not 

To this day there is almost conclusive evidence that a portion 
at least of Abney was held by the Abbey in the word " Grange " 
attached to the smaller of the two hamlets. A grange, 
although it signified a repository for grain, was, in feudal times, 
the term specially applied to an outlying farm-house, with 
barns, belonging to a religious establishment or a feudal lord, 
where crops and tithes in kind were stored ; the land attached 
to the house and buildings being farmed in the interests of 
the Abbey. 

Whether Amicia, Lady of Stoke, owned the manor of Abney 
in her own right, or in that of her husband, Gilbert, is not 
clear. Nor is it clear as to the date or manner in which this 
estate passed into their hands. Mr. Pym Yeatman more than 
suggests that this Amicia was a member of the Albini family, 
and obtained the manor of Abney through her father, and sees 
in this fact another proof that Albini and Abney were one 
and the same word, and one and the same family. 

According to his pedigree of the Albinis,i Amicia, daughter 
of Henry Albini, Lord of Cainhoe {vita 1107), married Mathew, 
son of Walthieu de Ponington, and by him, " who gave the 
whole of Albenya to Rufford,'' had one daughter and sole heir, 
Amicia, who married Lancelin de Stokes, son of Lancelin, 

'^Feudal History, cf. pp. 393 and 401, sec. viii. 


both of whom, in 12 Henry III. (1227), are proved by a fine 
of that date to have been in possession of the " Manor of 

From another Rufford charter (fol. 127) we obtain the 
knowledge that Richard de Grey made a grant to the Abbey 
of " half of the manor of Abney, which he had of the grant 
of Lancelin de Stokes and Amicia, his wife, and the ancestors 
of the said Amicia." 

In 1473, the Abbot and Convent of the Virgin Mary at 
Rufford leased the grange of Abney to Ralph Eyre, of Offerton, 
for 86 years. ^ 

From these evidences, there seems little doubt that a moiety 
of the manor of Abney — evidently that portion which bears the 
name of Grange — was either held under the lord or actually 
owned by the Abbey of Rufford.- The former supposition, as 
will be seen by succeeding events, is probably the correct one, 
for quoted hereafter is the proofs that the whole of the manor 
was owned, in the year 13 17, by Robert Archer, a member of 
a family who were lords at this time of at least three other 
manors — Hucklow, Stoke, and Highlow. It is not improbable 
that all were owned by the same member of the Archer family, 
and that the manor of Abney having been settled now on one 
of the sons, it was found necessary — ^possibly for the first time 
— clearly to delineate the exact boundaries. Mr. Pym Yeatman* 
says that : " There is an inquisition post-mortem of Ralph 
le Archer, of Great Hucklow, 32 Edward I. (1303), when he 
was found seized of a messuage and land in Great Hucklow, 
held by the service of keeping the King's forest of High Peak with 
a bow and arrows." Ralph, his son, died 12 Edward III. 
(1338), and was succeeded by his son and heir, Thomas le 
Archer, aged 26 years. " The Archers," he says, " acted as if 
they were members of the Albini family called by another name." 

1 Wolley, ii., 80. 

2 There is no proof that the Abbot, or any subsequent owner of Grange — 
which comprises less than one-eighth of the whole estate — ever claimed half 
the waste. 

^ See p. 132. 

■• Sec. viii., p. 391. 


This is, of course, quite possible, aiid might account for their 
possession of Abney — if Abney and Albini be indeed the same 

The following manuscript^ is in the writing of about the 
sixteenth century, and is probably what it purports to be, namely, 
a copy of the original partition deed. 

A trewe and perefect Copy of a Deed Concerning ye Mannor of Abney 
as followeth 

Saturday in y^ morning after S' Michael y'= Archangle in y'= la'*" 
yeare of ye raign of King Edward y* second y« King of England 
in the year of our Lord 1317, it is thus covenanted and agreed 
upon between Robert Archer ye Lord of Abney of y'^ one 
partie and Thomas Archer ye Lord of High Lowe of y'' other partie y' 
is to say yt ye Signeing Moore from y'= Baxton delf gate to y<= Chapman 
feild to ye Stoak ford and so up along Abney brooke to a hole or pit 
near Abney Lidgate Assett or assett shall be and remain in free 
common of pasture to the aforesd Thomas and Robert and their heirs and 
their tenants for ever. 

Saveing y^ woods of both parties by y'^ ancient mears2 or marks to 
be cropped and cutt down at ye owners will and pleasure within y« said 
marks or bounds also it is agreed yt ye dunge to y^ Nick Lee shall be 
comon of pasture as is aforesaid concerning Signeing Moore or Moss. 
In witness whereof ye parties enterchangeably have put their hands and 

These being witness 

Philip of Streadaylee (?) 

John Archer 

Richard of Padley 

John of Bradwall 

Richard of Moston 

Will: Hawley 

Will of Abney, &c. 
Dated at Abney as aforesaid. 

The two following manuscripts, in the writer's possession, 
set out more minutely the boundaries of the whole manor of 
Abney. The first, as will be observed, bears the same date 
as the one just quoted, viz., 1317. The other, dated 1726, is 
so nearly identical in wording, that it seems sufficient only to 
notify in the first the points in which it differs from the later 
one. These differences will be found in the footnotes. It is 
an interesting fact that all the places here mentioned are known 

1 In the writer's possession. ^ Or boundaries. 


by the same names to-day, except Clusterberry Low, which 
name seems to be lost. It is described in another MS. as 
being at Bagshaw Edge, "above the sitch going to Amott 
Well." Further down the stream, on the eastwardly side, near 
the Silver Well, was a piece of land— some 74 acres— which, 
in 1803, was found to have been for many years a bone of 
contention between Abney and Hucklow. A wall had been 
built by the Great Hucklow people, which was pulled down 
by Mr. Bradshawe, and never rebuilt; but the dispute re- 
mained. It came to a climax when the Enclosures Act of 
Parliament brought the notice of the public eye upon the 
debatable ground— when the case was taken to the assizes 
in the spring of 1804; with the result that an equal division 
of the land in dispute was made between the two townships. 
"A coppy of ye Boundaries of Abney Lordshipp 12 Edward II. 
It begins at ye Stoke forthl and so goes up Routing Wall sich and so to 
ye Slack att the Highlow Head2 and so straight over ye Moore to a 
round hill or Knowie called Berching Hatt3 and so through ye way to 
ye Dunge Clough Head and following ye Brookei to Burton Books and 
from Burton Boole following ye gate to ye Woolfe pit down along 
Saundorson Sich and so to the Clough Head above Vferton^ and from the 
Clough Head above Ufferton straight following the Sich to Robin Crosse 
from Robin Crosse to the height of Blacklowe as the water falleth from 
ye Blacklow7 so to ClusterberryS Low and then to y^ stone yt lies on 
ye South side of Clusterberry Low and then straight to y* Archer stone 
lying ye south side (of) Rivenage from Abney and then follow down 
ye Slack unto Arminett Well and so to ye Sylver Well and so follow ye 
water to Stark home following y" water down y^ bottom of Bretton 
Clough and so to Musford green and so to OdstorQ and so following ye 
\'.-ater to Stoke forth and so wee end where wee began. 

On the 30th of Sept., 1736, "the Boundaries were beaten" 
in the presence of Mr. Thomas Tilney, the Steward of the Estate. 

1 Ford. 

2 Instead of " Slack," etc., read " to the corner of ffox wall." 

3 Insert here " from thence to Standing Stone." 

4 Instead of "ye Brooke" read " Signeing Sich." 

5 Bole. 

6 Instead read " Odderdale Head." 

7 Insert here, " So following the wall to Rivenage and so to the top 
of Clusterberry Low." 

S Clusterberry is still the local name for the Cowberry (Vaccinium vitis 
Idoea), which grows abundantly on the Eyam Moo'rs, but somewhat 
sparsely at Abney. It makes a verv good preserve. 

9 0stor. -61 



The wording, except in a few unimportant particulars, wiiich 
have been noted, is identical with that of 12 Edward II. Ii is 
signed by those who were present, as follows : — 

Wm. Bagshaw - a 

,red 66 

Thos. Dakin - n 

ged - 

Nicholas Barber 

,, 70 

Joshua Francis 

,, — 

Robt. Drable 

„ 68 

George Eyre 

>> 43 

John How 

,. SI 

Francis Eyre 


Robert Barker 

,, 41 

Robert Barker 

>, 45 

Francis Townsend - 

„ 36 

George Bamforth - 

„ 76 

Thos. Townsley 

„ 28 

Jchn Bagshaw 

.. 35 

Robt. Townsley - 

,, 24 

Anthony Mosley 

„ 32 

Robt. Hall 

M 24 

Robert Middleton - 

„ 63 

Thos. Bocking 

„ 27 

Martin Middleton - 

,, 34 

John Holm 


Francis Barker 

„ 33 

Wm. Bradwell 

., 55 

Robt. Barker 

,, — 

Thos. Barker 

„ 49 

Francis Townsend - 

„ 66 

Robt. Radford 

,, 40 

Robt. Middleton, jun. 

Robt. Robinson 

,, 40 

Robt. Oldfield 

George Robinson - 

., 49 

Wm. Oldfield 

Francis Robinson - 

M 47 

In the four centuries which lie between these two " Beatings 
of the Boundaries," the manor of Abney had changed hands 
at least twice. At what date it passed out of the possession of 
the Archers, as well as the manner in which it did so, is still 
a mystery. From an Inq. P.M. of Robt. Eyre, of Padley, who 
died 14 Nov., 19 Henry VII. (1504), we know that Nicholas 
Bagshawe was then lord of this manor. Although the exact 
date and manner of its acquisition is unknown,- members of 
this family were landowners and resident at Abney as early 
as 1329, at which date the name of Robert Bagshawe, of 
Abney, appears in an inquisition. At the end of the sixteenth 
century the whole manor was sold by Nicholas Bagshawe, of 
Farewell, co. Stafford— the great grandson of Nicholas, first in the 
visitation of Staffordshire — to Godfrey Bradshawe and Francis 
Bradshawe, the eldest and third sons of Godfrey Bradshawe, 
of Bradshawe. 

1 No evidences of any previous purchase of the manor are in the 
possession of the writer, which fact suggests that it was probably 
acquired by the Bagshawes through some marriage, possibly through that 
of Nicholas with the co-heir of Hall, of Great Hucklowe. 


The elder of the two brothers, Francis, had married, nearly 
thirty years before, when not ten years of age, one of the 
daughters and co-heirs of Humphry Stafford, of Eyam, and had, 
with his wife, acquired large estates at Eyam and Bretton.^ The 
manor of Abney marched with these estates, hence, probably, 
the cause of this new purchase. In 1610 his brothers share 
of Abney was acquired. The conveyance of the manor of 
Abney is dated 26th October, 35 Elizabeth (1593), and is from 
Nicholas Bagshawe, of Farewell, co. Stafford, gentleman, to 
Godfrey Bradshawe, of London, and Francis Bradshawe, of 
Eyam, gentlemen, in consideration of ^1,000 to be paid by 
them. This deed includes all the lands wnthin the manor which 
were purchased by the said Nicholas of Godfrey Foljambe, 
deceased; but not all the lands passed on this occasion with 
the manor, as several messuages and lands were acquired at 
later dates. The manuscript citing the boundaries in 1736 
was written the year after George, the last of the Bradshawes, 
had died, when Ellen, his widow, was lady of the manor. At 
her death the estate passed to her husband's nephew — the son 
of his only surviving sister — Pierce Galliard, of Bury Hall, co. 
Middlesex. At his death, in 1789, the manor was inherited by 
his daughter Mary, who had married, in 1774, Charles Bowles, 
of Sheen House, co. Surrey, second son of Humphry Bowles, of 
Burford, co. Salop, and Wanstead, co. Essex. He died during 
his year of office as High Sheriff for co. of Surrey, 1795, and was 
succeeded by his son, Humphry Bowles, who, dying 1859, left 
the estate of Abney to his eldest son, Charles Bradshaw Bowles, 
the father of the present lord of the manor. 

There is no evidence that the Great Court Baron of Abney 
was ever held since its purchase in 1593, except on four occa- 
sions. The results of these Courts Baron are written on one 
skin, which is in the possession of the writer of this article, and 
appear sufficiently interesting to be published. 

I. — The first was held by Francis Bradshawe, of Bradshaw, 
grandson of the original purchaser of the manor. He was the 

1 Vol. XXV., pp. 35 to 37 of this Journal. 


eldest son of George Bradshawe,^ who had succeeded his brother 
Francis, the High Sheriff, in 1635. He was born in 1630, and 
had married, in 1652, Ehzabeth, elder daughter and co-heir of 
John Vesey, of Brampton, co. York. With his wife came to him 
the estates and ancient mansion house of the Veseys, and there 
he had taken up his abode. He held this, his first Court Baron, 
two years after his marriage, namely, October, 1654. His eldest 
son, and eventual successor, was born in the April of that 
same year. 

Abney. The great Court Baron of Francis Bradshawe, Esq'' Lord of 
the said Manor holden for the said Manor the 20th day of October 
1654 before Henry Kniveton Gentleman, Steward there. 
Names of Jurors. 

Thomas Booking 

Wm. Middleton 

Robert Daykane 

Edward Padley ^ Sworn 

Wm. Worrall 

Francis Marshall 

Roger Bagshawe 

Which said Jurors being sworn and charged upon their oathes say and 
present that John Greaves Thos Eyre Robert Hall the heirs of Wm 
Bagshaw Thomas Bagshaw Robt Dolphine & Thos Drable owe suits 
and service to this Court, and have not appeared to do the same but made 
default therefore everyone of them is in the mercy of the Lord as 
doth appear over their head. 2 Paines laid there. 

First we lay a pain that the orders hereafter menconed for ye eateing 
of the towne field of Abney shall be duely observed untill the next Court 
to be holden for theis Manor Otherwise every the partyes offending against 
the same shall forfeit to the Lord of the Manor for every offence i2<i 

Which said Orders are as followeth viz. First that itt shall & may 
be lawfull for any two or more of the best inhabitants of the towne 
aforesaid upon the Twentyeth day of March every yeare to drive the said 
townefield and to give warneing to the rest of the inhabitants to keep forth 
their Cattell till after harvest & that none of the said Inhabitants shall 
keepe or tether their horses or beasts in the said towne field in harvest 
tyme unlesse itt be when his hay or come is drie & then to tye his horse 
to the Cart till he hath put his hay together; that y^ next day after ye 
corne is shorne & last load lead out of the Townefield aforesaid that the 
inhabitants aforesaid shall putt in for every acre of land a beast untill 
Martlemas Day then next followeing and then to put in till St Andrewe's 

Wm. Bradwall x 

George Troute 

Wm. Redferne 

Francis Eyre S Sworn 

Geo. Hallom 

Wm. Fox 

Thos. Bagshaw ^ 

1 Vol. XXV., p. 46, oi \h\% Journal. 

2 2d. is placed over the name of each. 


Day for every acre Twenty sheep & noe more & this their stint for their 
beasts viz : a horse or mare for two beasts, five sheep for one beast 
& seaven lambs for one beast and also for other Cattell every head to be 
for one beast ; & also if any of the said Inhabitants or their servants 
take the cattle trespasseing contrary to these orders to drive them to the 
Common pound, & there detaine them untill the party owneing ye cattle 
trespassing shall pay to y<= party that impounded them, for every beast 
iiijd unlesse itt be him that doth wilfully put in his cattle contrary to ye 
order aforesaid & then he shall pay for every beast xijd Also we lay a 
pain that every person shall make his ring fences & gates standing in 
them in good repair before the Twentyeth of March next else forfeite 
for every offence ... ... ... ... ... ... ... iijs iiij'l 

Alsoe we laye a pain that noe person not inhabiting within theis manor 
shall burne digge or carry away any of the Lords soyle in pain to forfeit 
for every offence ... ... ... ... ... ... ... iijs iiijd 

Also we lay a pain that noe persons shall oppresse the Commons 
belonging to this Manor in Sumer with more cattle than he can keep 
in Winter hogge sheep only excepted on pain to forfeit for every xxtie 
sheep ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... X sh 

Also we lay a pain that noe person shall turne any running waters out 
of their ancient courses within theis manor in pain to forfeit for every 
tyme ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... xijd 

Also we lay a pain that noe person shall grynd any of his come groweing 
within this manorl from the Lords milne on paine to forfeit for every tyme 
soe offending .. ... ... ... ... ... ... iiis iiijd 

II. — Francis Bradshaw died five years after the above Court 
was held, and was succeeded by his son Francis, who was then 
in his sixth year. In 1664 his mother held the Court for him; 
he being at that time little more than ten years old. 

It is written in Latin, of which the following is a translation : 

The Great Court Barron of Francis Bradshawe Armiger infant per 
Elizabeth Bradshawe2 Junior widow his guardian Lord of the said manner 
held there for that manner the twenty fifth day of October in the i6th 
year of the reign of our Lord Charles the Second now King of England 
and in the year of our Lord 1664 in the presence of Henry Kniveton 
gentleman Steward there 

Thomas Booking \ 

William Fumes 

William Worrall 

William Greaves |- Jurors 

William Bradwall I 

Thomas Hall 

Robert Dolphin / 

John Hoe \ 
Richard Mortaine 1 
Elizeus Marshall 
Robert Barber \ Jurors 

Richard Booking | 

Thomas Drabel / 

1 This signifies " away from " — all tenants were obliged to use the 
Lord's mill. 
- Her husband's mother, Elizabeth Bradshawe, was still alive. 



Imprimis the said Jurors declare on oath and present that Rowland 
Eyre of Hassop armiger Thomas Booking Henry Francis William 
Midleton Thomas Bagshaw Robert Dolphine Ralph Townesend Robert 
Dakeyne John White Thomas Mortain Robert Barber . . . Robinson 
widow & Richard Robinson owe their suits to the said Court & have 
not appeared but have made default iherefore every one of them is in 
the mercy of the Lord ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ijd 

The Jury present that Francis Eyre fed his sheep with others outside 
the manner in winter & in the summer fed them on the Common of the 
said manner in defiance of the penalty lately imposed in that case There- 

fore he is in the mercv of the Lord 

.u]s injo 

They present that Richard Redfern did it by advice (consile) There- 
fore he is in the mercy of the Lord of the said manner ... ... vid 

They present that the Inhabitants in the Manner did not make in 
August a pair of Stocks the second penalty lately imposed in that case 
Therefore they continue in the mercy of the Lord ... ... xxxx sh 

The Jurors aforesaid doe present & say that all former pains laid & by 
lawes made in this Court & ratified & confirmed by any former verdict 
or verdicts being not repugnant to the knowne lawes of this land shall 
remain continue and stand good. 

III. — Five years later, the third Court Baron was held. 

Francis Bradshaw was still an infant. In the interval, his 

mother had taken to herself, as her second husband, John 

Bolle, of Thorpe Hall, co. Lincoln, and it will be observed 

that he is associated with his wife in holdini; the Court for his 


Great Court Baron of Francis Bradshaw Armiger Infant — " per " John 
Bole & Elizabeth his wife his guardians — Lord of the Manner held there 
for the said Manner on the 20th day of October in the twenty first year 
of the reign of our Lord Charles the Second now King of England & in 
the year of our Lord 1669 in the presence of Henry Kniveton Gentleman 
Steward there 

William Redfern 
William Bradwell 
John Bagshaw 
Thomas Bagshaw 
Thomas Deykevn 
Thomas Hall Junr 
Francis Marshall 

) Jurors 

Francis Eyre 
John Howe 
Richard Morton 
Richard Booking 
William Furnes 
Robert Redfarn 

\ Jurors 

which said Jurors for the Manor being sworn and charged on their oath 
say and present that Rowland Eyre arm : William Middleton Abraham 
Crosland John White Robert Barber and John Francis owe suits and 
service to this court and have not appeared to do the same but made 
default thereof. Every one of them is in the mercy of the Lord ... ijd 

They present that John Bamforth encroached on the waste of the 
Manner vjd 

They present that Edmund Ashmere did it by advice and is therefore 
in the mercy of the Lord ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ijd 



They lay a pain that if Henry Furnes doe not make up his fence at Wall 
head sufficient and good before the twentieth day of March next and soe 
continue the same he shall forfeit for his neglect ... ... ... iijs 

They lay a pain that if any person sleatel or chase sheep upon ye 
Commons of this Mannor with doggs or otherwise shall forfeite for every 
ofTence ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... xijd 

They lay a pain that if any of the inhabitants of Abney or Grange doe 
or shall digge or delve Turfe upon any white ground within the Mannor 
except for Clods2 to cover their houses shall forfeit for every offence iij iiijd 

IV. — Fifteen years elapsed before the next Great Court Baron 
of the manor of Abney was held. In the meantime, a change 
had taken place in the owners. 

Francis Bradshaw never lived to hold a Court Baron in his 
own person as lord. He died, at the age of twenty-three, on 
29th December, 1677, and was succeeded by his brother John, 
who was born 27th June, 1656, and who, April, 1683, held 
his first Court Baron. He died in his seventy-first year at 
Brampton, co. York, and wajs succeeded by his only surviving 
son, George Bradshawe — the last of the Bradshawes, of Bradshaw. 
The following is the last evidence of a Court Baron being 
held at Abney: — 

Great Court Baron of John Bradshawe armiger Lord of the Manor 
held there for that Manor 23rd April in the 35th year of Charles II. 

In the presence of George Lee Gentleman Steward 

Thomas Bocking 
William Lowe 
Robert Barker 
John Bomford 
Robert Redfern 
Peter Furness 
Arthur Worrell 


Robert Howe 
Clement Marshall 
Francis Barker 
Thomas Daykeyne 
Thomas Drable 
Robert Bamforth 


Which said Jurors being sworn,. say on their oath and present that Thomas 
Eyre Esqr, Richard Wheawood Robert Middleton sen' John White Robert 
Marshall Thomas Morton Edmund Hall Thomas Eyre Thomas Hall senr 
Richard Bocking Abraham Crossland Thomas Bamforth George Bomford 
William Bomford Thomas Worrall Eliseus Winterbotham Francis Towns- 
end Peter . . . Robert Bagshaw owe suits to this Court have not appeared 
but have made default thereof Each one therefore is in the mercv of 
the Lord ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ijd 

Fines imposed 
They present that Ellis Slater of Hardlemere pastured and fed his 

1 To slate a beast is to hound a dog at him to bait him. 

' To this day small fowl-houses are occasionally roofQ(l with turfs at Abney. 


sheep on the Common pastures of this Manner against the Customs of the 
said Manner 

he is in tlie mercv of the Lord ... ... ... iijs iiijd 

They present that Thomas Morten encroached on the Commons of this 

he is in the mercy of the Lord ... ... ... iijs iiijd 

John Bagshaw Richard Bocking Thomas Daylceyn Francis Eyre and 
Richard Weyvvood are in the mercy of the Lord 

for the same oflfence each ... ... ... ... vjd 

They lay a pain that if any person or persons within this Mannor doe 
or shall digge or delve up any Turfe beneath ye gate goeing Doopoe 
Brooke and Moerge Ditch except for Clods for repair of their houses and 
fences shall forfeit to ye Lord of the Manor for every Cartfull they or 
any of them shall soe gett ... ... ... ... ... ... vjd 

and for every burthen ... ... ... ... ... v]d 

They lay a pain that if any person or persoris within this Manor doe 
delve or plough up any Clodes and burne them on ye Commons or 
wast ground of this Manner for Ashes for their ground shall forfeit for 
everv offence ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... iijs iiijd 

They lay a pain that if any inhabitant or inhabitants within this 
Mannor doe refuse to come to mend ye highwaves haveing notice of the 
Ivme appointed shall forfeit to ye Lord of this Manor for every default xijd 

They lav a pain that if anv person or persons within this Manor having 
right of Common doe neglect or refuse to come and helpe to stone ye 
sitches and ditches upon ye Cornmon or Commons of this Mannor haveinp 
notice thereof shall forfeit to y^ Lord of this Manor ... ... ... xiid 

They lay a pain that' if any one doe breake and take away any other 
man's hedges shall forfeit for every burthen they shall soe take awny iiijd 

If any person or persons within this Mannor doth or dne throwe open 
anv out gate shall forfeit for every offence ... ... ... ... xijd 

They lay a pain that if any person or persons doe winter out anv sheep 
and bring them to ye Commons of theis Mannor in Summer shall forfeit 
for every sheep soe wintered and brought upon ve Commons of this 
Manor except hoggs ... ... ... ... ... ... ... vjd 

They lav a pain that if any person belongeing to ye Long field doe not 
make up his fence there att or before ye five and twentyeth day of March 
next and keepe ve same in good repair shall forfeit to ye Lord of theis 
Mannor for his defalt ... ... ... ... ... ... iiis iiijd 

Item they lay a pain that if the inhabitants of Abney doe not before 
the fower and Twentyeth day of June next repair their Stockes they shall 
forfeit to ye Lord of theis Mannor for their neglect ... ... ... xs 

They lay a pain that if any person or persons within this Mannor doe 
carry and take away the fearne mowed and raked together by any other 
without leave of the person or persons that soe mowed the same for every 
offence ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... iijs iiijd 

They present that John Bagshaw and Richard Bocking have lead and 
carryed away the fearne which Robert Bagshawe had mowed and raked 
together therefore they and each of them in the mercy of the Lord xijd 

The Jurors aforesaid doe find approve allow agree and present that all 
Antient Customs in theis Court and all former pains laid and by lawes 
made (not repugnant to ye known Lawes of theis Kingdom) heretofore 
used and had in this Court and ratifyed and confirmed by any other former 
verdict or verdicts shall remain continue and stand good. 

Brazen Alms-dish at Tideswell. 


I5ra>en ^lms=lts]^, ^ttrrsUjtn. 

By G. Le Blanc Smith. 

IDESWELL CHURCH, which has obtained the title 
of " The Cathedral of the Peak," contains somewhat 
of a curiosity in the form of an alms-dish, richly 
embossed, with a rejaresentation of Adam and Eve 
in the centre. It is rather larger than most dishes, being no 
less than 2oi in. in diameter. As regards its date, it is unsafe 
to hazard any conjectures, for there is really nothing to guide 
one. The ornament consists of two rows of a very handsome 
design — best explained by reference to the photograph — 
evidently intended tO' represent a jewelled border, which 
surround the raised edge of the dish. The centre is raised, and 
in the hollow left between the raised centre and edge of the 
dish is an inscription. This inscription clearly shows the 
country which gave it birth to be Holland, for the inscription 
is in Dutch, and reads : " NYT SONDER GODT YS VAN 
reads : " The key to all the Scriptures is, there is nothing 
without God." 

The central raised portion contains the picture of the Fall. 
Here we see Adam and Eve, on the left and right-hand sides 
of the tree respectively. In the centre is the Tree of Know- 
ledge, round which is wound the serpent ; in his mouth he 
holds a branch, on the end of which is the Apple of Eden. To 
make his meaning quite clear, the craftsman who executed this 
piece of metal work has shown a whole series of events in one 
picture. Firstly, the Serpent plucks the Fruit; secondly, Eve 


receives it in her left hand ; thirdly, she hands it to Adam with 
her right hand, he receiving it in his outstretched left hand ; 
fourthly, Adam is shown dressed in his scanty attire of leaves, 
which argues that he has received and eaten the fruit. 

Thus we see (i) the temptation by the serpent; (2) the fall 
of Eve; (3) the temptation of Adam; and (4) his fall. Eve's 
wavy hair is curious, and, for that matter, so is Adam's, for it 
is done up in a sort of " bun " behind his head. The curious 
method of showing the joints in the limbs of both Adam and 
Eve is worth noticej for the artist has shown them as having 
pegs through elbows and knees much on the principle of the 
" Dutch do'll." The Serpent has a scaly body, and exactly 
resembles that on a similar type of alms-dish at St. Ninian's, 
near Stirling. The roots of the Tree — like the fangs of a 
tooth — are remarkable, and resemble those in the similar tree 
on a dish at the little Devonshire village of Dunsford. It is 
a very curious thing that, besides this Derbyshire dish, I can 
only hear of three other similar examples of Adam and Eve 
alms-dishes in the United Kingdom. They are at Christ Church 
Priory, near Bournemouth; St. Ninian's, near Stirling; and Duns- 
ford, Devon. And it is also remarkable that we have here a dish 
of Dutch workmanship and design which is repeated almost in 
facsimile at St. Ninian's (the border, in fact, being a perfect 
likeness) ; and this very border is likewise repeated on another 
dish at Gargunnock, also near Stirling — but in this case the 
centre is occupied by two busts of persons in large hats, and 
one of these is playing the bagpipes. This stamps the 
Gargunnock dish as Scotch, and leads up to the query as to 
whether the St. Ninian's dish (which so closely resembles this 
at Tideswell) was likewise a Scotch copy of a Dutch dish, or 
was imported from the land of its origin. The St. Ninian's 
dish lacks the Dutch inscription which characterises Tideswell's 
specimen, and may be a copy, but if so it is a remarkably good 
one. If there were but a few of these alms-dishes imported — 
as seems to be the case — it is perhaps unlikely that one would 
have strayed as far north as Stirling. Yet, on the other hand, 


they may have been much more plentiful in a more lenient age, 
and the prudish i.leas of later days may have seen the destruc- 
tion of many a fine specimen. 

The connection between the Fall of our forebears and the 
act of charity, or alms-giving, is far from apparent.^ 

In three of the four specimens which have come to my 
knowledge the figures of Adam and Eve occupv the same sides 
of the tree as here ;2 the Serpent is similarly coiled, but lacks 
scales in the Devonshire example ; and in the cases of the two 
English examples Eve receives the apple while Adam's hand is 
outstretched to grasp it, but in the Scotch specimen Adam 
plucks an apple himself with his left hand. On the Devonshire 
dish the figures are entirely unclad ; while in that at St. Ninian's 
they are partly hidden by foliage growing from the ground. 

1 Probably because poverly is one of the results of the Fall.— Editor. 
<<-ru" ^^'''^ Cliristian Symbolism, by I. RomiHy Allen, the author'says ■ 
1 hroughout all periods of Christian Art, Eve is generally shown on the 
right hand side of the tree, and Adam on the left ; but the rule is not always 
adhered to. ' We thus see an arrangement which has been more or less m 
orce since a.D. 50, but why? What does it symbolize? The curious round 
leaves here, and particularly at Dunsford, seem to be a survival of the berries 
or fruit universally shown in early Celtic Art, when this subject was under 
treatment. • ^ 


3Et(itoinal #otts. 

Haddon — The Manor, The Hall, Its Lords and Traditions, 
by G. Le Blanc Smith. Published by Elliot Stock. " Good 
wine needs no bush," and by this time Mr. Le Blanc Smith's 
book — a prospective notice of which appeared in our last issue^ — 
has made good its position as a valuable addition to a Derby- 
shire library. The artistic illustrations, the product of the 
author's camera, are very seductive, and add considerably to 
its value. The family history of the Vernons is interesting, 
and sets right points which are not probably generally known. 
The pedigree at the end of the book would have been more 
useful had dates been given under each individual, or at least 
reference to the page where he might be found in the family 
history. The lack of an index, too, seriously detracts from the 
usefulness of the book. With respect to the Peverels, the 
author falls into the popular error of describing the first of 
that family as a son of the Conqueror. Although probably near 
of kin to him, his age would prohibit such a relationship. The 
matter collected from various published works is most useful 
and handy. In ascribing, however, the letter on page 37 to 
Dorothy, the daughter of Sir George Vernon, the author has 
been very naturally misled by the article taken from vol. xv. 
of this Journal. The hand-writing is too modern to have been 
written in the sixteenth century. Mr. Le Blanc Smith, however, 
is much to be congratulated on the success of this, his first 
venture. He has begun literary work early in life, and we 
trust we shall see many more productions from his pen. 


All. about Derby and Xeighbourhood, third edition. Richard 
Keene, Ltd., Irongate. Both pretty and useful is this little 
6d. handbook. First published in 1881, as a welcome to the 
Royal Agricultural Show, it reached its third edition in time 
to welcome that Society's second visit to Derby last June. It 
contains a great deal of most useful information — ancient and 
modern — is well illustrated, and is quite worth buying. 

Derbyshire Charters, by I. H. Jeayes, of the British Museum. 
Bemrose & Sons Ltd., price 4_-s. This exceedingly valuable work 
we owe to Sir Henry Bemrose, whose idea of collecting from 
all available sources — public and private — the various charters 
and deeds connected with this county, has rapidly been executed 
by an expert in such matters. Mr. Jeayes is sincerely to be 
congratulated on the accuracy and efficiency of his book. It 
is no mean work to go through several hundred charters and 
deeds — many of which are almost indecipherable from age, 
damp, or bad caligraphy — carefully collecting what is material 
from each. This has been Mr. Jeayes' work— with the result 
that the whole collection is arranged in chronological and 
alphabetical order, each charter being entered under the town- 
ship with which it is mainly concerned. 

Longstone Records, by G. T. Wright. Printed by Benjamin 
Gratton, Bakewell. As a society interested in the preservation 
of records, we are much indebted to Mr. Wright^ of Longstone 
Hall, for the pains he has taken in compiling this interesting 
history, and as the owner of a library, small though it be, we 
are exceedingly obliged to him for his kindness in presenting 
the Society with a copy. In compiling this history, nothing 
has seemed too modern or too insignificant to be left unrecorded. 
This is as it should be with a parish history to be read by 
future generations. If somebody in every parish had for 
generations made it his business to collect all material con- 
nected with it, what wonderful county histories we might have 


at the present time. Much, too, has been collected by the 
author, and included, which has already been published by 
other writers, such as Dr. Cox and Mr. Pym Yeatman. This 
is also very useful to the ordinary reader, who is not likely to 
have easy access to all publications. A portion of the book 
is devoted to the history of Mr. Wright's family. This is 
natural, for it is one of the oldest among our Peak families, 
and is inseparable from the history of the place which gave it 
birth, and which has been connected with Longstone Village 
for many generations. Indeed, to use the author's own words 
in the preface, " Longsdon, i.e., Longstone, was the name of 
the Wrights as well as of the township long before the family 
assumed the distinctive name of Wright." We must congratulate 
Mr. Wright, " who has compiled most of these records in 
extreme old age, and through a painful illness, away from his 
home and publishers," on the success of his undertaking. The 
book has many interesting and beautiful illustrations. 

Mattathias, and other Poems, by Frederic Atkinson, M.A., 
Canon of Southwell, late Rector of Darley Dale. Longmans, 
price 4s. 6d. net. This collection of poems bears the deeply-cut 
impress of a scholar and of a true poet. The contents embrace 
a wide range of subjects — war, scenery, religion — but though 
archaeology can hardly be said to be one of them, the fact that 
some half-dozen poems bear especially on Derbyshire scenes, 
makes some comment on those poems at least not out of place. 
Foremost of these stands out conspicuously that on the Darley 
Yew. This, however, speaks for itself from the Journal's own 
pages, having been quoted at length in Dr. Cox's article on 
the Church in volume xxviii. In another poem the legend 
of the two sycamores on Oker Hill, at Darley, is touched upon, 
as a supplement to Wordsworth's lines on the same subject. 
On the next page is a worthy memorial to the hermit who spent 
his solitary life among the Catcliffe Rocks, near Birchover, 
where he has left, in his hermitage, a monument for all time 
in " an old-world carving of the Crucified. ' In a few pretty 


touches of his poet's brush Canon Atkinson describes ail the 
loveliness of a wood in spring and summer. The spot he has 
chosen is Depedale, at Dale Abbey. The short poem, of which 
the late Bishop of this diocese — George Ridding — is the sub- 
ject, speaks tenderly and reverently of one whose character 
was appreciated most by those who knew him best. The most 
powerful, however, of the Derbyshire poems is that called 
"Flood on the Trent," which occurred at Long Eaton in 1875. 
It was the highest flood since 1795, ^"^^ '" 't rnany lives were 

" 'Twas the 19th of October our Church-bells were newly hung, 
So in memory the date securely dwells ; 

And the men were ready at the ropes for the first peal to be rung, 
For the priest had come to dedicate the bells." 

And so the story is told, so graphically that the whole scene, 
in all its horror, is present with us as we read. 

Journal. — ^A few words seem necessar}- to account for the 
appearance of the Journal in January, which, so far as is 
possible, will be its future date of issue. The most interesting 
report of the excavations at Melandra, for which we are 
so much indebted to the Manchester Classical Associa- 
tion, and which will be found at the end of this 
volume, arrived too late to be included in our last issue. 
Owing to its exclusion, the Journal contained somewhat less, 
as this contains somewhat more, matter than it has done of 
late. Those who compiled the report, however, were so dis- 
appointed that their efforts to be in time were in vain, and 
that all this valuable matter would be buried for twelve 
months, that I undertook to issue the Journal sooner than 

Illustrations. — We are indebted, as usual, to Mr. Le Blanc 
Smith and his camera for many of the illustrations. Those 
of the fonts and of the Tideswell alms-dish are his work. 
Those illustrating Monyash Church are the work of Mr. R. F. 
Hunter, photographer, of 4, Station Approach, Buxton. They 


were originally done by him for Dr. Cox's article in The 
Btiilder, and he has kindly allowed us to make use of 

We are indebted to the proprietors of The Queen — Messrs. 
Horace Cox — for the Crich Ware illustrations, and to the kind- 
ness of the Rev. F. Brodhurst for the portrait of Sir Wm. 

Mr. Arnold-Bemrose has kindly arranged that we should have 
the use of the plates which illustrate Mr. Storrs Fox's interesting 

Churcli Restoration. — Bakewell and Wirksworth Churches are 
both undergoing careful restoration. Both are in the hands of 
able architects. The restoration of Bakewell is a really big 
affair, and will be eagerly watched by archteologists. 

Charles E. B. Bowles. 
The Nether House, W irksworth. 



persons, places ant» 

Abbeys, Bisham, 89 ; Bolton, 88 ; 
Dale, 147 ; Newstead, 89 ; Ruf- 
ford, 130, 131 ; Tavistock, 88 ; 
Thorney, 88; Wilton, 93; 
Woburn, 88 

Abbots Bromley, co. Stafford, 4 

Abbots of Burton, 24 

Abney, 45, 129-140; Wm. of, 132 

Abraham, 56 

Adam, 72, 141-3 

Adderley, John, 16 

Addy, S. O., Guising and Mum- 
ming in Derbyshire, 31-42 ; 
Household Tales, 40 ; Note, 49 ; 
Folklore, 37, 39, 45-49 ; Note 
on Brough and Bathumgate, 43- 


Agnppa, 56 

Alabaster Table Relief at Hopton 
Hall, 22 

Albans, St., 98 

Albini, 130, 132; Henry, 130 

Alchemy, 97 

Aldersgate, 83, loi 

Alexander, Hy., 10 

Alkmonton, no 

All about Derby and Neighbour- 
hood, 145 

Allcock, John, 21 

Allestrey, Wm., 71 

Almagest, 103 

Almsdish at Tideswell, '141 

Alot, John, 10 


Backhouse, James, 121 

Bagenhall, Sir Ralph, 92 

Bagshawe, 49 ; John, 134, 138, 140 ; 
Nicholas, 134, 135 ; Robert, 134, 
139, 140; Roger, 136; Thomas, 
136; William, 134 

persons, places ant> 

Amicia de Stoke, 130 

Anavio, 44 

Aticieni Laws, etc., of England, by 

Thorpe, 41, note 
Anglesey, 10 
Apple of Eden, 141 
Archbishop of Canterbury, in 
Archer, 134 ; John, 132 ; Ralph, 

131 ; Robert, 131, 132 ; Thomas, 

131. 132 
Archer Stone, 133 
Architecture, 16, 51-53, 56, 57, 60, 

Arminett Well, 133 
Arnold-Bemrose, Mr. H., 114, 115, 

Arnott Well, 133 
Arundel, Countess of, 102 


109-11, 123, 

Ashehurst, 24 
Ashford, 2 
Ashmere, 138 

Ashton, Henry, 46; Roger, 71 
Aston, Odo of, 5 
Aston-on-Trent, 42, note 
Astrology, 96 
Atkinson, Canon, 146, 147 
Audley, Thomas Lord, 83 
Augmentation, Court of, 88, 8 
Auxerre, Council of, 41, 42 
Axe Edge, 106, log, in 

Bagshaw Edge, 133 

Bailey, Mr. Geo., 50 

Baker of Derby, 26 

Bakewell, i, 2, 4-6, 10-12, 17, 21, 

SI. 54, 127-9. 14s. 148 
Ballidon, 51, 56, 58 



Ballads and Songs of Derbyshire, 

33, note 
Biilston, Archdeacon, 12, 20 
Bamford, 134; George, 139; John, 

138) 139; Robt., 139; Thos., 

139 ; William, 139 
Bank of England, 79 
Barber, Nicholas, 134; Robt., 137, 

Barker, Francis, 134, 139; Robt., 

134, 139; Thos., 134 
Barlow, Little, 48 
Barnaston, 68 
Barnewell, 84 
Barowcote, 68 
Bartholomew, St., 97 
Baslow, 7, 49 
Bassano's Visitation, 19 
Bateman, W., 19 
Bathgate, 43 
Baths, Roman, 44 
Bathumgate, 43-49 
Baxton, Delph, 132 
Bavnton, Sir Henrv, 83 ; Anne, 83 
Bazing, 73 
Beauchief, 66 

Beaureper, 71, 72 " 

Bedford, Duke of, 88; Earl of, 84 
Bell Chamber, 17 
Belper, 71, 72 
Bemrose, Sir Henry, 145 
Benedictine Nuns, 85 
Bennet Fellowship, 65, 67 ; Sir 

John, 65, 66, ']i, 74, 76 
Bentley Hall, iii 
Berkshire Hills, 40 
Bernard, Abbot, 24 
Berrv, Rev. A. G., 14; Mary, 14 
Berwick, 89 
Beurv, 71, 72 
Bingham, 14 
BinclifTe, 109, no 
BirchehoU, Co. Herts., 83 
Birching Hat, 133 
Birchover, 145 
Birdsgrove, 125 
Bisham, 89 

Bishoping or Confirmation, 92, 94 
Bocking, Rich., 137-140; Thos., 134, 

Boham, Rich., 21 
Bolder Grange, 70 
Bolle, John, 138 
Bolsover, F., 128 
Bomford, see Bamford 
Bond, Mr. G. M., 123 

61; B])., 62: 




Bones of Lynx from Cales Dale, 120 

Boreham, Richd., 89 

Boreman, Rich. (Abbot), 89 

Borough, Mr. John, 65 

Bostock, Edward, 83; Margt., 83 

Bosvile, Godfrey, 96; Jane, 96 

Botolphe, St., 83, 101 

Bouldertch, 70 

Boulsover, F., 128 

Boulton, 69 

Bournemouth, 142 

Boville, Arms, 18, 

Griselda, 18 
Bow Stones, in 
Bowles, 43, note ; 

Humphry, 135 ; Mary, 135 
Bowles, C. E. B. ; Brass Tobacco 

Stopper, 50 ; Manor of Abney : 

its Boundaries and Court Rolls, 

129; Editorial Notes, 144 
Black death, 3, 15, 81 
Black friars, go 
Black ladies, 85 
Blacklow, 133 

Blackwell, John, 70; Richd., 18, 62 
Blore, III 

Bradbourne, 51, 52, 54 
Bradwell, 10, 45, 46, 48, 129; 

John of, 132 ; Robert, 46 ; 

William, 134, 136-8 
Bradshawe, 9 ; note, 133, 139 ; 

Elizabeth, 136, 137 ; Ellen, 135 ; 

Francis, 134-39 ; George, 135, 

136, 1.39; Godfrey, 134, 135; 

John, 139 
Bradgate, 90 
Brailesford, 70 

Brampton, 67 ; Co. York, 136, 139 
Brandon, Charles, 91 ; Dk. of, gi ; 

Frances, Lady, 91, 92; Henry, 

91 ; Kath., 91 
Brass Tobacco Stopper, 50 
Brassington, 113 
Brazen Almsdish, Tideswell, by G. 

Le Blanc Smith, 141 
Brazyer of Norwich, 19 
Breadsall, 16, 127 
Bredwell, 10 
Breton, Robt. le, 25 
Bretton, 133, 135 
Brewood, Co. Stafford, 84, 85 
Briennius, 24 
Bristol, 72 

British Museum, 22, 50, 145 
British Pleistocene Mammalia, 121, 



Broadlow, io8 

Brodhurst, Rev. F., Sir Willium 

Cavendish, 81-102, 148 
Broice, Elizabeth, qj ; Cath., 8^! : 

Thos., 83 
Brough, 43, 44 
Brough and Bathumgate, A note 

on, by S. O. Addy, 43-49 
Brown Edge, 105 
Bucknall, 73 

Budvi^orth, Mrs., 47, note 
Builder, The, 148 
Bullington, 68 
Bunster, 124 
Burdett, Sir Thos., 69 
Burford, Co. Salop, 135 



Burial Rights, 11 

Burlington, E. of, 8S 

Burnaston, 68 

Burnett, 88 

Burton Abbey, 2t^^ 26-30 

Burton Bole, 123 

Burton-on-Trent, 12S 

Burton, Rev. R. J., Henovere and 

the Church of Heanor, 23-30 
Bury Hall, Co. Middlesex, 135 
Bury St. Edmunds, 81, 82 
Butiesham, Co. Berks., 89 
Buxton, 43, 44, 113, 116, 148 
Byram Hall, 95 
Byron, Sir John, 89 

Cainhoe, 130 

Calendar to Pleading, 2, note 

Cales Dale, 113, 120 

Calver, 8 

Calvin, 91 

Calwich, 125, 127 

Cambridge, 81, 92, 95 

Camden Society, 96, loi 

Campden, Newfoundlands in, 70 

Cannock Chase, 125 

Canterbury, Archbishop of, 3 

Cardigan, 89 

Cardinal Wolsey, 82 

Carey, George,' 96 

Carter, Alice, 67 

Castlerigg, 106 

Castleton, 31 et seq., 115 

CatcliflFe Rocks, 145 

Cathedral of the Peak, 141 

Cave Digging, 113-122 

Cavendish Bridge, 98; Manor, Co 
Suffolk, 81-3 

Cavendish, 82, 85, 88, 97 ; Alice, 
82, 83; Anne, 83; Baron, loi ' 
Catherine, 83; Charles, 94, 101 
Elizabeth, 88, 90, 94, 98, 100 
102 ; Frances, 91, loi ; George 
82 ; Henry, 92, 94, 95, 98, loi 
John, 81, 89; Sir John, 81 
Lucres, 95; Margt., S3, 88 
Mary, 102; Richd., 96; Spencer 
8th Duke of Devonshire, 81 
Temperance, 92 ; Thomas, 82, 96 
William, 7th Duke of Devon 
shire, 81, 82; William, 82, 83 
93. loi 

Centuries, Three, of Derbyshire, 2, 

Chaddesden, 51, 59, 60 

Chancellors of Cambridge, 8i, 82 

Chandos-Pole-Gell, Capt., 22 

Chapel-en-Ie-Frith, 3 

Chapmanfield, 132 

Chartulary of Buiton, 23 

Chatsworth, 97, 98, loi 

Chellardiston, 71 

Chellaston, 22, 69, 71 

Chelmorton, 2, 7, 8, note, 105 

Chertsey, Co. Surrey, 89 

Chester, E. of, 129 

Chesterfield, 48, 68, 70 ; Earl of 

Cheswick, 88 
Chief Justices, Si 
Childewyke, Co. Herts., 89 
Chinlev Churn, 105 
Choker Gena, 8 
Christ Church Priory, 142 
Christmas Guisers, 31 
Churches of Derbyshire, 27 
Church of Heanor, 23 
Church Ornaments, 86 
Churnet Vallev, 123 
Churn Hole, 106 
Circle, Division of, 103, in 
Cistercian Monks, ^ 
Claret Wine, 96 
Classical Association, 147 
Cla}-, John, 29 
Clifton, 109, 123, 125-8 
Cloken, Wm., 8 
Clough Head, 133 



Clusterbury Low, 133 

Cobham, Lord, 83, 93 

Codnor, 27 

Coke on Littleton, 65, note 

College Place, Derby, 71, note 

Congeston, John, 7, 8, 15; Nich., 

7, 8, IS, 19 
Congeston Lady Chapel, 17 
Cdlne, 36 
Commissioners for Dissolution of 

Monasteries, 83-5, 87 
Congson, John, 8 ; Nich., 8 
Convicts' Settlement, 45, 47 
Coroners' Inquests, 16 
Cotenovre, 28 
Cottonian MSS., 87 
Court of Frankpledge, 3 
Cowlow, 106 


Cox, Rev. J. Charles, LL.D., 
29, 146 ; Church and Village of 
Monyash, i ; Horace, 148 

Creswell, Robt., i 

Crich, Various Spellings, 78 

Crich Ware, by G. Le Blanc Smith, 
77, 148 

Cromwell, Thos., 84, 85, 87, 89 

Cross, Village, 4 

Crosse, John, 69 

Crossforlong, 25 

Cross Keys, 50 

Crossland, Abraham, 138, 139 

Crowch Ware, 78 

Crucibles, 79 

Cubley, III 

Cuflfeley, 89 


Dakevne, Robt., 136, 137 

Dakin, Thos., 134, 138, 140 

Dalbury Lees, 26 

Dale Abbey, 26, 27, 69, 84, 85 

Dale Chronicle, 28 

Dalton, 50 

Darley, 20, 84, 146 

Darley Dale, 62 ; Priory, 6g ; Yew, 

20, 146 
Darnlev, Lord, 102 
Daunce, Sir John, 87, 88 
David, King, 55, 56 
Dawkins, Prof. Boyd, 114 et seq. 
Dawley, Co. Middlesex, 65 
Daykane, Robt., 136, 137 ; Thos., 

138, 139 
Dean, John, 10 
Dee, Dr. John, 96 
Deepdale, 106, 147 
Deincourt, Baron, 95 
Delacres, Co. Stafford, 84 
Delfe at Eyam, 50 
De Musca, Thos., 26 
Derby, 31-36, 50, 65, 128, 145 
Derby, All about, 145 
Derby, E. of, 3 
Derby Ram, 36 
Derbyshire Fonts, by G. Le Blanc 

Smith, 51 

Eastbourne, 88 
East Sheen, 97 
Eckington, 37, 39, 67 
Ecton Low, no 

Derbyshire, View of present State, 

45, note 
Devonshire, 48, 62, 142 ; ist Duke 

of, loi ; E. of, loi 
Dictionary, The new English, 39 : 

Anglo-Saxon, 42, note 
Dixie, Lady Mary, 79 
Dolphine, Robt.', 136-8 
Domesday Book, 4, 24, 27, 43, 44. 

Dorset, Marq. of, 90, 92, 94 
Dove, River, 109, 124, 127 
Dovedale, i 
Doveholes, 113 et seq. 
Doveridge, 20 
Dove Valley, 123, 128 
Dovlev, Sir Wm., 73 
Doyly, Co. Middlesex, 66 
Drabble, Robt., 134; Thos., 136, 

137, 139 
Dronfield, 35, 37 
Dr^field, 73 

Dudley, Lord Guilford, 92 ; John, 93 
Duffield, 71, 72 
Dugdale's Monasticon, 26, 27 
Dunge Clough, 133 
Dunsford, 142 
Durham, Bp. of, 3 
Dutch Doll, 142 ■ 


Eden, 141 

Edward the Confessor, 55 

Edward IIL, 3, 81 ; Edward VL, 90 

Egginton, 26, 126 



Egyptian Sun God, 103 

Eleanor, Queen, 2 

Eligius, 41 

Elizabeth, Queen, 82, 92, 94 

Elvaston, 68 

Ely, Hugh, 3; Thos., 3; Wm., S 

Enclosures Act, 2, 133 

Enovere, Nicholas, 25, 28 

Essex, E. of, 82, 8s, 87 

Eston, Matthew, 12 


Eton College, 96 

Etwall, 26 

Eve, 72, 141 

Eyam, 8, 36, 43, 47, 50, 112, 133, 


Eynoure, Nicholas, 25 

Eyre, Francis, 134, 138, 140 ; Geo., 

134; Ralph, 131; Robert, 134; 

Rowland, 138; Thos., 136, 139 

Farcoates, 45 

Farewell, Co. Staff., 134, 135 

Farev, 79 

Farnefield, 68 

Fee Farm Rents, 65 

Feudal History of Derbyshire, 130 

Findern, 24, 25, 28 

Fitzherbert, Thos., 70 

Fitzherbeit's Hiishainhy, 39 

Fitz Wachelin, 26; Nich., 25; 

Robert, 24 
I-'lagg, 8, 17 
]• lint, Anthony, 98 
Foljamb, Godfrey, 135 ; Thos., i 
Folklore, 37, note, 39, 45, 49 

Forest of Duffiehl, 71, 72; Fowes- 
hide, 2 

Fox Tor, 21 

Fox, W. Storrs, Recent Cave- 
Jigging in Derbyshire, 113, 127; 
Wm., 136 

Francis, Henry, 138, 139; John, 
138 ; Joshua, 134 

Frazer's Golden Bough, 37, note, 40 

Frechwell, 95, 98 ; Chaiiel, 95 

Frethvile, John, 71 

Fritchley, 80 

Frost, Leonard, 3 

Froude, 88 

Fulwood, 69 

Furness, Peter, 139 ; \\ ni., 137, 138 


Galliard, Pierce, 1^5 

(iargunnock, 142 

Garner House, 49 

Geological Magazine, 121, note 

German Law, Jacob Grimm on, 40 

Gib Hill, III 

(;ifIord, Thos., 85 

Glastonbur)-, 84 

Glemsford, 82 

Gloucestershire, 72, 73 

Glover's History of Derbyshire, 28, 

44, 47, 48, 129 
Godric, 29 

Golden Bough, 40, note 
Goodwin, Elizab., 4 ; Geo., 3 ; 

Humph., 4; S., 13; AVm., 10 
Gosse Hawk, 97 
(iostwyck, John, 87 
Grace Dieu, Leicester, 84 
Cirafton, 73 
Granges, Abney, 129 et seq. ; 

Bolder, 70 ; GrifTe, 67 ; Hoe, 

118; Moldrich, 70; Stanley, 67 

Grant by Sir John Bennet to Pemb. 
Coll., 65 

Clratton, Benj., 145; John, 11 

Gray, 104, 106. {See Grey.) 

Great Cubley, in 

fireat Hucklow, 131, 133, 134 

Greatore, 26 

Greaves, John, 136; Wm., 137 

Greek Customs, 36 

Crrey, 27 ; Henry, 92, 93 ; Frances, 
92; Jane, 92, 93; Kath., 94; 
Rich., 131 

Cxrey Dyke, 44, 45, 48 

Griffe Grange, 67 

tirimsthorpe, Co. Leic, 91 

Gudwin, Wm., 10 

Guilford, Sir Edwar<l, 92 ; Jane, 92 

Guising and Mumming in Derby- 
shire, 31-42 




Haddon, 95, 98, 144 

Hall, 134; Edmond, 139; Robert, 

134. 136; Thos., 137-9 
Hallom, Geo., 136 
Handsworth Woodhouse, Co. York, 

Hanger, Geo., 73 
Hanging Bridge, 123 
Harbord, Sir Charles, 73; Wm., 73 
Hardlemere, 139 
Hardwick, 86, 93, 97, 98, lot ; 

Eliz., 88, 90; Jane, 96 
Hares Hill, 106, log, in 
Harlow Dale, 21 
Harrington, E. of, 68 
Hartington, 51, 61 
Hartshorne, 67, 69 
Hasland, 95, 98 
Haward, Sir Wm., 73 
Hawking, 97 

Hawley, Ld., 73; Will., 132 
Haverfield, 44 
Heanor, 23, 24, 26-28 
Hedderley, John, 19 
Henderson, 39; J., 12^, 127 
Heneage, 85 
Henmore \'a!lev, 125 


Henovere and the Church at 

Heanor, 23 
Henry VHI., Shakespeare's, 82 
Heptarchy, 48 
Herbert, Sir Wm., 93 ; Katherine, 

94 ; Lord, 94 
Hermits of Depedale, 26 
Hertyngfordbury, Co. Herts., 83 
Highlow, 131-133 
Hinchley Wood, 108 
Hoe, John, 137 
Hoe Grange, 118 
Hogg, John, 80 ; Sarah, 80 
Holland, 144 
Holm, John, 134 
Hope, ID, 129 
Hopton, 22 
Horse, The Old, 37 
Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem, 

70 ; of St. John Baptist, 72 
Household Tales, 40, note 
Howe, John, 134, 138 ; Robt., 139 
Hucklow. 40, 112, 131, 133, 134 
Huntingdon, E. of, 71 
Husbandry, 39 
Hutchinson, A. S., 124 

Iceland, 44 

In<iuests, Coroners', 16 

Ireland, 8g ; Bryan, 3 
Isle of Man, 44 


Jack Straw, 81, 82 
James I., 102 ; James II. 
Jeayes, I. H., 145 
Jewitt, L., 32 
John, E. of Morton, 5 

John, St., 22, 55, 56, 70, 72, 78 
Jones, Dr., 43 

Jourdain, Rev. F. C. R., Ornitho- 
logical Notes, 123 


Katherine, Queen, 82 
Keene, Rich., 145 
Kellingley, 45 
Kelly's Directory, 4 
Kendal, Lord Parr of, 90 
Kent, Countess of, 102 
Keswick, 106 
Kev, Rev. F. F., 126 

Kilmavnan, 90 
King's Mead Priory, 68 
Kingston, 82 ; Dukes of, 136-138 
Knights of St. John, 82 
Kniveton, Henrv, 136-138 ; Jane, 95, 

Knottingley, 45 




36, 39 


Laceck, 73 

Lancashire Custom 

Lanesborough, 8S 

Laneshaw Bridye, 36 

Langley, 25, 28 

Lathkil Dale, 21, 113 

Laughman Tor, 44 

Leadmining, t 

Leake, Alice, loi ; Arms, 19 ; Sir 

Fras., 68; Mrs., 98; Thos., 95 
Leam, 43 
Leche, Fras., loi 
I^ee, Geo., 139 
Leechfielil, 49 ; def. of, 48 
Leech, Sir Edward, 11; Fras., loi 
Legh, Thos., 85, 87, 88 
I-eicester, 69, 82, 90 
Leigh, Dr., 87, 88 
Lennox, Earl of, 102 
Lenton, 5, 7 
Leveson, James, 86 
Lidgate, 132 
Lichfield, Bps. of, 5 ; Dean and 

Chapter, 5 et seq., 20 
Lichfield Capitular Muniments, 

S, note 
Lilford, Lord, 128 
Lilleshall, Salop, S4-86 
Limestone, 113, 114 
Lincoln, 3 


Linford, Dionysia, 8, note ; John, 
9, note ; Sir Lawrence, 8 and 9, 
note; Thos., 9, note; William, 
2, 3, 9, note 

Linford, Great, Co. Bucks, 9, note 

Lismore, Ireland, 88 

Litchurch, 67 

Little Hucklow, 40, 112 

Littleover, 24-29 

Littleton, 85 

Litton, 8 

Logberg, 44 

Lomas, Exuperius, 21 ; Rev. Robt.. 

20, 21 

London, 73, 85, 98, 113, 135 

Long Causey, 43 

Longcliffe, 113 et seq. 

Longford, 71 

Longstone, 7, 106, m, 145 

Loughborough, 98 

Lowe, Wm., 139 

Lows, no. III ; Arbor, 103-12 ; 
Black, 133 ; Broad, 108 ; Chel- 
morton, 105-6; Clusterberry, 133; 
Cow, 106; Ecton, no; Lacly, 106, 
no; Sharp, 108; Wars, no; 
Wetton, no 

Lymington, 72 

Lynford (see Linford) 

Lynton, 67 

Lvnx Bones, 120-122 


Machyn's Diary, loi 

Maclnnes, Edward, 26, note 

Mackworth, 26, 67 

Magna Lynford, Co. Bucks., 9, note 

Magnum Rigistruin Album, 5 

Magna Ufre, 25 

Mammalian Remains, 113 

Manchester, 96, 121, 147 

Manifold Valley, 123 

Manners, Sir John, 95 

Manor of Abney : its Boundaries 

and Court Rolls, 129 
Manvers, Earls of, loi 
Mapleton, 124 
Mapperley, 68 

Marcus, Anne, 25 ; Philip, 25 
Marrison, Sam., 46 
Marshall, Clement, 139 ; P^lizeus, 

137; Fras., 136, 138; Robt., 139 

Mary, Queen, 84, 91, 92, 94, 97; 

of Scots, 96, 102 
Mary, St., Church, Derby, 26 et seq. 
Mary, Virgin, Chantry of, 72 
Massy, Wm., 10 

Mattathias and other poems, 146 
Matthew, son of Odo, 5 
Matthews, J. Arthur, Some Notes 

on Arbor Low and other Lows in 

the High Peak, 103 
Mayall, Arthur, 36 ; MayfielJ, 1 10 
Meade W'aldo, Mrs., Alabaster 

Table Relief at Hoi>ton Hall, 22 
Meadow House, 44 
Melandra, 44, note, 147 
Melland, Dr., 121 ; J., 19 
Meriden, Co. Herts., 89 
Merivale, 8'4, 87 
Meynell, W'm., 10 



Mickleover, 23-26, 28, 29 

Middleton, 21, 69; Stoney, 71 

Middleton, Martin, 134; Robt., 134, 
139; Wm., 136, 138 

Midland Quakers, 11 

Milnhay, 25 ; 

Moldrich Grange, 70 

Molyneux, Canon, 127 

Mompesson, 50 

Monasteries, Axholme, 89 ; Bisham, 
89 ; Cardigan, 89 ; Chertsey, 89 ; 
Dissolution of, 82, S3, 84, 86; 
Foreign, 70 ; Newsteai, 8g ; St. 
Albans, 89 

Monasticon A nglicanus, Dugdales, 

Moors, Ancient rights of turf- 
getting, 2, 139, 140 

Monyash Church and Village, i 
et seq. ; Bells, 19 ; Burial Rights, 
11; Chantry Incumbents, 10; 
Chapelry, 5, 10, 12 ; Church 
Plate, 21; Cross, 4; Font, 18, 
51, 62, 63; Lords, 5; Market, 
14 ; Registers, 20 ; Yew, 20, 146 


More, Sir Thos., 82; William, 10 

Morley, 85 ; Thos., 79 

Mortaine, or Morton, E. of, 5 ; 

Eustace, 130; Rich., 137, 138; 

Thos., 138-140 
Mortlake, 96, 97 
Mosley, Anthony, 134 
Moston, Rich, of, 132 
Murcaston, 96 
Murray, Dr., 39 
Musca, Thos. de, 26, 28 
Muschamp, Ceof., 5 
Musford (Ireen, 133 


Needham, Alice, 3 

Nether Thurvaston, 71 

New Buildings, no 

Newcastle, Duke of, 67, loi 

Newfield, 72 

Newfoundlands in Campden, 70 

Newnham Aure, 72 

Newstead Abbey, 89 

Newton, E. J., 114, 115 

Nicholas, Sir Harris, Chronology of 

History, 36, note 
Nick, Lee, 132 
Ninian, St., 142 
Noah, 56 

Noe Stool Hill, 44 
Noe, The, 44 
Norbury, 70, 124 
Norfolk, Duke of, 90 
Northampton, 98 ; Marquis of, 93, 

Northamptonshire, 73, 128 
Northawe, 89 

Northumberland, Duke of, 92, 93 
Norton, 35, 37 
Notes on Arbor Low and other 

Lows, 103 
Nottingham University Museum, 121 
Novant, Hugh de, 5 


Ockbrook, 69 
Odderdale Head, 133 
Odo of Aston, 5 
Odstor, 133 
Offcote, 124 
Offerton, 131 
Ogarthorpe, 70 
Ogston, 96, 98 
Oker Hill, 140 
Okeover, no, ni 
Okerthorpe, 70 


Ohmeld, George, 19; Robt., 134: 

Wm., 134 
Old Hill, 108, ni 

,, Horse, 37, 39 

M Tup, 31 
One Ash, 10, 18 
Onere Church, 28 
Orange, Prince of, 101 
Orchard's Farm, no 
Ordnance Survey, 103, no, 113 
Orkney, 44 




Ornilliological Notes, 123-128 
Osborne, Edward, 69 
Osmaston, 123, 126, 127 
Ossiferous Caverns, 114 nijte 
Ossulston, Lord, 65 
Ostor, 133 


Oundle, 128 

Oura, 24 

Overhaddon, 2 ; Ralph, i 

Overshell, 70 

Owens College, 121 

I'adley, 134; Edward, 136; Richd. 

of, '132 
I'alfrevman, 20 
Parker, Eliz., 90; Thos., 90 
Parliamentary Survey of Livings, 11 
Parr, Elizab., 93; Kath., 93; Sir 

William, 93 
Parsley Hay, 103 
Parson's Tor, 21 
Parva. Ufre, 25 
Paulet, Sir Wm., 93 
Pavelli, Galfrey, 130; Robt., 130 
Peak, High, i, 3; Low, i 
Peckham, Archbishop, 6 
Pegg, Edward, 70 
Pembroke, Earl of, 92, 94 ; Countess 

of, 1 02 
Pembroke College, Oxford, 65, 74 
Penal Settlement for Monks, 4 
Perton, 72 
Peter, St., 54, 56 
Petrie, Dr. Flinders, no 
Peverell, 144; Wm., 4, 5, 28, 29, 

Philip and Mary, 82, 94 
Pierpoint, Bessie, 96 ; Frances, 96 ; 

Sir Henry, 96, loi 
Pilate, 56 
Pilkington, 45 
Pilkington^s Derbyshire, 26 
Plate, Church, 21 
Pleasley Vale, 121 


Pliocene Ossiferous Cavern, 1 14 

Plots, Staffordshire 
Plymouth, 48 
Plympton, 48 
Pole, 2C ; Francis, Sc ; Germavne, 

Pole-Gell, Capt., zz 
Ponington, Matthew de, 130 ; Wal- 

thieu de, 130 . 
Pontefract, 45 
Poor Houses, 129 
Pojie, 56 

Porches, Church, 16 
Portland, Duke of, 99, 101 
Postern Park, 72 
Postingford, Co. Staff., 90 
Pollack, 24, 25, 28 
Potter, George, 31 ; Jack, 32 note 
Pottery, 77-80 
Powdrell, 68 
Priestclifle, 2 
Priories Christ Church, 142 ; Dale, 

69 ; Darley, 69 ; King's Mead, 

68 ; Repingdon, 69 ; Tutbury, 70 
Protector, The, 90 
Proverbs of Solomon, 91 
Ptolemy, 103 
Pullen,' G., 127 
Pulton, 72 
Pypwell, Northants, 84 

Quakers, 1 1 


Queen's Newspaper, 77, 148 

Ra, Sun God, 104 
Radbourne, 25, 26, 85 
Radford, Robt., 134 
Ramsden, Sir John, 95 
Ramsor Woods, 126 
Rawlins, 19, 56 


Recent Cave-digging 

shire, 1 13-122 
Record Office, 83, 84 
Recusants, Return of, 
Redfern, Rich., n8 ; 

in Derby- 

Robt., 138, 

139; Roger, 3; Wm., 136-1 

158 n 

'persons, places and subjects. 
Reformation, 90, 91, 93 
Registers, Parish, 20 
Reliquary^ Jewitt's, 21 note, 54 
Repingdon, 69 
Repton, 84 

Resurrection Banner, 22 
Revel, John, 95, 96, 98 
Rhosfair, Anglesey, 10 
Rich, Sir Rich., 89 
Richmond, 97 
Ridding, Geo., Bp., 147 
Ridgewav, Prof., 48 
Risley Hall, 85 
Rivenage, 133 
Roades, Ralph, 11 
Roberts, Wm., 69 
Robin Cross, 133 
Robinson, 138; Geo. Fras., 134; 

Geo., 134 ; Richd., 67, 138 ; Kobt., 


persons, places and slbjects. 
Rocester, 127 
Roche Abbey, 4, 18 
Rogers, Hugh, 3 
Romans, 26 
Roman Customs, 36, 48, 49 ; Roads, 

44j 4S 
Rough Heanor, 25, 26, 28, 30 
Routing Wall, 133 
Rowditch, 26 
Rowston, 70 

Royal Agricultural Society, 145 
Ruftord Charters, 130, 131 
Rughedich, 25 

Russell. 88 ; John, 88 ; Sir John, 84 
Rutland, Duke of, 49; Thos., E. 

of, 95 


Sacheverell, Sir Henr\-, S5 ; St. 

Albans, 89; St. John, Lord, 73 
St. John Hope, Mr., 22, 26, 28 
St. Leger, Sir Anthony, 89 
Salocia, Robt. de, 5, 12 
Salt, Mr. Micah, 78, 80, 116 
Sandiacre, 63, 68 
Saunderson, Sich., 133 
-Saxton's Map, 44 
Scarsdale, E. of, 95 
Seon, 29 
Seymour, Edw. E. of Hertford, 

94 ; Katherine, 94 
Shakespere, 82 
Shardlow, 98 
Sharplow, 108 
Shatton^ 49 
Sheen, 97, 135 
Sheffield, 2,2, ; Glossary, 39 
Sheladon, Wm., 10 
Sheldon, 2; Michael, lo ; Thos., 10 
Sherland, 95, 96 
Shining Ford, no; Tor, 106, log, 

no, III 

Shipley, 25 

Shirland, 95, 96 

Shrewsbury, Countess of, 88-98; Earl 

of, 3, 8, 92-102 
Signing Moor, 132 ; Sich, 133 
Silver Well, 133 
Sinfin Moor, 32 

Simpson's Hist, of Derby, 26, note 
Slack, The, 133 

Slater, Ellis, 139 

Smitecote, 28 

Smith, G. Le Blanc, Derbyshire 

Fonts, 51 ; Crich Ware, 77 ; Had- 

don, 144; Brazen Alms Dish, 

Tideswell, 141 
Smith, John, 70; Thos., 10 
Smithfield, 81, 97 
Smith's Dictionary of Greek and 

Roman Antiquities, 36 note, 48 
Sodom, Destruction of, 22 
Sokmion's Proverbs, 91 
Somerset, Duke of, 90 
Sortegrave, 25 
Southwell, Bp. of, 20, 145 
Spelman, 88 
Stafford, 9 note, 80, 84 ; Humph., 

^! 13s ) John, 8 note 
Staffordshire, 70 ; Potters, 79 
Staley Park, 71 
Stamford, gi 
Stanage Edge, 106, 107, in; Pole, 

Standing Stone, 133 

Stanford's Atlas, 103 

.Stanhope, Sir John, 68, 69 

Stanley Grange, 67 ; Park, 26, 27 

Starkey, Rich., 97 

Starkhome, 133 

Staveley, 71 note, 95, 98, 127 

Sterndale, 7 

Stirling, 142 

Stock, Elliot, 144 

1 59 


Stocks, Village, 140 

Stoke, 131, 132, 133; Amicia, 130; 
Gilbert tie, 130; Lad}- of, 130; 
Lancelin, 130 

Stone Circles, 103-112; Stonehenge, 
103, no 

Stonev Middleton, 71 

Storrs Fox, \V., 127 ; Recent Cave- 
digging in Derbyshire, 1 13-122 

Straw, Jack, 81, 82 


Streadaylee, Philip of, 132 

Stuart, Arabella, 102 ; Charles, 102 

Suffolk, 97 ; Duke of, 91, 94 

Surrey, 73 ; E. of, 3 

Sutherland, Duke of, 86 

Sutton Scarsdale, 95 

Swain, 129 

Sweating Sickness, 91 

Sweet, Dr., 42 

Swindell, Alice, 3 


Taddington, 2, 7, 11, 16, 18 
Talbot, Francis, 92; Gilbert, 95, 

to2 ; Grace, loi ; Sir John, 73 
Tankerville, E. of, 65 
Tavistock Abbey, 88 
Tea, Afternoon, 99 
Teesdale, 121 

Tennyson's Queen Mary, 92 
Testa de Nevill, 25 
Tewynge, Co. Herts., 89 
Theodore, Archbp. of Cant., 41 
Thomas, St., Stafford, 84 
Thornburgh, g note 
Thorney Abbey, 88 
Thornhill, Wni. de, 10 
Thorpe, 126 
Thorpe, Arnold, 54 ; Cloud, 108, 

124; Hall, Co. Line, 138 
Thorpe^s Ancient Laws, 81, note 
Thurlaston, 68, 69 
Thur mansby, 66 
Thursley, 66 
Thurvaston, 71 

Tickenhall, 66 

Tideswell, 16, 141, 147 

Tilney, Thos., 133 

Tinker's Inn, 108 

Tithes, 7 

Tobacco Stopper, 50 

Tomlinson, Alfred, 128; Henry, 67 

Tor, Definition of, 47 

Townsend, Francis, 134, 139 

Townsley, Robt., 134; Thos., 134 

Treasurer of the Chamber, 88 

Trent, 98, 147 

Tremyn, S. Wales, 89 

Troute, Geo., 136 

Tunstead, Dicky of, 47 

Tup, The Old, 37 

Turf-getting, 2, 139, 140 

Turner, Mr., 77-80 

Tutbury Priory, 70 

Twyford, Co. Derby, 69 

,, Co. Leic, 53 
Tyler, Wat, 81 
Tynwald Hill, 44 


Uflferton, 133 
lllkerthorpe, 70 

Upperthorpe, Staffordshire, 35 


Vale of the White Horse, 40 

Valor Ecclesiasticus, 1 1 

Vernon, Dorothy, 95, 144; Sir Geo., 

95, 98. .144 
Vesey, Elizab., 136 ; John, 136 

Victory Quarry, 116 

View of Derbyshire, by Pilkington, 

Village Cross, 4 





Wake, H. J., 8b 

Walden, Co. Essex, 83 

Walton, 118 

Walworth, Sir Wm., 81 

Wanstead, 135 

Warner, 28 

Warren, Geo., 87 

Warslow, no 

Warwick, Lady, 92, 93 

Welbetk, 82, 90, 96, 100, toi 

Wessinfj'ton Clay, 78 

Westminster, 73 

Wetton Low, no 

Weywood, Rich., 140 

Wlialey Bridge, 1 1 1 

Wheawood, Rich., 139, 140 

White, John, 138, 139 

Wliite Horse, Vale of, 40 

W^illiam Conq., 27, 28, 129, 144; 

W'm. III., loi 
Willington, 24 
Willoughby, Kath., gi ; Mary, 79; 

de Eresby, Lord, gi 
Wilmot, 68, 
Wilton, 93 


Wilts., 73 

Winchester, Bp. of, 94 ; Marq. of, 

\^ indv Knoll, 115 
Winster, 21 

Winterbotham, Elizeus, 139 
Wirksworth, i, 47 note, 49, 149 
Witesiche, 25 
Wolf Pit, 123 
Wolsey, Card., 82 
Wolverhampton, 86 
Wood, Wm., of Eyam, 47 
Woodward, Jas., 70 
Wordsworth, 146 
Worrall, Arthur, 139; Thos., 139; 

Wm., 136, 137 
Wright, Miss, 50 ; of Longstone, 

Wroe, Amy, 36 note 
Wrottesley, Gen., 24 
Wyaston, in 
Wyatt, Sir Thos., 93 
Wye, I 

Wyne, John de, 3 ; Ralph, i 
Wyrley's Heralds Visit, 18, 19 


Yeatman, Pym, 130, 140 
Yew Trees, 20, 145 
Yoredale Shales, 114, 115 

York, 121 

Yorkshire Customs, 33-37, 39 

Zodiac, Signs of, 1x2 

filZNlAY 1935 





FOUNDED 1878. 


prcsibent : 


iBixe-prcsibeiils : 

His Grace The Archbishop of York. 

Duke of Noufolk, K.G., E.M. 
Duke of Devonshire, K.G. 
Duke of Portland, K.G. 
Lord Scarsdale. 
Lord Belpeu. 
Lord Howard of Glossop. 
Lord Burton. 
Earl of Liverpool, F.S.A. 
Hon. W. M. Jervis. 
Right Rev. The Bishop of 
Derby, D.D. 

Sir J. G. N. .'\lleyne, Bart. 

Sir Geo. Sitwell, Bart., F.S.-A. 

Sir H. H. Bemrose. 

Sir a. Seale Haslam. 

J. G. Crompton, Esq., D.L. 

G. F. Meynell, Esq. 

W. H. Greaves-Bagshavve, Esq., 

Col. E. Cotton-Jodrell, C.B. , 

Arthur Cox, Esq., ^LA. 


W. J. Andrew, F.S.A. 

George Bailey. 

William Bemrose, F.S.A. 

John Borough. 

C. E. B. Bowles, M.A. 

Rev. J. Chas. Cox, LL.D., F.S.A. 

Rev. F. C. Hipkins, F.S.A. 

Rev. F. Brodhurst, M.A. 

C. J. Cade. 

G. Le Blanc Smith. 

W. R. Holland. 

Rev. C. Kerry. 

W. Mali.alieu, M.A. 

A. P. Shaw. 

John Ward, F.S.A. 

H. Arnold-Bemrose, iSLA. 

Rev. R. L. Farmer. 

W. R. Brvden. 

G. J. Marples. 

A. Victor Haslam. 

H. a. Hubbersty. 

C. B. Keene. 

J. R. Naylor. 

F. Were. 


Ion. ^h'xiox: 

C. E. B. Bowles, M.A. 

Hon. Crj^asurcr : 

C. E. Newton, D.L. 

§on. Sctrctarn : 

p. H. CURREY. 

lion. Jfinancml ^ecrctiu-ij : 

W. Mallalieu, M.A. 

f^on. 3iui)itoi-s ; 

C. B. Keene. I W. Bemrose, F.S.A. 

Sub-Committccs : 

SOUTHERN DIVISION.— Hon. F. Sikutt, A. Cox, G. Bailey, 
C. E. B. Bowles, C. B. Keene, Rev. F. C. Hii'Kins, Rev. R. J. Burton, 
H. Arnolu-Bemrose, J. Borough, W. Mallalieu, and P. H. Currey 
(Bo>i. Sec). 

NORTHERN DIVISION. -H. A. Hubbersty, Rev. C. C. 
Nation, T. C. Toler, W. J. Andrew, R. M. Esplin, E. Gunson, 
and VV. R. Bryden {JIo/i. Sec). 


HE twenty-eighth Annual General Meeting of the 
Society wns held on Friday, May 25th, 1906, at 
8.0 p.m., at the St. James' Hotel, Derby, under the 
presidency of Sir W. de W. Abney. The minutes of 
the last meeting having been read and passed, the Reports of 
the Hon. Secretary and the Hon. Financial Secretary were 
adopted. On the proposition of Mr. W. M. Wilson, seconded 
by Mr. J. Hunter, the retiring Officers were re-elected, viz. : 
Mr. C. E. Newton, Hon. Treasurer ; C. E. B. Bowles, Hon. 
Editor; P. H. Currey, Hon. Secretary; W. Mallalieu, Hon. 
Financial Secretary; C. B. Keene and W. Bemrose, Hon. 
Auditors. The members of Council retiring under Rule V. were 
Messrs. W. J. Andrew, G. Bailey, W. Bemrose, J. Borough, 
C. E. B. Bowles, the Revs. R. J. Burton, Dr. J. C. Cox, and 
F. C. Hipkins; the Rev. R. J. Burton had signified his wish 
to retire, as he had left the county; on the proposition of Mr. 
Mallalieu, seconded by Mr. A. G. Taylor (Bakewell), these 
members, with the exception of the Rev. R. J. Burton, were 
re-elected, and the Council were instructed to fill the vacancy. 
Six new members were elected. After the meeting an interest- 
ing lecture on Haddon Hall, illustrated by lantern slides, was 
given by Mr. G. Le Blanc Smith. 

Owing to the earlier publication of the Journal for 1907, a 
full year has not elapsed since the issue of the last Report ; 
five meetings of the Council have been held, which have been 
well attended, and many matters of archaeological interest have 
been under discussion. The preservation of the old Bull Ring 
on the side of the highway at Snitterton has been secured, and 

the possible excavation and securing of similar rings at Eyam 
and Foolow has been before the Council, but the matter is still 
under consideration. The Council greatly regret that through 
unavoidable difficulties they are not in a position to proceed 
with the further exploration of the Roman Camp at Brough. 
Efforts are being made to secure the proper draining away of 
the water flowing from the " Ebbing and flowing well," men- 
tioned by Hobbes as one of the wonders of the Peak. The 
Council have appointed Mr. F. Were to fill the vacancy caused 
liy the resignation of the Rev. R. J. Burton. Arrangements 
have been made for an exchange of publications with the York- 
shire Naturalists' Union and the Library of the University of 
Harvard. Our thanks are due to Mr. W. Bemrose for his kind- 
ness in defraying the cost of illustrating the paper on South 
Sitch in the last issue of our Journal. Owing to the lamented 
death of the late Duke of Rutland, who has been president of 
the Society since 1892, the election of a new president became 
necessary. The Council felt that it would be for the benefit 
of the Society if in the future the Presidents were not elected 
for life, and gentlemen who would take a share in the Society's 
work were elected to that office, as a recognition of services 
to the Society or to Archaeology in general ; to effect this object 
an alteration of the rules became necessary. A Special General 
Meeting was called to consider the matter, and met in the 
Society's Library at 3.30 p.m. on Thursday, December 13th, 
1906. The Hon. F. Strutt having been appointed chairman, 
Mr. W. J. Andrew proposed that Rule IV. be altered to read as 
follows: "Rule IV., Officers. — The Officers of the Society shall 
consist of a President, Vice-Presidents, an Hon. Editor, Hon. 
Treasurer, and Hon. Secretary, who shall be elected annually ; 
but the President (although he shall be eligible for re-election), 
if he shall have held that office for three consecutive years, 
shall not be proposed as President in the list of officers for the 
ensuing year recommended by the Council for election." This 
was seconded by Mr. W. H. Whiston, and carried unanimously. 
Mr. C. E. B. Bowles then proposed the election of the Hon. F. 

Strutt as President, and spoke of the valuable services which 
Mr. Strutt had rendered to the Society from its first beginning ; 
this was seconded by Mr. W. J. Andrew, and carried unani- 

We have to record with great regret the death of Mr. 
Arthur Wilson, who had been a member of the Society for 
twenty-five years. Our membership shows a slow but steady 
increase, and now numbers 319. 

On Friday, May 25th, a party visited Repton, and were kindly 
conducted over the Church and Priory by the Rev. F. C. 
Hipkins. The Annual Dinner was held the same day at the 
St. James' Hotel, Derby, followed by the General Meeting, as 
rei:)orted above. 

On Saturday, May 26th, a party of fifty-three met at Mel- 
bourne, and drove to Staunton Harold, where the gardens and 
the interesting seventeenth century Church were inspected, by 
kind permission of Earl Ferrers. Lunch was taken at the 
Melbourne Hotel, after which the Rev. Canon Singleton took 
the members round the grand old Norman Church, and Mr. 
W. Garratt, by kind permission of Lady Amabel Kerr, showed 
the Hall, with its quaint gardens. The weather was stormy, 
but the expedition was much enjoyed. 

On August 29th, a party numbering thirty-seven met at 
Burton Station, and drove to Barton-under-Needwood Church, 
an interesting sixteenth centur)- building, the history and 
features of which were pointed out by Mr. W. R. Holland. 
Walton Church was next visited, and explained by the Vicar, 
and the party then proceeded to Drakelowe, where they were 
hospitably entertained by Sir Robert and Lady Gresley ; both 
the gardens and the treasures contained in the house proved of 
very great interest, and a much longer time than was available 
could have- been pleasantly spent there. 



2)crb^0birc Hrcba:olooical an^ 


1906. £ s. d. 

Dec. 31. To Printing yi3«r«(t/, 1906 ... ... ... ... 118 13 ir 

,, Part Expenses Journal, 1907 ... ... ... 29 5 o 

,, Rent of Room, 2 years ... ... .. ... 1500 

,, Printing and Stationery .. ... ... ... 10 5 4 

,, Hon. Secretaries' and Editor's Postage, and 

Petty Cash 10 16 7 

,, Expenses of Annual Meeting and Expedition ... 5 9 6 
,, Subscription to Congress of Archseological 

.Societies ... ... ... ... ... ... 100 

,, Repairs to Snitterton Bull Ring o 15 o 

;^I9I 5 4 


1906. £ s. d. 

[an. I. To Balance lirought forward ,. ... ... .. 126 6 5 

Dec. 31. ,, ,, deficient, Receipts an 1 Payments Account 28 19 8 

-^155 6 I 


iqo6. £ s. d. 

Dec. 31. To Balance carried forward ... ... ... ... 49 ' ' ' 

£¥) II I 


1906. Liabilities. £ s. d. 

Dec. 31. To Capital Account, as per last Balance Sheet ... 420 10 o 

,, Entrance Fees received in 1906 (25) ... ... 650 

,, B.alance in hand " Brough Exploration Fund" 49 1 1 ' 

476 6 I 

Less Deficiency on Net Revenue Account ... ... 155 ^ 1 

;,^321 O O 

Examined and found correct. 

Dated this I2lh January, 1907. 

C. BARROW KEENE, Hon. Auditor. 


IRatural Ibietor^ Society. 

TO DECEMBER 31st, 1906. 


Dec. 31. By Subscriptions 
,, Donation 

,, Donations for Plates fory(7?<;7w/ ... 
,, Sale ol Journals and Bound Copies 
,, Interest on Investments 
,, Balance, being Deficiency on year ... 


£ s. 
128 12 




10 16 
16 I 


. ... 6 5 
28 19 



Dec. 31. By Balance carried forward 


Jan. I. By Balance brnught forward 

DECEMBER 31ST, 1906. 

1906. ASSEIS. 

Dec. 31. By Investments, viz. : — 

Derby Corporation Stock, 3 °/o 
Derby Corporation Stock, 3 °/„ 

,, Furniture in the Society's Room, 

Market Place 

,, Crompton & Evans' Union Bank, viz.: — 

In hand Capital .Account ... ... 194 12 9 

,, Brough Exploration Account 49 1 1 i 

244 3 10 
Less Deficiency on Net Kcvenu-^ 

Account .. ... ... ... 155 6 I 






















£ s. d. £ s. d 







SS 17 9 

^321 o o 

W. MALLALIEU, Hon. Finance Secretary, 

January gih, 19^7. 


The Members whose names are preceded by an asterisk (*) are Life Members. 

Boyd-Dawkins, Prof. W., M.A., D.S.C., F.S.A., Victoria'j 

University, Manchester. 
Cox, Rev. J. Charles, LL.D., F.S.A., St. Allmns, 

Longton Avenue, Sydenham, S. E. 
Garstang, J., B.A., F.S.A., The University, Liverpool. 
Haverfield, P., M.A., LL.D., F.S.A., Christ Church, \ Honorary Members. 

Hope, W. H. St. John, M.A., Burlington House, 

Piccadilly, London, W. 
Kerry, Rev. Charles, Belper, Derby. 
Wrottesley, General The Hon. George, 75, Cadogan 

Gardens, London, S.W. 

*Abney, Sir W. de W., K.C.B., F.R.S., Measham Hall, Ashby-de-la-Zouch. 

Abraham, Rev. C. T., Bakewell. 

Addy, S. O., 3, Westbourne Road, Sheffield. 

Adlington, W., Castle Donington. 

Alleyne, Sir John G. N., Bart., Chevin House, Belper. 

AUsopp, The Hon. A. Percy, Battenhall Mount, Worcester. 

Andrew, W. J., F.S.A., Cadster, near Whaley Bridge. 

Ann, Sir E. T., Wheeldon Avenue, Kedleston Road, Derby. 

*Arkwright, F. C, Willersley, Cromford, Matlock. 

*Arkwright, Rev. W. Harry, Highclere Rectory, Newbury. 

Arkwright, Miss, The Gate House, Wirksworth. 

Arkwright, W., Sutton Scarsdale, Chesterfield. 

*Arnold-Bemrose, H., M.A., F.G.S., Ash Tree House, Derby. 

Astle, M. J. J., Attiwell House, Draycott, Derby. 

Atkinson, Rev. Canon, Rose Hill Street, Derby. 

Auden, Rev. T. A., Church Broughton Rectory, Derby. 

Bagshawe, Benjamin, 63, Norfolk Street, Sheffield. 

Bagshawe, Miss, Norton Oakes, Sheffield. 

Bagshawe, W. H. Greaves, Ford Hall, Chapel-en-le-Frith. 

Bailey, George, Elmfield, Otter Street, Derby. 

Bateman, F. O. F., Breadsall Mount, Derby. 

Bateman, Miss, Rowditch Lodge, Derby. 

Bater, Rev. A. B., M.A., The Training College, Derby. 

Baxter, Rev. W., ^LA., Barrow-on-Trent, Derby. 

Behrens, H. L. , West View, Manchester. 

Belper, The Right Hon. Lord, Kingston Hall, Derby. 

*Bemrose, Sir H. H., Uttoxeter New Road, Derby. 

Bemrose, Wilham, F.S.A., Elmhurst, Lonsdale Hill, Derby. 


Bemrose, A. Cade, Milford, Derby. 

Bendle, S. B., Disley, Cheshire. 

Bennett, George, Irongate, Derby. 

Benthall, Dr., The Cedars, Breadsall, Derby. 

Benthall, Mrs., The Cedars, Breadsall, Derby. 

Binney, Rev. J. C. H., tloly Trinity Vicarage, Ilkeston. 

Blackwall, J. B. E. , Mount Hooton House, Nottingham. 

Bland, J., Duffield, Derby. 

Borough, John, The Cedars, Belper. 

Bostock, J., .Spondon, Derby. 

Bowen, C, Whitehough Hall, Chinley. 

Bowen, H., Underwood, Buxton. 

Bowles, A. H. , Temple Court, Guildford. 

Bowles, Chas. E. B., M.A., The Nether House, Wirksworth. 

Brodhurst, Rev. F., Heath Vicarage, Chesterfield. 

Brosier, A. E., Wirksworth. 

Brushfield, H. C, Southside, Chepstow Road, Croydon. 

Brushfield, T. N., M.D., F.S.A., The Cliflf, Budleigh Saltcrton, Devon. 

Bryden, W. R., Lakenham, Burlington Road, Buxton. 

Buchanan, Alexander, 8, Wilson Street, Derby. 

Buckley, C. G., M.D., Ch.B., D.P.H., Healtli Dept., Town Hall, Oldham. 

Bunting. W. Brayle>-ford, The Courses, Chapel-en-le-Frith. 

Burton, The Right Hon. Lord, Rangemore, Burton-on-Trent. 

Burton, Rev. R. Jowett, M.A., Hughley Rectory, Shrewsbury. 

*Cade, Chas. J., The Homestead, Spondon, Derby. 

Cadogan, J. H., Friar Gate, Derby. 

Carlyon-Britton, P.W.P., F.S.A., D.L., 14, Oakwood Court, Kensington, 

London, W. 
Carr, Rev. Canon, Hol!)rooke Hall, Derby. 
Carrington, Arthur, The Doisnes, Bideford, X. Devon. 
CaruUa, F. J. R., F.C.S., 84, Argvle Terrace, Rosehill, Derby. 
Catt, C. W., The Outwoods, Duffield, Derby. 
Chambers, R. B. , Green Hill, Derby. 

Charlesworth, Rev. T. B., The Vicarage, Long Eaton, R.S.O. 
Chetham Library, Manchester — W. T. Browne. 
Childers-Thompson, Mrs., Winster, Matlock. 
Clarke, C, The Grove, Bramcote, Notts. 
Clowes, Mrs., Norbury Manor, Ashbourne. 
Cockburn, C. S., Sutton Rock, Chesterfield. 
Coddington, Chas., The Naze, Chinley, Stockport. 
*Cokayne, G. E., M.A., F.S.A., Clarenceux King of Arms, College of 

Arms, London. 
*Coke, General Talbot, Trusley Manor, Derby. 
Coleman, Rev. \V. L. , Nether Handley, Chesterfield. 
Constable, W. G., 11, Vicarage Avenue, Derby. 
Conway, Prof. R. .S., ^LA., Litt. D., The University, Manchester. 
Cooper, Thos. , Mossley House, Congleton, Cheshire. 
Copestake, W. G., Kirk Langley, Derby. 
Cotton-Jodrell, Col. E., C.B., Reaseheath Hall, Nantwich. 
*Cox, Arthur, Mill Hill, Derby. 
Cox, H. S., Fernilee Hall, Whaley Bridge. 
Crompton, J. G., The Lilies, Derby. 
*Cross, Robert, Bakewell. 
Currey, B. S., Eaton Hill, Derby. 
Currey, H. E., The Cottage, Turnditch, Derby. 
Currey, Percy H. , Market Place, Derby. 
Currey, Rev. R. H. S., M.A., Eaton Hill, Derby. 
Curzon, William, Lockinglon Hall, Derby. 


Davis, A. v., The Beeches, Spondon. 

Derby, The Right Rev. The Bishop of, Callingwood Hail, TatenhiU, 

Burton-on- Trent. 
Derby Public Library — W. Crowther. 
Devonshire, His Grace The Duke of, K.G., Chatsworth. 

Eaele, G., 37, Brown Street, Manchester. 

East Derbyshire Field Club, W. T. G. Burr, Oak Close, Brimington. 

Edmunds, W. H., St. Helen's, Chesterfield. 
Edwards, T. A., Braeside, Whaley Bridge. 
Evans, Rev. E. M., The Vicarage, Ilkeston. 
Evans, Seth, Hradwell Villa, New Mills, Stockport. 
*Eyre, Lewis, Padley, Edge Hill, Wimbledon, Surrey. 
Farmer, Rev. R. L , Shardlow Rectory, Derby. 
Field, Rev. H. E., Ambergate, Derby. 

*Fitz-Herbert, Rev. Regd. H. C, Somersal Herbert Rectory, Derby 
Fletcher, Rev. |. M. J., Wimborne Minster, Wimborne. 
Ford, Rev L., Replon Hall, Burtou-on-Trent. 
Fox, W. Storrs, M.A., F.Z.S., St. Anselm's, Bakewell. 
Fox, W., Wirksworth. 

Fowler, H., The Hollies, Chellaston, Derby. 
Frood, H., Rye Flats, Coombs, Chapel-en-le- Frith. 
Furness, Geo., The Grange, Willesden Grange, London, N.W. 
Galbraith, A., Catterich, Manchester Road, Buxton. 
*Garrett-Pegge, J. W., Chesham House, Chesham Bois, Bucks. 
Garrett, Mrs. A, J., Great Oddo, Winster, Matlock. 
Gell, Philip Lyttelton, Hopton Hall, Wirksworth. 
Gem, Rev. Canon, The Vicarage, Wirksworth. 
Giblis, T., 6, Market Place, Derby. 
Gilbert, S., Queen Street, Derby. 
Gill, G. Brittan, M.B., The Gables, Belper. 

Glossop and District Archaeological Society, 24, Norfolk Street. 
Glover, E. M., Pear Tree House, Ockbrook. 
Godfrey, Rev. J. A., Eckington, Sheffield. 
♦Goodwin, F. S., Bridge House, Bakewell. 
Goodwin, R., 52, Hartington Street, Derby. 
Gould, L Chalkley, Tra]-)S Hill House, Loughton, Essex. 
Greensmith, L. J., I, Cham wood Street, Derby. 
Gregory, Thos., Eyam, Sheffield. 

Gresley, Sir Robert, Bart., Drakelowe, Burton-on-Trent. 
Gretton. John, Stapleford Hall, Melton Mowbray. 
Grindrod, G. H., Avenue Road, Duffield, Derby. 
Gunson, E., Rathern Road, Withington, Manchester. 

Haigh, H. McM., Iron Gate, Derby. 

Hall, Colonel E., Horwich House, Whaley Bridge 

Hallowe?, Rev. B., Shirbnd Rectory, Alfrelon. 

Hamnett, Robert, 24, Norfolk Street, Glossop. 

Harlow, B. S. , Moorlands, Buxton. 

Harwood, James, Tenant Street, Derby. 

Hasard, Dr., Melbourne, Derby. 

Haslam, Sir A. Seale, Breadsall Priory, Derby. 

*Haslam, A. V., Northfield, Duffield Road, Derby. 

Haynes, J. T., Lander Lodge, Belper. 

Hayward, Rev. F. M., Derwent Vicarage, Sheffield. 

Heathcote, C. H., Winster, Matlock. 

Heathcote, C, Wychwood, St. John's Road, Buxton. 

Heathcote, W., Bankwood, Duffield, Derby. 

Heginbotham, A. W., Manchester Road, Buxton. 


Hewetson, Rev. J., Measham Vicarage, Atherstone. 

Hicks, G., Melrose, The Park, Buxton. 

Higham, Rev. E., Noitingham Road, Long Eaton, Derbyshire, R..S.O. 

Hipkins, Rev. F. C. , M.A., F.S.A., Bamford Vicarage, Sheffield. 

Holland, W. R., Barlon-under-Needwood. 

Holmes, G. E., London Road, Derby. 

Holmes, H. M., London Road, Derby. 

*Horne, E., Market Place, Derby. 

*Hovenden, R., Heathcote, Park Hill Road, Croydon. 

Howard of Glossop, The Right Hon. Lord, Glossop Hall. 

Howell, Rev. J., M.A., All Saints' Vicarage, Derby. 

Hubbersty, H. A., Burbage Hall, Bu.\ton. 

Hughes, A., 321, Hagley Road, Birmingham. 

Huish, Darwin, Ilkeston. 

Huish, Mrs. Hall, Ford House, Alfrcton. 

Hunt, J. A., M.R.C.S., Brookfield, Bonowash, Derby. 

*Hunter, John, Quarry Bank, Belper. 

*Hurt, Albert F., Alder wasley, Derbyshire. 

Hurt, Miss Grace S. F., Holly Bank, Rocester, Staffs. 

Hyde, Rev. G. B. , B.A. , Kirk Ireton Rectory. Derby. 

Hyde, Hon. J., Lanier Heights, Washington, D.C., U.S.A. 

Jacques, W., 19, Avondale Road, Chesterfield. 

Jeayes, J. H., Manuscript Dept., British Museum, London. 

*Jervis, The Hon. W. M., Quarndon, Derby. 

*Jeudwine, W. W. , Walton Lodge, Chesterfield. 

*Jobson, Godfrey, Redlands, Sidmouth. 

Johnson, E. S., Littleover Hill, Derby. 

Johnson, Mrs. Thewlis, Oak Hurst, Ambergate, Derby. 

Jourdain, Rev. Francis C. R., M.A., Clifton Vicarage, Ashbourne. 

Joyce, The Hon. Sir M. L, 16, Great Cumberland Place, London, W. 

Keene, C. B., Irongate, Derby. 

Kerr, R. L. , The Eaves, Chapel-en-le-Frith. 

Kirk, J., New Whittington, Chesterfield. 

Kirk, Oliver, The Heads, Bramhall, Cheshire. 

Kirke, H., M.A., B.C.L., Wadham College, O.xford. 

Knowles, R. E., The Orchard House, Bollington Cross, Macclesfield. 

Latham, Rev. W. L., Lea Vicarage, Matlock. 

Lawrance, Rev. H. , Dinting Vicarage, Glossop. 

Lee, G. Trevelyan, Town Hall, Derby. 

Leslie, C. S., F.S.A. (Scot.), Auchenove, Lumphanan, Aberdeen. 

Lewis, Rev. C, Parwich Hall, Ashbourne. 

♦Liverpool, Rt. Hon. Earl of, F.S.A., Kirkham Abbey, York. 

Livesay, Wm., Sudbury, Derby. 

*Longden, J. A., Stanton-by-Dale, Nottingham. 

*Longden, G., Pleasley, Mansfield. 

Lowe, J. W., The Ridge, Chapel-en-le-Frith. 

Lysons, Mrs., Rowsley Vicarage, Derbyshire. 

*Mallalieu, W., M.A., Swallows' Rest, Ockbrook, Derby. 

Manchester Public Free Library — C. W. Sutton, M. A. 

*Manton, J. O., Dist. Supt., Midland Railway, Brecon. 

Markham, Miss V., Tapton House, Chesterfield. 

Marples, G. J., Thornbridge Hall, Bakewell. 

Marsden, A., Wirksworth. 

Marshall, Rev. M., Burbage Vicarage, Buxton. 

Massey, Rev. Canon, Risley, Derby. 

Matthews, F. A., Clifton Road, Ashbourne. 

Mclnnes, E., Littleover, Derby. 


Meade-Waldo, Mrs., The Gables, Wirksworth. 

Meakin, Miss M. A., Spondon, Derby. 

Mellor, Mrs., Tan-y-Bryn, Abergele, N. Wales. 

Metcalfe, T., Saltergate, Chesterfield. 

Meynell, Godfrey F., Meynell Langley, Derby. 

Middleditch, H. H., Wigwell Grange, Wirksworth. 

Milnes, E. S., County Club, Derby. 

Milnes, Rev. Herbert, Darley House, Berkeley Street, Cheltenham. 

Molineux, Rev. Canon, Staveley Rectory, Chesterfield. 

Moorhouse, F., Westfield, Bramhall, Cheshire. 

Mundy, Edward Miller, Shipley Hall, Derby. 

Murray, Frank, London Road, Derby. 

Naylor, C, Duffield, Derby. 

Naylor, J. R., Duffield, Derby. 

Neale, F. W., Lyndhurst, Mansfield. 

Needham, Rev. R. R., S. Martin's Rectory, Worcester. 

Newbold, T. Robinson, 6, Grange Road, Buxton. 

Newton, C. E., The Manor House, Mickleover, Derby. 

Nixon, W., Beech House, Eyam, Sheffield. 

Norfolk, His Grace the Duke of, K.G., Earl Marshal, Arundel Castle 

Nottingham Public Library, Sherwood Street, Nottingham. 

*Oakes, James, Holly Hurst, Riddings, Alfreton. 

Owen, Rev. E., Stancliffe Hall, Matlock. 

Peck, Dr., Penmore, Hasland, Chesterfield. 

Piatt, Joseph, Sudbury, Derby. 

♦Portland, His Grace the I3uke of, Welbeck, Notts. 

Preston, R. B., Wrencote, Disley. 

Prodgers, Rev. C, Thulston Grange, Derliy. 

Reid, W. Allan, Market Place, Derby. 

Repton School Library. 

Roberts, W., II, Reginald Street, Derby. 

Robins, J., Austwick, Duffield Road, Derby. 

Robinson, W. B., Elm Lodge, Chesterfield. 

Robinson, Mrs. F. J., The Manor House, Suudridge, Sevenoaks. 

Rowley, F., Rock Cottage, Whaley Bridge. 

Ryan, T., Woodlands Dale, Buxton. 

Ryde, G. H., 97, Newbold Road, Chesterfield. 

Sale, G. Hanson, Holme Cottage, Burton Road, Derby. 

Scarsdale, The Right Hon. Lord, Kedleston, Derby. 

Seely, Sir Charles, Bart., Sherwood Lodge, Nottingham. 

Shallcross, Rev. G. D., East Harptree Rectory, Bristol. 

Shaw, A. P., Whitehall, Buxton. 

Shawcross, Rev. J- P-, Kenley, Barnes Close, Winchester. 

Sheffield Free Library— Samuel Smith, Surrey Street, Sheffield. 

Shore-Nightingale, Mrs., Lea Hurst, Cromford, Matlock. 

Simmonds, T. C, Technical College, Derby. 

Simpson, L. E., Brookfields, Burton Road, Derby. 

Sims, Dr. G. S., Green Hill, Derby. 

Singleton, Rev. Canon, Melbourne Vicarage, Derby. 

Sitwell, Sir George R., Bart., F.S.A., Belvoir Jlouse, Scarborough. 

Slater, 'Wm., Vernon Street, Derby. 

Slater, Mrs. W., Vernon Street, Derby. 

*Sleigh, Myles A., Eversley, Matlock. 

Smedley, ]. B. Marsden, Lea Green, Matlock. 

Smilter, C. J., Crescent Hotel, Buxton. 

Smith, G. Le Blanc, W^hatstandwell Bridge, Matlock. 

Smithard, W., S, Cromwell Road, Derby. 


Southwell, The Right Rev. The Lord Bishop of, Ashbourne Road, Derby. 

Spilsbury, Rev. B. W. , Findern, Derby. 

Statham, W., The Redings, Totteridge, London, N. 

Stephenson, M., F.S.A., 3S, Ritherdon Road, Upper Tooting, London, S. W, 

Story, J. Somes, Cromford, Matlock. 

*Strutt, The Hon. Frederick, Milford House, Derby. 

Strutt, Herbert G., M.A., Makeney, Derby. 

Swallow, J. F., J. P., Mosborough Hill, Sheffield. 

Swindell, W., Duffield, Derby. 

Syms, T., Clarence Street, Manchester. 

Tallent-Bateman, C. T., Isleworth, Chapel-en-le-Frith. 

Taylor, A. G., Bake well. 

Taylor, A. Grimwood, M.A., St. Mary's Gate, Derby. 

Taylor, Rev. Canon Thomas, St. Just-in-Penwith, R.S.O., Cornwall. 

*Tavlor, Colonel H. Brooke, Bakewell. 

Thompson, C. C, 3, Market Place, Derby. 

*Thornewill, Robert, Craythorne, Burton-on-Trent. 

Thornhill, Mrs. M'Creagh, Stanton-in-Peak, Derbyshire. 

Toler, T. C, Taxal Lodge, Whaley Bridge. 

Tonge, W. Asheton, Stanecliffe, Disley, Cheshire. 

Topham, J. H., Morley Hall, Derby. 

Tripp, C. H., North Lees, Duffield Road, Derby. 

Trueman, Edwin, 147, Bath Street, Ilkeston. 

Trustram, E., The Paddock, Poynton, Cheshire. 

Trustram, Mrs., The Paddock, Poynton, Cheshire. 

Turbutt, W. Gladwyn, Ogston Hall, Alfreton. 

Turton, W. H., Heanor, Derby. 

Twigg, J. W., District Council Offices, Ashbourne. 

Varley, B. , The Laurels, Littleover, Derby. 

Wadsworth, A. F., 15, Weekday Cross, Nottingham. 

Walker, Rev. H. Milnes, Littleover Vicarage, Derby. 

* Walthall, H. W., Alton Manor, Wirksworth. 

Warburton, F., Halliwell Lane, Cheetham Hill, Manchester. 

Ward, John, F.S.A., Museum and Art Gallery, Cardiff. 

Ward, Rev. C. C, Staveley, Chesterfield. 

Watts, J., Abney Hall, Cheadle, Cheshire. 

Welby, E. M. E., Norton House, Norton, Sheffield. 

Were, F., Callingwood Hall, Tatenhill, Burton-on-Trent. 

Weston, T. R., Junr., Leacroft Road, Derby. 

Whatmore, A. W., Brook House, Ashby-de-la-Zouch. 

*Whiston, W. Harvey, Idridgehay, Derby. 

White, H. T., 9, Kedleston Road, Derby. 

White, J., Kedleston Road, Derby. 

Widdows, G. H., Hazel wood Road, Duffield, Derby. 

Wilmot, Miss, Chaddesden Hall, Derby. 

Wilson, Rev. A. P. Hamilton, The Vicarage, Glossop. 

Wilson, J. G., The Firs, Alfreton. 

Wilson, W. Mortimer, The Firs, Alfreton. 

Wood, T. P., Brambling House, Chesterfield. 

Woodforde, W. B., Breadsall Lodge, Derby. 

Woodhead, E., Spring Bank, Chesterfield. 

Woolley, J. C. S., South Collingham, Newark. 

Woolrych, Rev. E. H., Holly Bank, Dormer Street, Astley Bridge, Bolton. 

Wrench, Dr., Baslow, Chesterfield. 

*Wright, Charles, Wirksworth. 

Wright, H. F., West Hallam Hall, Derby. 

Wright, Miss H., Eyam Hall, Sheffield. 

Wright, F. Beresford, Wooton Court, Warwick. 




3ournafe Mxi) ttarxBaciione of (^ffie^ ^ociefieg. 

Antiquaries, Society of, London. 

Associated Architectural Societies, Proceedings. 

Archseological Journal (Royal Archaeological Institute). 

Rirmingham and Midland Institute. 

Bristol and Gloucester Archaeological Society. 

British Archseological Association. 

Burton-on-Trent Natural History and Archteological Society. 

Cambridge Antiquarian Society. 

Cumberland and Westmoreland Antiquarian Society. 

Harvard University Library. 

Hertfordshire (East) Archseological Society. 

Kent Archaeological Society. 

t.eeds, Thoresby Society. 

Leicestershire Architectural and Archseological Society. 

Newcastle-on-Tyne Society of Antiquaries. 

Norfolk and Norwich Archseological Society. 

North Staffordshire Naturalists' Field Club. 

Scotland, Society of Antiquaries of. 

Shropshire Archseological and Natural History Society. 

Somerset Archseological and Natural History Society. 

Staffordshire, William Salt Society. 

Surrey Archseological Society. 

Sussex Archseological Society. 

Thoroton .Society. 

Yorkshire Archseological Society. 

Yorkshire, East Riding Antiquarian Society. 

Yorkshire Naturalists' Union. 

(tttteceffaneoue (J^ooftg anb (pamp^fcf©. 

Alga Flora of Yorkshire. W. West and G. S. West. 

Antiquarian's Spade and Pencil. J. Ward. 

Arbor Low, Some Notes on. A. E. Cockayne. 

Arbor Low. Dr. Brushfield. 

Ashford Church. Dr. Brushfield. 


Bradbourne Cross. Professor G. F. Browne. 

Britain's Burse. Dr. Brushfield. 

Bury, The Abbey of St. Edmund. M. R. James. 

Buxton, Ancient Remains near. W. Turner. 

,, Mr. Micah Salt's Diggings. J. Ward. 
Cambridge, Borough Charters. F. W. Maitland. 

,, Register of Baptisms, &c., in .St. Michael's. 

,, Pedes finium. W. Rye. 

,, The Librarians of Trinity College. R. Sinker. 

,, The Priory of St. Radegund. A. Gray. 

.5 Seals and Insignia of the University and Colleges. 


Cambridge Guild Records. Mary Bateson. 
Cambridgeshire, Ancient. C. C. Babington. 

,, Churcli Bells of. J. J. Raven. 

,. Domesday of. B. Walker. 

,, Place Names. Rev. J. W. Skeat. 

Canterbury Catheiiral, Verses formerly inscribed on 12 windows. M. R. James. 
Canterbury, Christ Church. W. G. Searle. 
Caer Pensauelcoit. 
Canadian Institute Proceedings. 
Caleb Parnham, Memoirs of. J. R. Lunn. 

Cardiff, Handbook to objects from Roman Fort at Gellygaer. J. Ward. 
Carlisle, Armorial Bearings of the City. R. S. Ferguson. 
County Bibliographies. F. A. Hyett. 
Cresswell Caves. T. Heath. 
Dagenham, History of. Rev. J. P. Shawcross. 
Denstone History, Chapters in. F. A. Hibbert. 
Derby, Calendar of Ancient Records. I. H. Jeayes. 

,, R.A. Institute Annual Meeting, 1885. W. H. St. John Hope. 
Derbyshire Domesday Book. J. Pym Yeatman. 
Dover Castle Church. J. T. Irvine. 
Duffield Castle. W. Bland. 
East Riding Portraits. Lord Hawkesbury. 
Elvaston Church. Rev. C. Prodgers. 

English Place Names, Notes on the Systematic Study of. 
Flanders and France, Journal of a Tour through. E. N. Fawcett. 
France, Societe Zoologique, Anatomie du Corselet de la Myrmica Rubra 

Fungus Flora of Yorkshire. A. Maxe and C. Crossland. 
Glossary of Dialectal Place Names. R. C. Hope. 
Gloucestershire, Domesday Survey. C. S. Taylor. 
Gloucestershire Records. E. A. Fry. 
Haddon Hall. G. le Blanc Smith. 
Hardwick Hall, Notes on. Rev. F. Brodhurst. 
Hartshorne, Parish Records of. T. North. 
Hertfordshire, Archaeological Survey of. Sir J. Evans. 
Huddersfield Naturalists' Society. Transactions, Pt. i. 
Ingulph and Historia Croylanensis. W. G. Searle. 

Journal of the National Society for Preserving the Memorials of the Dead. 
Kent, Archaeological Survey of the County. G. Payne. 
Lambeth Palace, Manuscripts in the Library. M. R. James. 
Lancashire, Archrenlogical Survey of the County. 
Leicester Letters of Alderman Robert Heyrucke. T. North. 
Local Records, Report of Committee. 
Longstone Records. G. T. Wright. 
Melton Mowbray, Town Records. T. North. 
Mount Grace Priory. 

Nailsworth, Bristol and Gloucester Excursion, 1899. 
Newton, Diary of. J. E. Foster. 
Norman Tympana. Dr. Brushfield. 
Northampton, The position of, in English History. 
Norwich, Marriages recorded in the Register of the Sacrist. 
Parish Registers, Report on Transcription of. 
Pipe Roll Society Report, 1885. 

Prints and Engravings of Derbyshire, a Portfolio Collection. 
Reminiscences of a Yorkshire Naturalist. Dr. W. C. Williamson. 
Repton Priory, Letter to the Governors of Sir J. Port's Charity. 
Research, The Liberty of Independent Historical. T. Kerslake. 
Scotland, Society of Antiquaries, The Bass Rock. 



Scotland, Society of Antiquaries, The Barony of Mouswald. 

,, ,, Sculptured Stone at Meigle. 

,, ,, Notes on two stoneware vessels. 

Shropshire, Calendar of Wills. Pts. 2, 3, and 4. 

Silver Plate of Roman Wurkmaiisliip found in Derbyshire, 1729. W. Stukely. 
St. Richard, The King of Englishmen. T. KersIaUe. 
Tideswell and its Church. Rev. J. M. J. Fletcher. 
Warkworth, Parish Registers. 
Warwickshire Field Club Proceedings, 1897. 
Waverley Abbey, Harold Brakspeare. 
Yorkshire Carboniferous Flora. R. Kidston. 



The following pages contain the record of the excavation and 
study of the site and antiquities of the Roman Camp known 
as Melandra Castle, near Glossop, in 1905, by members and 
friends of the Excavation Committee of the Manchester and 
District Branch of the Classical Association in pursuance of 
a friendly arrangement with the trustees of the site (the Glossop 
Archasological and Natural History Society). The excavation 
is far from complete yet, but we have done our best to interpret 
as fully as possible the abundant evidence already obtained, 
and I venture toi think the chronological results we have 
established (to- mention only these) are of some historical 
miportance. The Excavation Committee is especially indebted 
to its Secretary, Mr. F. A. Bruton, for undertaking the heavy 
work of planning and describing the camp so far as it is yet 
opened. The actual operations were directed first by him, and 
later on by Mr. J. H. Hopkinson and myself. 

Each contributor to the Report is responsible for his own 
article only, but at the request of the Committee of the Branch 
I acted as General Editor. I may, perhaps, be allowed to 
express the pleasure with which our Committee entered into 
an arrangement with the Editor of this Journal whereby our 
Report on this well-known Derbyshire site is appearing in its 
pages. The division of the cost of publication has enabled 
us to make our illustrations far more complete than we could 
have ventured otherwise to do. 

R. S. Conway. 

The University, MancJiester, 

April, 1906. 

P.S. — Mr. Bruton has now kindly added, at the request of 
the Excavation Committee, a brief account of the operations 
which he and Mr. A. C. B. Brown, B.A., directed this summer, 
of which a full report will appear early in 1907, under the title 
Tni.ihiU, Mancunium, and Melandra. 


The work at Melandra . during the year 1906 was directed 
definitely to obtaining answers to four questions : — 

I. — Did any remains exist of the spina 'of the eastern gate- 
way? The answer was in the negative, but the excavations 
produced the first specimens of the iron sockets of the gates 
found at Melandra so far. 

2. — Were there any buildings on the terrace half-way down 
the western slope ? Several deep trenches revealed nothing, 
and the work was abandoned. 

3. — Did the ridges outside the north gate indicate a building ? 
Excavation soon brought to light a small square building, 
evidently of Roman construction. 

4. — Would the uncovering of the rest of the central building 
afford further evidence of its plan ? The heavy work of re- 
moving the surface soil, which in some cases was piled five 
feet high, has not been unrewarded. The whole building is 
now cleared, and the three rooms have been trenched in the 
search for buried remains. Thanks mainly to Mr. Hamnetts 
subsequent work, foundations, indicating a plan somewhat 
similar to that of the Hard Knott headquarters, have been 
met with, the foundations lost by Mr. Garstang have been 
picked up, and a pit, containing part of an altar and other 
remains, has been discovered. 

A detailed report of the work sketched above, illu.strated by 
plans and photographs, wUl be issued early in the New Year 
by the Committee of the Classical Association, entitled Toothill, 
Mancunium, and Melandra. Canon Hicks has kindly consented 
to write for this report an article on the Melandra Altar and 
Mithras Worship among the Romans in Britain. 

F. A. Bruton, 
Hon. Secretary, Excavation Committee. 

November, 1 906. 

meianara Castle 


Sherratt & Hughes 

Publishers to the Victoria University of Manchester 

Manchester : 27 St. Ann Street 

London : 60 Chandos Street, W.C. 




Sherriiw (pra'icbble ) IVe 

i^.± "f 


%Vr'^, y. x' -„. -i^,.;,-. 

H u 


district Branch of the 



for 1905 

F.r.ITED liV 

,; S ':ONWAY, Lrrr 1^ . 

Tu'^laric Jcidgemxj^ crass ■ 

iri^ 'WernelE Xarr, ap-par- -^ .,<.^/ 

enllij siLpersedeci oyjto- ^ 

jTuxn, "poiTii tc-povrU'Road A. 






' '3 




n^elandra Castle 


Manchester and District Branch of the 

Classical Association 
for 1905 



Professor of Latin. 


The Rev. E. L. HICKS, M.A., 

Canon Residentiary of Manchester ; President of the Branch. 





jebitor'6 mote. 

If the aim of the Classical Association may be defined in a sentence, 
it is to preserve and proclaim the connexion of Classical studies 
with the larger and deeper interests of daily life. The history, 
the politics, the society, the literature, the religion of our own 
community, all have their roots in antiquity; and none of these can 
be fully understood without the help of the great ancient writers 
whom the Classical student learns to count among his wisest and 
most delightful friends. His work is to build a bridge between 
the life of the past and the life of the present ; his ambition is to 
make the bridge a broad, well-trodden road. One of the means to 
this end is to discover and interpret the actual traces which remain 
in our own district of the power which the Romans held in Britain 
throughout the first four Christian centuries. 

To this task of enquiry the Manchester and District Branch of 
the Classical Association hopes to contribute something year by 
year. The present volume is the fruit of our first year's work 
upon a particular site known as 'Melandra Castle,' and upon the 
various objects found within it ; though it seemed well to include 
two articles not directly connected with this site (Dr. Haverfield's 
and Miss Limebeer's) but dealing with kindred topics. At the end 
of the volume will be found the Proceedings of the Branch for 
1905, including its Treasurer's Statement and its List of 

On behalf of the Excavation Committee I have to thank the 


Subscribers to the Excavation Fund and to appeal for the con- 
tinuance and increase of the support which has enabled us to 
proceed so far. We hope this summer to attack a new site, which so 
far as we know has never yet been disturbedjand to continue the work 
at Melandra. And on behalf of the General Committee it is well that 
I should remind our members to make the Branch known as widely 
as possible to all those who are likely to be interested in its objects, 
so that its numbers may be maintained and increased, and its 
general work prosperously continued. 

It is a pleasant duty to acknowledge how much our enterprise 
owes to the kind help of many friends. First of all to Mr. Robert 
Hamnett, (Hon. Secretary of the Glossop Natural History and 
Archaeological Society) to whose skill and enthusiasm is due the 
rescue of the site, the preservation of the remains, and the whole 
possibility of any systematic study of the fort. All of us who have 
been at work on the spot owe him an especial debt for his unwearied 
kindness. Then to Mr. John Swarbrick, A.R.I.B.A., of Manchester, 
for his generous help in surveying the site ; to Mr. Francis Jones, 
M.Sc, for his kindness in analysing various substances found 
in the camp; and to Mr. F. W. Parrott, of the Manchester 
Grammar School, for the very great care and skill he devoted to 
producing the photographs contained in this volume. Nor are we 
less grateful to Professor William Ridgeway, of Cambridge, and Dr. 
F. Haverfield, of Oxford, for valuable advice on many important 
points. Other acknowledgements will be found in the particular 

It is, I suppose, forbidden to an Editor to express his gratitude 
to his companions in producing a volume of this kind, however 
generous he feels their help to have been ; but it is at least right 
that I should record the debt of the Excavation Committee to the 
experience and enthusiasm of their Hon. Secretary, Mr. F. A. Bruton, 
M.A., and of all the contributors ] to Mr. W. J. Goodrich, M.A., 
for his kindness in making the Index. Sic mos non uohis. 

Finally we have to thank the Publications Committee of the 
University of Manchester for undertaking a considerable share of 


the cost of this volume ; their Chairman, Professor T. F. Tout, for 
valuable guidance in matters relating to its production ; and their 
publishers, Messrs. Sherratt and Hughes, with the very able 
foreman of their works, for the pains they have taken to meet the 
special difficulties it involved. 

May, 1906. Chairman of the Committee of the Branch, 

and of the Excavation Committee. 



Editor's Note v 

List of Illustrations xi 

Introduction, by the Kev. Canon E. L. Hicks, M.A xiii 

The Ancient Roads connected with Melandra and the Site, by 

Professor W. Boyd Dawkins, D.Sc, F.R.S 1 

The Roman Occupation of Derbyshire, by F. Haverfield, M.A., 

LL.D 9 

The Roman Place-names of Derbyshire, by W. B. Anderson, M.A. 15 

The Excavations at Melandra in 1905, by F. A. Bruton, M.A. ... 22 

Some Features of Roman Forts in Britain, by F. A. Bruton, M.A. 64 

The Pottery found at Melandra, by J. H. Hopkinson, M.A 77 

The Roman Coins found at Melandra, by the Editor 97 

The Trade-and Coin- Weights found at Melandra, by the Editor ... 99 
List of Miscellaneous Remains in the Custody of Mr. R. Hamnett, 

by Prof. W. Boyd Dawkins and the Editor Ill 

Legio XX., Valeria Victrix, by Harold Williamson, M.A 114 

The Probable Date of the Roman Occupation of Melandra, by 

Harold Williamson, M.A 122 

Britain in the Roman Poets, by Dora Limebeer, M.A 129 

Index to "Melandra Castle," by W. J. Goodrich, M.A 145 

Appendix A. Proceedings of the Branch, 1905 153 

B. List of Members 162 


Roman Eoads connected with Melandra Frontispiece 

Sectional Map showing a pre-historic Ridgeway Frontispiece 

On or faring page 

Pre-Roman Querns >, 

Roman Querns g 

Foundation of West End of North Gate 27 

North Gateway (ground plan) 27 

South Gateway (ground plan) 3g 

East Gateway (ground plan) 33 

Roman Fort: Melandra 42 

Roman Fort: Gellygaer 42 

Typical Section through the Rampart 45 

North-east corner of Fort 54 

Conjectural Restoration of the Roman Fort 75 

Shapes of Bowls of Terra Sigillata 82 

Terra Sigillata (fragments found at Melandra) 83 

Terra Sigillata (types important for chronology) 85 

Terra Sigillata, Castor and Red Ware 86 

Black and Grey Ware 88 

Pale Ware oq 

Two-handled Flask and Mortar 9I 

Clay Figure of Horse and Pack Saddle 91 

Roof Tiles ' 94 

Coin (probably Jewish) 98 

Weights, Lampholder and other objects 

Weights of the Roman Standard IO3 

Weights of Keltic 'Standard 109-110 

Roman Dice and Spiral 112 

Figured Bronze Plate 112 

Sphinx Seal and Ram Seal 112 

Centurial Inscription 122 



There are, perhaps, some to be found, even now, who 
would class the archaeologist where SamuelJohnson affected 
to place the lexicographer, among " those who toil at the 
lower employments of life," as one "whom mankind have 
considered, not as the pupil, but the slave of science, the 
pioneer of literature, doomed only to remove rubbish and 
clear obstructions from the paths of learning and genius, 
who press forward to conquest and glory, without bestowing 
a smile on the humble drudge that facilitates their 
progress." But the growth of more scientific ideas has 
brought a loftier estimate of historical research, a keener 
appreciation of its methods. The general reader, as well as 
the average scholar, will, it is hoped, be glad to follow the 
processes of research recorded in this volume, and to 
appropriate the results (for some results there are) which 
have been attained. Foremost among these should be 
mentioned the plan of the camp and its gates, wherein 
every stone has been carefully measured ; the chronological 
evidence of the vase-fragments now studied for the first 
time with a precision which supplies us with a virtual treatise 
on British pottery; the conclusions as to the date of the 
occupation, which throw interesting light also upon the 
the date of the Roman fort at Manchester ; the description 
of the Roman and pre-Roman roads ; and the study of the 


weights, which opens up some new points in the relation of 
the Koman and Keltic systems. The literary study at the 
close is not without historical interest. 

These pages have also a value as showing what classical 
study really means. It is not chiefly concerned with books 
but with humanity — with the doings and feelings of man. 
The spade as well as the pen must be called into play, if we 
would reproduce the history of the past and fill up some of 
the huge gaps left by the literary evidence. 

It will also be seen that researches like these are an 
important instrument of education. Much of our know- 
ledge we are obliged to receive almost passively upon the 
authority of others. But it is essential that on some points 
we should sift the evidence to the bottom, and base our 
beliefs upon foundations we have built for ourselves. One 
genuine experience, however small, of really original 
enquiry makes all the difference between progressive and 
unprogressive study. Discovery is the test of the scholar 
in whatever field he may be working. Est aliqtdd, 
quocumque loco quocumque recessu, to have made one's 
self proprietor of a single fact. The exploration ot a small 
Roman fort, which has apparently been spoiled in ancient 
times of most of its relics, can be made a precious object- 
lesson of Classical method. It has already been so employed 
with marked effect by Professor Conway and his friends. 

What the Manchester Branch of the Classical Association 
has been endeavouring at Melandra, it may perhaps repeat 
on other and more fruitful soil. Considerable discoveries 
may await its efforts ; for one great charm of archaeology is 
the emergence of the unexpected. In the meantime this 
little volume affords a pleasing foretaste of better things to 
come, and will sensibly enliven our historical imagination. 
It carries us back at once to Roman, and even pre-Roman 


times, and enables the mind to reconstruct, in living form 
and colour, the earlier stages of our island-history. Every 
sentence in the several essays is an appeal not only to 
scientific interest but also to local patriotism. Nor is such 
a sentiment, especially Avhen it finds vent in methodical 
research, an unworth}^ or fruitless impulse. There is a 
human touch in these researches which brings the men of 
that early date into close contact with ourselves. In the 
patient exploration of an ancient site, in the scientific 
study of the results of that research, the scholar of our time 
experiences the same feelings which prompted Dr. Johnson's 
famous rapture about his visit to lona: "To abstract the 
mind from all local emotion would be impossible, if it were 
endeavoured, and would be foolish if it were possible. 
Whatever "vvithdraws us from our senses, whatever makes 
the past, the distant, or the future, predominate over the 
present, advances us in the dignity of thinking beings." 
We feel the same as he, though we might nowadays put it 
differently. Manchester itself, though a gi'eat industrial 
and commercial centre, has never been wholly given to the 
idolatry of wealth. It is not the slave of materialism, nor 
are its sons and daughters mere drudges of the mill, the 
market, or the forge. The Muses have not yet deserted 
us, in spite of the smoke and din : Clio and Euterpe make 
willing and welcome sojourn. Non tarn aversus equos 
nostra sol jungit ah urbe. 


Whitsuntide, 1906. 


Page 5. A note should be added referring the reader to the Sectional 
Map in the Frontispiece. 

,,42. A note should be added explaining that the photographer has 
slightly over-reduced the plan of Gellygaer. 

,, 98. In reply to a question, Professor Hope W. Hogg has very 
kindly sent me the following note (May 19, 1906): — 

'• Among the Jewish coins assigned to the period A.D. 
132 — 135 are coins of the first year bearing the name 'Simon 
Prince of Israel,' and coins of the second year bearing the 
name 'Simon.' It is reasonably inferred that 'Simon' 
was the personal name of the leader of the Jewish revolt 
against Hadrian. Jewish sources call him Ben — (or Bar — ) 
Koziba, perhaps from his native town or his father ; 
Christian sources call him (Bar) Chochebas, ' Son of the 
Star,' a Messianic title founded on Numbers xxiv., 18. Of 
his career and the course of the war not much is known 
with certainty ; but the struggle was severe, and the revolt 
was suppressed only after Roman troops had been amassed 
in considerable strength by (Sextus) Julius Severus, governor 
of Britain (leg. pr. pr. provinciac Bnttaiiiae, leg. pr. pr. 
provinciae Judeae [C.I.L. iii. n. 2830] ), who was transferred to 
Judaea to take charge of the war (Dio Cassius, Ixix., 13). 
Has that any connection with the presence of the coin at 
Melandra ? " 

The information given us by the authorities Prof. Hogg cites, 
seems to give a negative answer to his final question ; since it 
seems clear that this Severus Avas never in command in Judaea 
before coining to Britain, and that he did not return to Britain 
after the Jewish war. But there is nothing to prevent our 
supposing that some Roman officer of lower rank had served in 
Judaea before coming to Britain. 

„ 113. At the foot should be added — 

Record of Lost Fragment of Inscription. 

Small sketch, by R. B. Robinson, of the left-hand top comer 
of a moulded stone found at Melandra, but now lost, containing 
the letters I M P. C . . . See page 128. 

R. S. C 

^be ancient IRoabs conncctcb witb 
flDelanbra anb tbe Site* 

In the following imperfect sketcli I propose to deal with 
Melandra from the point of view offered by the study of 
the Roman and pre-Roman roads in the district. Melandra 
was obviously placed where it is to command the western 
portion of one of the cross ways linking the great Roman 
roads on the west with those of the east of the Pennine 
Chain. ^ It dominated the western, just as the answering 
fort of Brough commanded the eastern portion of the same 
road near Hope at its junction with the road from Buxton 
through Bamford to Sheffield. Some ten miles to the 
north of Melandra the fort of Castleshaw kept watch and 
ward over a similar crossway, passing over the Pennine 
moors to the north-east, by way of Slack to join at Castle- 
ford the Roman road from the south to York. Before, 
however, we can discuss these roads it is necessary to dis- 
tinguish clearly the roads used by the inhabitants long 
before the Romans set foot in Britain, from those which 
were made by the Roman engineers. 

The earliest roads in Britain, with which I am ac- 
quainted, go back into the Prehistoric period as far as the 
Bronze Age. They undoubtedly had their origin in foot- 
paths, some of Neolithic age, taking the easiest course 
between one village and another, or one stronghold and 
another. They are dated — as for example, on the moors 
and wolds of north eastern Yorkshire — by the burial 

1 . For details of these roads see Codrington "Roman Roads in Britain," 


places wliich cluster round them as well as by tlie habita- 
tions. In Derbyshire the road passing along the ridge 
from Hope past Mam Tor, along Rushup Edge and on to 
the west, is dated by the stronghold of Mam Tor and by 
tumuli of the Bronze Age. These roads occur, as might 
naturally be expected, where the natural conditions were 
easiest. They are represented by many of the existing 
" ridgeways " which follow the higher ground. At the 
time they were made, the whole of Britain, with the 
exception of a few isolated clearings in the uplands, was 
covered with forest, the remains of which are to be seen 
in the stumps of trees lying in the peat on the top of 
Kinder Scout, and in the large trunks of oak found in the 
peat between eleven and twelve hundred feet above the 
sea, by Mr. Watts in making the Upper Swineshaw reservoirs 
for the supply of Oldham. ^ The bottoms of the valleys 
were for the most part marshes, and the low-lying region 
of the Lancashire and the Cheshire plain was covered with 
forest and marshes, so impenetrable that even as late as 
the Bronze Age it was rarely traversed. This is proved 
by the rarity of the remains of this age in the Lancashire 
and Cheshire plain, as well as in the great low-lying tracts 
of clay land on the east of the Pennines ranging from 
London as far as York and Newcastle. The roads there- 
fore in the Bronze Age followed the irregular direction 
of the ridges, winding along the water partings, and 
avoiding the valleys as far as possible.^ They were 
probably used by pack-horses. 

2. [" In an old document it is said that the bailiff of the Lord of 
Stockport has for his perquisite all the trees washed down by the Mersey 
from the hilU of Longden." Longdendale, by Ralph Bernard Robinson 
(Glossop, 1863), p. lOn. Ed.] 

3. These generalisations are based on the study of the roads of the 
south of England from Devonshire to Kent, as well as of those ranging 
from London through the eastern counties as far as the Tyne, and in 
part also of those of Derbyshire and of Wales. 


In tlie Prehistoric Iron Age, or that period which im- 
mediately preceded the Roman conquest, these roads were 
improved and developed so that they could be used by 
wheeled vehicles. Sometimes, as in the case of the 
Pilgrim's Way from Dover through Canterbury, stretching 
away westwards on the chalk downs to Berkshire, the slope 
was chosen for the road rather than the summit of 
the hills. This also is to be observed in tracing the 
Icknield Way in some parts of its course from near Bury 
St. Edmunds to the Thames at Streatley, and southwards, 
until it climbs the Berkshire downs and is lost in the net- 
work of Prehistoric roads in that county. They also were 
extended into the low forest-clad and marshy districts so 
as fo link together such centres as Manchester and York 
with the surrounding higher and dryer regions. In the 
Prehistoric Iron Age the forests of the lower lands were 
disappearing before the axe of the farmers and herdsmen, 
and there were probably large clearings in the neighbour- 
hood of the fortified towns in the lower grounds. In these 
lower grounds it is impossible, according to my experience, 
to distinguish them from later roads, but when we examine 
the uplands they are plainly marked by their irregular 
and winding course, along the ridges, avoiding, as far as 
may be, the marshy bottoms of the valleys. There is no 
evidence that they were more than old lines of communica- 
tion worn by long travel, which may or may not have 
been mended from time to time. These roads were used 
also during the Roman occupation, and many of them are 
still in use. 

The Roman roads were made on a totally different 
principle. They were not only carefully constructed, but 
they were run from one point of observation to another in 
a straight line, and as far as the ground would allow, 
regardless of obstacles, such as hills and the marshy 


bottoms of the valleys.* Like railways they were from 
point to point. They did not avoid the lower grounds. 
In some cases the Eoman engineers improved the older 
roads, and made short cuts, as in instances which I have 
met with in the road between Canterbury and London, 
and in some of the roads in the moors of north-eastern 
Yorkshire. In this respect, therefore, we have a means of 
distinguishing between the Prehistoric roads which have 
been used during the Roman occupation and afterwards, 
and those first constructed by the Eoman engineers. 

"With these facts before us we are in a position to con- 
sider the relations of Melandra to the roads in the district. 
It not only commands the continuation of the " Doctor's 
Gate" through Glossop, but it is also within striking dis- 
tance of the western road to Stockport, and of the northern 
road to Castleshaw, at their junction at Mottram a little 
over a mile off. The "Doctor's Gate" (one inch contour 
map sheet 86) starts from the Batham Gate near Hope, a 
Eoman road, mostly straight, running from Buxton to 
Brough over the plateau of carboniferous limestone, and 
sweeps northwards along the ridge dividing the valley of 
the Noe from the Ashop. It follows the westward trend 
of the latter valley, crossing the stream at a place marked 
Ford on the map, and winding along the irregular slopes 
of the ground above Woodlands until it joins the main 
Sheffield road, which it leaves within a short distance of 
the water parting. Thence it passes to the north of Cold 
Harbour Moor, and follows the north side of the valley of 

4. The Roman roads were the principal means of communication in 
Britain down to the beginning of the 19th century, and during all those 
centuries they apparently grew worse and worse, as is amply proved by 
the incidental notices of the difficulty of travelling. The duty of re- 
pairing them fell mainly on the parish, or on the manor, and it was 
counted for merit in the church to repair a length of road or to rebuild 
a bridge. Road-making as a system, could scarcely be said to have 
existed in Britain from the days of the Romans down to the time of 
Telford and Macadam. 


tlie Shelf brook into Glossop (sheet 86). Throughout this 
portion of its course it has all the characters of a road of 
the Prehistoric Iron Age. It was continued through 
Glossop, where several fragments of Roman road are pre- 
served, and through Dinting in the valley of the Glossop 
brook close under Melandra. It crosses the Etherow at 
Woolley Bridge, and joins the Roman road to Stockport at 
Mottram. In this section of its course it has undoubtedly 
been reconstructed and carried along the bottom of the 
valley by the Roman engineers. 

The road to Stockport is a point to point road, and there- 
fore Roman. It passes from Mottram to the south and 
west, following the line of the high road through Gee Cross 
and Woodley to Stockport (sheet 98). After crossing the 
Great Central Railway, an old winding ridge way, named 
Apple Street, ascends to the height of over 900 ft. by 
Windy Harbour, over Werneth Low, rejoining the main 
road at Woodley. In my opinion this is a portion of the 
original line of the Prehistoric cross way, superseded by 
the later work of the Roman engineer, carried along an 
easier gradient. It is obvious that this was a line of 
communication between Stockport and Brough. From 
Mottram (sheet 86) there was another line of communica- 
tion probably of prehistoric age, but marked by fragments 
of a Roman road, passing northwards through Roe Cross,^ 
and following the contours of the east side of the Tame 
near Bucton Castle^ in the direction of the Roman fort 
at Castleshaw. Here it joined the road from Man- 
chester through Oldham and Delph, which from its 
structure and straightness is undoubtedly Roman. 

5. S. Andrew Trans. Lane, and Chesh. Antiq. Soc, x., p. 48. 

6. There is no evidence that this is Roman. It probably belongs to 
the Prehistoric Iron Age. 


Tlie direction of the " Doctor's Gate " through Glossop 
during the Roman occupation is marked by the fragments 
of Roman road in the lower town. It is, however, likely 
that in the prehistoric Iron Age it traversed Old Glossop, 
ascending the hill by the church, and making for Mouse- 
low Castle, to the north of which a deeply-worn, winding 
road, Shaw Lane, between Banks Wood and Castlewood, 
descends into the valley at Brookfield, close under 
Melandra. Mouselow Castle occupies a commanding 
position. It consists of a fosse circumscribing the ir- 
regular summit of a hill, and clearly defined, excepting 
on the southern side, where it has been destroyed by a 
quarry. Within it is a large mound on the northern side, 
which may have been the site of the keep of an early 
Norman Castle, and on the south two mounds, probably 
formed by the debris from the quarry and of no archseo- 
logical significance. It may have been a stronghold of the 
Prehistoric Iron Age — or one dating back to the Norman 
times, — or again it may be both Prehistoric and Norman." 

We may now consider the site of Melandra. The 
fortress stands on a promontory of glacial sand and clay 
overlooking the valleys of the Glossop brook and the 
Etherow, at the junction of the two streams. It is^ of the 
usual rectangular form, with the sides facing to the north- 
east, and the corresponding quarters. Each side has a 
central gate. The main entrance, with a double gateway, 
is on the north-east. From this the road led into the 
valley of the Glossop brook, down a steep descent, along 

7. All irregular fortified enclosures consisting of fosse and ramp, with 
one large mound cut off from the rest, which were formerly considered 
by Mr. Clarke and others to be of Saxon origin, have recently been 
proved, by Messrs. Round and St. John Hope, to be of early Norman 
age ; the mound represents the keep, the lower area within the fosse 
being the bailey. Both mound and fosse were defended by palisades, 
and at a later time by walls. 

8. [Approximately, see p. 67. Ed.] 


which its course has been obliterated by slips. In the 
south-west gateway a road, now represented by a ridge in 
the first and third fields to the south, curved round to the 
east opposite Lower Gamesley Farm. From the small size 
of the gateway it may be inferred that this was an 
approach of little importance. It must, however, be 
observed that the small gateway may stand in relation to 
the fact that this was the weakest side of the fortress. On 
the other three sides it was amply protected by the lie of 
the ground. On the north-west it was not only protected 
by the steepness of the scarp but by the morass (now 
represented by alluvium) at its base, traversed by the 
Etherow ; on the north-east by the scarp overlooking the 
marshy valley of the Glossop brook ; and on the south-east 
by a ravine which formed a tete-du-pont, covering the 
access to the gate at a distance of about 60 yards. Neither 
here nor on the opposite side are there traces of roads. 

The walls of Melandra are made from the sandstones of 
the Millstone Grit in the neighbourhood. They, as well 
as the discoveries which have been made inside, will be 
described by the members of the Classical Association who 
carried on the work. I will content myself with calling 
attention to evidence which seems to me to point to the 
fact that the site was occupied in Prehistoric times. 

A considerable number of flint splinters, knocked off in 
the manufacture of implements, have been discovered, 
which show that the site was occupied, like many others 
near Rochdale and elsewhere in the Pennine Chain, in 
the Neolithic, or, as is more probable, in the Bronze 
Age. The evidence that it was occupied in the age of 
Prehistoric Iron is afforded by portions of seven querns, 
of bee-hive shape, which characterise that age, four 
(fig. 1, A.B.C.D.) being upper, and three (E.F.G.) the 
lower stones. They are all made of millstone grit. 


Tliey are identical with the querns found in Danebury, 
near Northampton, and in the Lake Village of Glaston- 
bury, both of which belong to the Prehistoric Iron 
Age. They differ from those introduced by the Romans 
in the fact that the latter are thinner and wider, and disc- 
shaped, with grinding surfaces frequently grooved, as 
may be seen from the group (Fig. 2) of six portions of 
Roman querns from the mill-house in Melandra. These are, 
with one exception, of Millstone Grit, and were probably 
made in the district. The exception (the lowest in the 
figure) is of volcanic rock, and came from the Roman 
quern factory of Andernach, near Coblentz, from which 
querns were sent almost over the whole of Roman 
Europe.^ A fragment of another quern of the same 
material has also been found. The bee-hive querns are 
frequently met with on the moors of Yorkshire, and, so 
far as my experience goes, are not found in association 
with Roman remains. Whether or no they were used in 
Roman times is an open question. If they were used 
they are merely a survival from the Prehistoric Iron Age 
— like the greater portion of the roads guarded by 

In conclusion, we may very well ask why should the 
roads from Melandra westwards point towards Stockport 
and Manchester. The answer is to be found in the fact 
that both these places, as pointed out by Mr. Henry 
Taylor and Mr. Roeder, were inhabited centres in pre- 
Roman as well as in later times. Both grew round the 
fortified rocks which commanded, the one the marshes of 
the Mersey, and the other the junction of the Irk with 

the Irwell. 

W. Boyd Dawkins. 

9. I have identified these querns in Hod Camp, near Blandford, in 
Roman Chester, and in Caerwent. 





ZTbe IRoman Occupation of Berb^sbire. 

From tlie earliest days the Romans drew a sharp distinction 
between the spheres of peace and of war. This distinction 
was, in the first instance, local. Certain regions, the city 
of Rome in particular, were dovii; others, outside the 
sacred line, were Tnilitiae. The same distinction reappears 
rather curiously under the Roman Empire in the provinces. 
Technically, no doubt, the whole provincial area was 
Tnilitiae. Practically it was divided into two portions, 
one the region of peace and the other that of war, or at 
least of military men. Thus we find in most provinces 
two distinct areas. The troops, legions or auxiliaries are 
massed on or near the frontiers. The peaceful population 
lives behind the military lines and is free from the presence 
of soldiers. In the Gallic provinces, for example, the 
whole garrison, with one trifling exception, was massed 
along the Rhine in the hiherna and castella which guarded 
the frontier against German inroads. Similarly, in the 
Danubian lands, as the frontier advanced under successive 
rulers from Augustus to Trajan, the troops advanced too. 
The land behind became a land of peace, and the fortresses 
were turned into municipalities. 

This feature appears equally in Britain. So soon as 
the conquest of the province was tolerably complete, we 
can recognise two regions in it, the lands of the north 
and west, confronting Hibernia and Caledonia, and the 
lands of the south and east. The first was the district 
in which troops were posted. The second was a peaceful 
area, and saw no more of armed forces than occasional 


drafts of recruits and veterans passing to and from their 

The dividing line between these two regions of Britain 
is geographical. Britain, as geographers do not always 
tell lis, falls, physically considered, into two parts — 
uplands and lowlands. The uplands consist of the west 
country moors, the Welsh hills, and the Pennine chain 
and northern highlands that adjoin it. The lowlands are 
the midland plain and the southern and eastern counties. 
A line drawn from York through Derby to Chester, and 
from Chester through Shrewsbury to the Bristol Channel, 
would form a rough boundary between these two areas. 
Hills no doubt occur to the south of that line, and low 
ground to the north. But with obvious exceptions this 
line divides two very different kinds of country. 

The uplands are rough and mountainous. They usually 
rise above 600 feet and often considerably higher. They 
are scarred with deep ravines and tortuous valleys and 
sudden gorges. They are unsuited to agriculture, and 
incapable of supporting a numerous population. The 
lowlands present a very different spectacle. They are 
level or covered with gentle hills that rarely rise above 
600 feet. Their soil and climate favours, or at least 
tolerates, serious agriculture, a dense population, and 
peaceful and settled life. 

The difference between these two regions is well marked 
in the history of Roman Britain. Even the course of the 
conquest illustrates it. Little as we know the imperfectly 
recorded details, we can see that the lowlands were over- 
run in three or four years (a.d. 43 — 47). By the end of 
that period the Roman arms had so far advanced that they 
could operate against the "Welsh hill tribes, could seize 
the mines of Flintshire, and prepare to attack the 
Brigantes of Yorkshire. But here their victorious career 


was stayed. Instead of four, it cost nearly forty years to 
subdue tlie uplands (48 — 85), and even after that the spirit 
of the hillmen was not finally crvished. 

In the development which naturally followed the 
conquest, the two areas remained distinct. The lowlands 
became rapidly Romanized. Progress was necessarily not 
uniform. Some districts, like Kent and Essex, had learnt 
not a little of Roman culture before 43. Others lay so far 
outside the main currents of provincial life that they 
never became thoroughly amalgamated. Others, again, 
like Warwickshire, were so thinly inhabited that substan- 
tially there was no population in them to Romanize. 
Class, too, differed inevitably from class. The wealthier 
and better educated naturally adopted Roman speech and 
manners more accurately and intelligently than the 
labourer or the rustic. But in the main the lowlands were 
civilised. A few municipalities, with Roman charters, 
were established. Many smaller and less privileged towns 
developed and flourished. The countryside was dotted with 
the residences of large land owners, generally Romanized 
natives. The minerals were worked in suitable places. 
Corn was grown and exported. Wool was dyed and 
obtained a name. ^ There was perhaps little wealth, but 
there was abundant comfort, orderliness and peace. 

Turn now to the uplands. We meet no towns or 

" villas," no indication of comfortable unwarlike ease. 

Everywhere our civilian life stops where the hills begin. 

Instead, the spectacle is militaiy, and the normal elements 

are forts and fortresses. Here, in these uplands, was 

distributed the garrison of forty or fifty thousand men 

which kept the hill tribes quiet and prevented the inroad 

of the Caledonian Highlander or Irish pirate. No doubt 

1. See my paper Eomanization of Boman Britain (" British Academy 
Proceedings," vol. ii.), p. 25, and references there. 


this was not the only function of this garrison. It was 
there also to keep the peace in the lowlands, ready to 
crush a rising if such occurred. So far as we know, its 
services in this matter were never needed. In the more 
important work of keeping the peace along the hills and 
frontiers, it was continuously and seriously engaged. 

The organisation of the garrison proceeded on the 
normal lines of the Roman army. That army, as it was 
under the Empire, consisted of two principal grades of 
troops — legions and auxiliaries. The legion was a body 
of 5,000 to 6,000 heavy infantry, recruited from the 
civilised and Roman or Romanized portions of the Italian 
or provincial populations, and constituting in size and 
morale and fighting strength the dominant element in the 
army, but an element which, owing to its very size, was 
a cumbrous as well as a powerful weapon. Three legions 
garrisoned Britain, one in each of three large fortresses — - 
York, Chester and Caerleon. These formed the basis on 
which the defence of the province relied. But besides the 
legions, we have also the troops of the second line, the 
so-called auxiliaries. These were levied from among 
the subjects (but not the citizens) of Rome. They were 
less well-paid, less favoured in conditions of service, less 
reliable in warfare ; they were also grouped together in 
less potent units of 500 or 1,000 men. But they had 
advantages. They were handier units, and they often 
included cavalry, bowmen, light troops. Accordingly 
they were stationed, not in large hiherna but in small 
castella, each covering some three or four or six or eight 
acres. These castella in most of their general arrange- 
ments were only a simplified variety of the hiherna. They 
were rectangular walled areas with four gates planted 
symmetrically in opposite pairs, central principia or 
headquarters in the middle, and barracks and storehouses 


in wood or stone covering the rest of the interior. Such 
forts were dotted over the military area in strategic 
positions, along the frontiers, along the great roads of 
the north or west, or wherever need was apparent. 

Derbyshire counts three of these forts. They are the 
most southerly forts in England proper, that is, among 
those which guarded the north as distinct from the 
garrisons of the Welsh mountains and valleys. One of 
the three— Littlechester, on the north side of Derby— is 
hardly known at all as a fort. But the remains there, as 
seen by Stukely in the eighteenth century, can only be 
explained as those of a fort. A second fort is at Brough, 
near Hope, in the Isoe valley, guarding the route across 
the Pennine hills from the fort at Templeborough, near 
Sheffield, to the posts in the Cheshire and South Lancashire 
lowlands, and watching the wild heights of High Peak 
and Kinderscout. The valley in which it stands is the one 
bit of open habitable lowland among all the north 
Derbyshire hills, and it is just here that we might expect 
a fort to be placed to keep peace and order in the difficult 
region. The third fort is Melandra, near Glossop, planted 
on a spur that juts out into Longdendale and overlooking 
the easiest access from the western lowlands into the hills. 
It, too, by its position declares its purpose plainly. 

We can tell the purpose of these forts. We cannot 
guess so easily their history. We know that the Eoman 
advance northwards moved along the two lines of least 
resistance. Quite early in the conquest the legions had 
forced their way up the wide valley which separates 
Derbyshire from Wales and had established a legionary 
fortress^at Chester (about a.d. 48—50). It was probably 

2. Full references to the authorities for this and other statements in 
this and the following page will be found in the Victoria history of 
Derbyshire, i., 201 — 221. 


not so early that they pushed on from Lincoln to York. 
But it is likely enough that when they did advance the 
intervening wedge of Derbyshire was left still uncon- 
quered. Its adits were doubtless held. Coins^ suggest 
that Melandra may have been established at least as early 
as Agricola (a.d. 78 — 85). Littlechester may also have 
been planted early, and thus if the hillmen were not 
conquered, they were at least hemmed in. By about 
A.D. 100 it was found possible to send into the Peak a 
ce?!5;forto register the natives for taxation and recruitment, 
and that step usually accompanies growing civilisation. 
But the progress was not wholly forwards. Late in 
Trajan's reign the north of Britain was disturbed and a 
whole legion was annihilated. The rising was crushed, 
and Hadrian's Wall was built to cut off the insurgents 
from the unconquered and unconquerable Caledonians 
(about 123). But a new generation sprung up that knew 
not the defeat of their fathers, and a fresh rising broke 
out (about A.D. 158). Then the fort at Brough was either 
built or rebuilt, and, as coins suggest, the other forts were 
occupied in force. The rising again failed, and it is the 
last in this part of Britain. Further north, troubles 
continued. But in Derbyshire, comparative peace 
apparently ensued. Littlechester seems to drop out of 
sight as an important place before the end of the second 
century. It may, indeed, have been dismantled and 
abandoned. The life of the other forts was possibly 
longer. But we have no cause to connect them with 
further troubles. They remained as part of the military 
system of the north, rather to prevent the growth of 
restlessness than to coerce unquiet men. 

F. Haverfield. 

3. See the article on The Coins, infra. 


^be IRoman ipiacc*»nante6 of Dcrb^ebirc. 

It is unfortunate that the ancient authorities which 
supply us liberally with the Roman names of towns or 
forts in Britain have for the most part left Derbyshire 
severely alone. The reason is not far to seek. The fact 
that none of the principal Roman roads led through the 
county is sufficient to explain the neglect of it in such a 
work as the " Itinerary of Antoninus." A traveller in 
search of knowledge or ' impressions ' of Britain would 
naturally choose the more important roads, which would 
offer him easier and safer travelling, better accommodation, 
and more to see. The additional information which 
seemed to have come as a godsend to grateful antiquaries 
from the publication of the work of " Richard of 
Cirencester " in 1757, was shown some forty years ago to 
be but vanity. " Richard's " history proved to be a 
forgery palmed off upon the world by one Charles Bertram 
(1723 — 1765), an Englishman resident in Copenhagen, 
who used his ingenuity and his absence to dupe the over- 
credulous Dr. Stukeley and others.^ 

We must be thankful for small mercies. They come in 
the shape of the work of the Ravennas Anonymus,w\\.OQYQT 
or whatever he may be. The compilation which goes 
under this name, first published at Paris in 1688, appears 

B' 1. There is an interesting account of Bertram and his remarkable 

^B forgeries in the Dictionary of National Biography. He originally called 

^K himself "Richard of Westminster," The mischief done by him still 

^R lingers on in some quarters. He has vitiated mcst of the maps of 

^K Roman Britain published during the last century. 



to have been written in the seventh century.^ It contains 
an unmethodical, careless, and sometimes demonstrably 
inaccurate list of the names of places in various parts of 
the Eoman world. But with all its faults it is certainly 
"founded on fact," and cannot be neglected by the student 
of ancient geography. The section which is of use for 
the present purpose is Y, 31 (Pinder and Parthey). There 
we find the following series of names, in the ablative case, 
as is usual in the itineraries : — 

Nanione or Nauione.^ 


Arnemeza (Arnemeya, codex Basiliensis). 

Let us consider these names in order. 

In Vol. vii. of the Journal of the Derbyshire Archaeo- 
logical and Natural History Society, Mr. W. Thompson 
Watkin suggested that Nauio was the name of the Roman 
fort at Brough, where successful excavations have recently 
been conducted by Mr. Garstang. In support of his view 
he cited a fragmentary sepulchral inscription * found at 
Foligno, in Italy. There we read of a censitor (census- 
officer) Brittonum Anauion. Watkin took the letters 
Anaiiion to represent a Nauione, i.e., "from Nauio," but, 
as Dr. Haverfield^ points out, we must read Brittonum 
Anauion{ensium), i.e., "of the Anavionensian Britons." 

2. Pinder and Parthey's ed. (Berlin 1860), Pme/. 

3. The alternative reading has been added in accordance with the in- 
formation now to hand in Dr. F. Haverfield's very important article on 
"Romano-British Derbyshire," contributed to the Victoria Histo)-i/ of the 
county. There we learn (p. 210, footnote) that Professor Pliillimore 
reports the reading of the best MS. (Vatican Urbinas 961) to be Nauione. 
Though most of the present article was prepared before the Victoria 
History was available, I gratefully acknowledge valuable assistance 
derived from it. 

4. Ephemeris Epigraphica vii, 1102. 

5. Derb. Arch. Journ., xxvi. (1904), to which I am indebted for most 
of the facts stated about (A)nauio ; Victoria Hist., p. 210. 


In the year 1862 a Eomaii milestone (now in the Buxton 
Museum) was found near the Silverlands of Higher Buxton. 
It refers to some place as being distant 10 or 11 ^ miles 
ANAVIONE. It is impossible to tell from the inscription 
alone whether we are to understand ANAVIONE as one 
word, i.e., from Ana,uio," or as two, i.e., A NAYIONE, 
"from Nauio."7 But the Foligno inscription constitutes 
a strong presumption in favour of the former alternative. 
Two other considerations taken in connexion with the 
facts already stated practically settle the question of 
the Eoman name of Brough : 

1. Assuming, as we may reasonably do, that the 
milestone has been found near its original site, we may 
conclude that it was set up in Buxton. Now the only 
Roman fort about 10 miles by the road from Buxton was 

2. Eavennas mentions in succession two rivers named 
Anaua and Doruantium respectively. It is difficult to 
resist the conclusion that Doruantium is the modern 
Derwent, and Anaua the modern Noe (or Now), the stream 
on whose bank the remains of the Brough fort have been 
found. A7iauio would then be derived from the name of 
the stream. 

Thus we may infer that the Eoman name of Brough was 

in' J^! n^n^ber is not clear. Dr. Haverfield thinks it is probably 10 
226) "■' "*"■*' ^"^ P°'''^^y ^1 {Victoria Hist., pp. 210, 

7. This reminds one of a somewhat similar difficulty in Casar's Gallic 
of thp 1^;''^ '^"°'? proelmm factum sit Admagetobrigae. As this use 
of the locative case (referrmg to a town at which a battle is fought) is 
very irregular it has been suggested that we ought to read adlfan'eto- 
hngam, i.e. "at Magetobriga. " The real name of the town is unknown. 

8. Horsley's alternative theories about the Nauione of Eavennas 
(especially the second, that the word is a corruption of Calsennle^^l 
worthy of the age in which Voltaire defined etymology as°'A See in 
which the vowels count for nothing and the consonants for very I tTe" 


The name Aquae was given by tlie Romans to several 
watering-places more or less famous for their baths or 
medicinal springs. Thus Aquae Sulis is the modern Bath, 
Aquae Aureliae is Baden-Baden, and Aquae Mattiacae is 
Wiesbaden. The warm springs and baths of Buxton were 
known to the Romans, as the remains of a bath-house 
which have been discovered are sufficient to show. It was 
only natural — one may say it was inevitable — that the 
name Aquae should be applied to such a place, and it is 
unreasonable to doubt that the fort of that name mentioned 
by Ravennas after Anauio is that of Buxton. Whether 
any epithet was added to distinguish this Aquae from 
others we cannot tell, but it is very probable. If one may 
claim the antiquaries' privilege of making rash guesses, 
it might be suggested that AmeTneza, the next name given 
in Ravennas, a name about which nothing is known, did 
not designate another place, but was separated from 
Aquis by a natural and common mistake. We should 
then read Aquis Arnemezae. Arnevieza may represent the 
name of a deity associated with the springs or with 
the district; we may covn^dire Aquae Afollinares ("Apollo's 
springs ; Phoebi uada, Martial, vi. 42, 7) in Etruria. 

But the suggestion at the end of the last paragraph may 
justly seem to be " a wild and uncritical guess." These 
are the words used by Dr. Haverfield of a conjecture made 
by Mr. Watkin as to the ancient name of the fort now 
known as Melandra Castle.^ Mr. Watkin identified this 
place with the Zerdotalia mentioned by Ravennas next to 
Arnemeza. He also thought " that, like numerous other 
misspellings in the work, Zerdotalia should be Zedrotalia, 
and that the name of the station was preserved in the river 
which flows beneath it, the Edrow, as it was styled to the 

9. Derb. Arch. J own., vii., pp. 86-7; also Watkin's i?omo!?i C/iesAw-e, 
p. 24. 


beginning of this (i.e., tlie nineteentli) century, now 
softened into EtJberow." ^° This conjecture is ingenious, 
and one would fain accept it ; it would give an interesting 
parallel to the naming of the fort Anauio from the river 
Anaua, which has been already mentioned, and as to the 
exact form of the word, whether Zerdotalia or Zedrotalia, 
the authority of the MSS. of Ravennas is certainly not 
great. But it is sadly to be feared that the Z at the 
beginning of the word is an insuperable objection to 
the theory, and it must be considered very doubtful if 
there is any connexion between the naones Etherow and 
Zerdotalia (Zedrotalia). As to the origin of Zerdotalia, 
Arnemeza, and Melandra, nothing certain can be said. 
The name Melandra Castle, commonly applied at the 
present day to the fort near Glossop, has not been traced 
further back than the year 1772. In that year the 
Rev. Mr. Watson read before the Society of Antiquaries 
a paper which was subsequently published in Archa^olgia, 
Yol. iii. (1775), paper xxvi.^^ There he says : " The 
people call it Melandra Castle; the area of it is called the 
Castle-yard, and eleven fields adjoining to it are named 
in old deeds the Castle Carrs." The word Melandra has a 
curiously Greek appearance, and looks like the creation of 
a pedant. 

Somewhat earlier in the same section of Ravennas in 
which we find the five names which have just been dealt 
with, there occur two other names which must be 
mentioned, namely, Lutudaron (other readings Lutudaton 
and Lutudarum) and Derhentione. 

Several lead pigs which have been discovered in the 

10. Roman Cheshire, loc. cit. 

^^L the Reverend Mr. Watson; in a Letter to the Reverend Mr. N orris. 


eigliteentK and nineteentli centuries in various parts of 
England bear the letters LYT, LVTVD, or LYTVDARES. 
The last of these abbreviations ^^ stands for Lutudarensis , 
which doubtless means " Of Lutudarum." The correct 
reading in the Ravennas citation is most probably 
Lutudaro. In the inscription last mentioned the adjective 
Lutudarensis is applied to a raine (MetallumLuUidarense). 
The fact that far more pigs bearing the name of Lutudarum 
have been found in the neighbourhood of Matlock than in 
any other place is some reason for supposing that the name 
was applied to that district or to some part of it. If 
the ordinary view as to the identity of the place mentioned 
next in Ravennas be correct, the locality of Lutudarum 
may be regarded as being fixed with fair accuracy. ^^ 

It is now a very long time since Deruentio was first 
identified with Little Chester. " There is good ground," 
says Lysons (V., p. ccxv.), " to suppose it (Little Chester) 
was called Derventio, from the neighbouring river (the 
Derwent), though there were at least two other towns of 
the same name in the island ; one near York, and a 
second in Cumberland. The majny roads bearing in every 
direction to the station, the numerous remains dug up on 
the spot, and the exact distance from ad Trivonam and 
Etocetum, which Richard states Derventio to be in his 
18th iter, put this subject out of all reasonable doubt." 
We now know the value of " Richard " and his statements, 
but the other reasons here assigned all hold good. Little 
Chester was in Roman times a place of considerable 
importance, partly because it was the meeting-point of a 

12. Found on Tansley Moor, about two miles north-east of Matlock, in 
1894. Dr. Haverfield (Proc. Soc. Aiitiq. xv. 188; Vict. Hist. p. 232) 
and several others have written on the subject. 

13. Lysons {Magna Britannia, V., p. ccvii.) says "there is great reason 
to suppose" that Lutudarum "was the present town of Chesterfield." 
The reasons which he adduces in support of this idea {ib. p. ccxi.) are 
quite inconclusive. 


number of roads. The neighbouring town of Derby used 
to be identified with Deruentio (Derhentio), but besides 
the fact that the etymology of Derby is very uncertain, it 
may be safely asserted that if Deruentio was in that 
district it must have been the important station of Little 
Chester. The variant Derhentio need, of course, cause no 
surprise, as h was often written for consonantal u in later 

Such is the meagre information which we possess on the 
subject of this paper. For further knowledge we must 
wait till the discovery of another inscription or of some 
long-lost work comes to reward our patience. 

W, B. Anderson. 

14. This was due to changes in the pronunciation. 


Zbc JEycavations at riDelanbra in 1905. 

The Excavations carried out at Melandra during 1905 by 
the Special Committee of tlie Manchester Branch of the 
Classical Association, while throwing considerable light 
on the construction, if not on the history of this fort, 
have been not less fruitful in suggesting how much has 
still to be done before the remains can be said to have 
disclosed all the information to be obtained from them. 
In preparing this report, the opportunity has been taken 
of indicating the lines of enquiry which have been thus 
pointed out. 

The best summary of the results of the excavations is 
obtained by a glance at the plan ^ which accompanies this 
article. When work was commenced in February, 1905, 
not only was it impossible to produce a plan of the fort, 
but the very existence of any remains of two of the gate- 
ways, and of the greater part of the stone rampart had 
yet to be determined. As will be shown presently, the 
exact dimensions of the structure have now for the first 
time been obtained. 

One word is necessary as to the scale on which the plan 
is drawn. It is greatly to be regretted that, with a few 
exceptions, the plans of the Roman works in Britain are 

1. See plan at the end. I wish especially to thank Mr. John Swarbrick 
for the assistance he has given in the preparation of this plan. He has not 
only spent a number of whole days with me at Melandra, making the 
necessary measurements, but he kindly undertook to plot the results, and 
has also helped me with some technical details which his professional 
knowledge enabled him to furnish. 


drawn to nearly every conceivable scale, so that a com- 
parison of plans, which might throw much nsefu.1 light 
on them, is at present out of the question. Even the 
beautifully executed and very complete plan of Birrens, 
for example, seems to have a scale of its own. An attempt 
has been made recently to rectify this. The Society of 
Antiquaries have recommended the adoption of a uniform 
scale of 30 feet to the inch. This is the scale on which the 
results of the recent explorations at Silchester and Caer- 
went have been plotted, as well as the plans of the forts 
at Housesteads, Aesica and Gellygaer, and possibly else- 
where. I have, therefore, chosen this scale for the plan 
of Melandra, and the Committee have thus taken the first 
step towards making their small contribution to the 
'' Corpus of Roman works in Britain," the need for which 
has been urged by Mr. Garstang,^ and which it is to be 
hoped the Society referred to will undertake at no distant 

Alas ! it is only the skeleton of a plan after all, and 
when the beautifully complete plans of other forts are 
compared with it, one wonders whether the plan of 
Melandra will be recovered before the site is so riddled 
with trial excavations as to make the task difficult if not 
impossible. It is true that the absence of stone founda- 
tions makes the task less easy, but against this should be 
set the fact that the remains have lain practically undis- 
turbed, and that the local committee have taken care to 
preserve them with a substantial enclosure. 

In order to make clear at what point the work was taken 
up last year, it will be necessary briefly to record what 
had been already accomplished. It is curious that no 
reference to this fort has been discovered earlier than 

2. On some features of Eoman Military Defensive Works. Trans. 
Hist. Soc. Lane, and Chesh., 1901, vol. iii., p. 2. 


1772, when a letter referring to Melandra was read at the 
December meeting of the Society of Antiquaries, from the 
Rev. John Watson, of Stockport.^ The letter (which was 
illustrated by a plan of the camp, and a drawing of the 
Centurial Stone) reported the discovery of the site by Mr. 
Watson in July, 1771. He says: "The plough has not 
defaced it, so that the form of it cannot be mistaken." 
The four gates and the foundations of a building within 
the area he reports as "exceedingly visible." Of the 
defences he says : " The ramparts, which have considerable 
quantities of hewn stones in them, seem to be aboiit three 
yards broad. On the southern and eastern sides were 
ditches, of which part remains, the rest is filled up." 

Unfortunately, since Watson's time, much havoc has 
been worked, not only by the plough, but also by the 
cutting of drains and the deportation of great quantities 
of stone for building purposes. No effort seems to have 
been made to examine the site from an archaeological point 
of view till August, 1899, when, after some preliminary 
operations, inspired mainly by Mr. Robert Hamnett, Mr. 
John Garstang was asked by a local committee to super- 
intend the work of excavation. The only accounts of these 
excavations (lasting from August 24th to October 5th) 
which I have been able to find consist of a short interim 
report dated September 14th, 1899, and a paper by Mr. 
Garstang in the Proceedings of the Derbyshire Archaeo- 
logical Society.* In the former he summarizes the results 
of the excavations by saying that " they have so far de- 
termined the nature and positions of the corner turrets of 
the Roman fort, the eastern entrance with its guard 
chambers, a greater part of the praetorium, or some group 

3. Archaeologia vol. iii., p. 236. 

4. Proc. Derb. Arch. Soc, vol. xxiii., p. 90. [The interim report 
appeared in the Glossopdale Chronicle, September 22, 1899. Ed. 


of buildings of importance, and the position of the western 
entrance." It will appear later that a number of con- 
jectures made by Mr. Garstang before he was called away 
to his work in Egypt, have since been found to be correct. 
It was during these excavations that a large number of the 
smaller finds (a list of which has been prepared) ^ were 
secured, though some of the most interesting and impor- 
tant of these objects have been found since by a small 
band of men working under Mr. Hamnett's direction.® 

We now come to the work of the Committee of the 
Classical Association in 1905, which may be said to have 
been directed mainly to the solution of the following 
problems : — 

(1) The nature of the northern and southern gate- 

(2) The exact dimensions of the fort. 

(3) The extent and mode of construction of the ram- 

How far it has been possible to obtain answers to these 
questions the following details will show. 


A slight depression in the line of the rampart on the 
northern side of the enclosure was the only indication of 
the remains of this structure when its excavation was com- 
menced in February. A modem stone wall had to be 

5. Infra : List of Miscellaneous Objects. 

6. Messrs. J. J. Booth, S. Mellor, and W. Russell. I wish to put on 
record the work done by these men, because, while their methods are no 
doubt open to criticism, they have by their perseverance won from 
the somewhat intractable soil of Melandra some of the most valuable 
evidence of the importance of the site. The beautiful little set of Roman 

I weights was found by Mr. Russell. Of Mr. Hamnett's work, which is 
beyond praise, there is of course no need to speak. It is well known 
that he has been the originator and guiding spirit of the work of 
exploration. He has himself unearthed some of the most valuable relics 
the site has yielded. 


taken away and tlie superincumbent earth removed to a 
considerable deptb before the first trace of the foundation 
was discovered. When, liowever, tbe outer line of the 
stone rampart bad been struck on botb sides, the position 
of the gate was located and gradually the foundations of 
the structure were uncovered. The excavations raised a 
number of interesting points, which it will be well to put 
on record. 

Beginning at the western side of the gate the stone 
rampart was found to terminate in a stone 3 ft. square, 
wider than the rest of the course, and beyond this ap- 
peared a large boulder, apparently placed in position to 
protect the angle of the gateway. This stone is embedded 
in a considerable quantity of dark cement. An analysis 
of this cement by Mr. Francis Jones, M.Sc, has shown that 
it contains ferric oxide, traces of other metals, and sand. 
It may be mentioned here that in his section of the wall 
of the Roman fort at Manchester, Mr. Charles Roeder 
marks a course of " brownish-black Roman mortar." ^ 

The plan shows that this gate was just as deeply recessed 
as that on the east, but though the masonry is of excellent 
character, what remains is not quite so massive. The 
general plan appears to have been the same at both en- 
trances. The foundations of the western guard-chamber 
(if such it be) are nearly complete. Immediately to the 
west of it, instead of the clay rampart, was found a mass 
of charcoal about two feet deep, containing fragments of 
pottery, and the floor of the chamber also showed traces 
of charcoal. This is, however, a common feature of these 
chambers.^ The natural inference is that we have here 

7. Boman Manchester, p. 8. 

8. See Ward : 77! e Roman Fort of Gellygaer, p. 40. (I have to thank 
Mr. Ward for kindly giving me permission not only to quote from his 
book, but also to make free use of his illustrations). See especially also 
on this point Mr. J. P. Gibson's account of his excavation of the 
Mucklebank Turret. Arch. Aelian., vol. xxiv., p. 16. 




o ° c» , 

lO ►- Q (O 

Of 3 ° Qt I 

3 Ct ^ < 

3 o < § 




the remains of a large fire,^ but the bank has not yet been 
cut back sufficiently to show how far the charred remains 
extend. As the section has weathered back during the 
winter, the black layer has only come out more distinctly. 

The floor of the chamber consists of irregular stones and 
clay, and there is no indication of an entrance on either 
side. The faced stones of its shell that still remain are 18 
inches long, set back six to eight inches on a flag founda- 
tion. Of the outer of the two bases of the pilasters on this 
side nothing remains but the flag foundation, which is 
about 3 ft. 6 ins. square ; that is, much larger than at 
some other forts, indicating what stately structures the 
Melandra gates miist have been. The inner one has two 
courses of dressed stones in situ (the upper recessed), 
and the accompanying photograph, though taken 
in an unfortunate light, will serve to show the nature of 
the work. The photograph is taken looking inwards, 
towards the camp, in a westerly direction. In the fore- 
ground to the right, part of the flag foundation of the 
outer pilaster can just be made out, and the masonry of 
the inner pilaster is well shown, as well as the floor or core 
of the chamber in rear. The first course of stones has 
a depth of 1 ft. 1| ins., the second of 10 inches. The 
pilaster is very well squared, and (just as would be done 
in work of the present day) the straight joint has been 
broken on both sides. The style of the work leaves no 
doubt that both arches were of a substantial character, 
though, as the plan shows, the inner part of the spina is 
lost. It was not considered worth while to show in the 
plan the irregular stones lying about between the 

Near this pilaster, evidently embedded in the road, 

9. Roeder searched in vain for evidences of a conflagration at Man- 
chester. Roman Manchester, p. 56. 


were found the bases of two columns. These are 
shown in the photograph resting on the bank above. They 
are of much better workmanship than those found at 
Brough,^" and bear a striking resemblance to those dis- 
covered in situ in the building called the Prsetorium at 
Borcovicium.^^ Each consists of two recessed tori on a 
square plinth of 18| in. side. It requires no stretch of the 
imagination to suppose that these once formed the bases 
of columns in the colonnade of the headquarters building 
at Melandra. The other objects found in excavating the 
gateway include several voussoirs, one of excellent work- 
manship, pieces of other columns of inferior style, and 
fragments of millstones and of ornamented "Samian" 
and other ware. The massive imposts which are such a 
feature of the eastern gate, are entirely wanting at the 
northern entrance. 

It may be mentioned here that in the course of 
the excavations a number of the earlier (beehive- 
shaped) querns have been thrown out. I have collected 
no less than seven of these, found at Melandra (besides 
base-stones), including at least three different patterns; 
we have had these photographed, and Professor Boyd 
Dawkins has dealt with them in his article. ^^ The frag- 
ments of tiles were not so numerous as at the other gates, 
e.g., the west gate, where the road was strewn with fallen 
roof-tiles.^^ The road passing through the gate was 
found to be in excellent preservation, having a hard sur- 
face of concrete, raised to the level of the top of the first 
course of dressed stones. 

One other find may be mentioned. On one of the 

10. Roman Brough. Proc. Derb. Arch. Soc, 1904, p. 19. 

11. Arch. Aelian., vol. xxv., p. 270. A beautiful photograph of the 
Praetorium, showing the stones in situ, faces p. 193. 

12. See p. 8. Nearly all these querns are broken in two. 

13. Hamnett, Proc. Derb. Arch. Soc, vol. xxiii., p. 100. 


stones a figure was found rudely cut in outline with 
a pointed tool. I should not mention this if it 
had not happened that a very similar piece of work 
was found at Aesica, a photograph of which is given 
in Mr. Gibson's report.^* When placed at a proper angle 
to the light the Melandra figure comes out fairly dis- 
tinctly. Canon Hicks suggested that, rude as it is, it 
may have been originally intended to represent the god 
Mithras. The Aesica figure, which is executed in exactly 
the same style, has been conjectured to represent the god 
i[ercury, as it seems to bear something resembling the 
caduceus, and there is a suggestion of wings above the 
head. The workmen at Aesica gave it the name of " Ould 

Passing to the other side of the gate, it will be seen 
that the guard chamber there (if one existed) is not so well 
indicated, though the outer pilaster appears as an exceed- 
ingly well squared block of masonry. One detail, however, 
seems worthy of mention. Inside the wall was found 
what may be a small hearth, carrying several inches of 
charcoal. If this is a hearth (which is, however, quite 
uncertain) it would appear to settle the question as to 
whether the lower portions of the flanking towers were 
used at all, or whether (as they are so small) they merely 
served as supports to the upper part of the towers. 

We now come to one of the most interesting points 
under discussion. In describing the eastern gate, Mr. 
Garstang said : ^^ " The bed of the central spina, which 
supported the weight of the double span in the centre, 
alone was difficult to locate." An examination, in 1905, 
of the ground between the towers of the north gate brought 
to light part of the base of the central pier. Unfortunately, 

14. Arch. Aelian, vol. xxiv., p. 64. 

15. Proc. Derb. Arch. Soc, vol. xxiii., p. 94. 


the cutting of a modern drain had removed a portion of 
this base. But for this accident it would now be possible 
to finally answer the question whether the arches of the 
Melandra gates were equal. In his interim report, Mr. 
Grarstang hazards the suggestion that possibly the eastern 
entrance was " surmounted by two unequal arches, the 
larger for road traffic, the smaller for foot passengers." 
He states that this is indicated both by excavation and 
" by the trend of the street crossing the interior." He 
repeats the statement in his paper on Melandra (p. 95), 
and again, in his paper on Roman Military Works (p. 12), 
he speaks of " some suggestion of unequal arches." 

The first question that arises is : What were Mr. 
Garstang's grounds for the theory ? In cutting one of the 
sections we discovered in 1905 that the foundations of the 
eastern ga'te (which we supposed had been fully examined), 
went one course deeper than Mr. Garstang had thought. 
We do not know if his conjecture in regard to the east gate 
was based upon the position of the irregular stones lying 
between the guard chambers, and which he very likely 
had no time to examine. I have myself had these stones 
lifted ; they appear to be lying loosely about and to have 
no connection with the foundations of a sfina, which (as 
shown by our work at the north gate) must lie nearly 
two feet deeper. It was only when the draft of this report 
was written that I found on enquiry that the excavations 
at this point had never been taken deeper. It is possible 
the evidence required may yet exist, but there is no time 
to obtain it before publication. Mr. Garstang first adduced 
Lincoln as a parallel case (p. 95) ; but in a footnote, 
apparently added later, he says : " The Lincoln gate is not 
really analogous." ^^ The other parallel instance adduced 

16. The great inequality of the arches of the Lincoln gate would 
surely prevent its being used as a parallel. 


is that of Hard Knott.^'' Lastly, reference is made to 
Mr. Haverfield's mention of a similar construction in some 
of tlie smaller Eoman forts of Northern 

Let it be said clearly that, as far as the eastern and 
western gates are concerned, the question is still an open 
one, which may yet be settled by a fuller excavation of the 
former. Fortunately, we discovered part of the central 
pier at the north gate, and there is little doubt that the 
arches at that entrance were equal. At all events, we 
have there the exact width of one span, and, assuming 
that the door jambs (if such existed) rested on the first 
course (and this is rendered probable by the fact that the 
road seems to have been made up to this level), the exact 
width of the opening would be 7 ft. 10 in. Neglecting 
the door jambs the space might be 8 ft. 6 in. This is almost 
precisely the width assumed by Mr. Garstang for his wider 
arch,i9 the calculation being made from one of the 
voussoirs found, which indicated a span of eight feet. We 
are then left with a little over 13 feet for the other span 
and the central pier. As the pilasters are exactly equal on 
both sides, it is difficult to see why we should assume that 
the other span was smaller. Of course one arch may have 
been built up, leaving only a small arched door for 
entrance, but in that case the whole idea of adducing 
Lincoln and Hard Knott as parallels falls to the ground, ^o 
In both those cases the inequality is shown by foundations. 

17. The inequality of the arches there worked out in one instance to 
3 mches! (9ft. llin. and 9ft. 8in.). In two other gates, however, 
Mr. Dymond reports as much as 2ft. llin. and 3ft. 7in. respectively. 

18. In his own very interesting account of Melandta {The Victoria 
History of Derbyshire, vol. i.), Mr. Haverfield states that the arches 
were reported to be unequal at the western gate also. Here western has 
evidently been prmted for northern. (The northern arches were at first 
supposed to be unequal). Mr. Hamnett, who excavated the western 
gate, tells me (March, 1906), that he found no such indications at that 

19. See drawings. Proc. Derb. Arch. Sac, vol. xxiii., p. 93. 

20. It is clear, however, from Mr. Garstang's plan (Some Features of 
Boman Military Defensive Works, Plate iv.) that he did not intend this 


If we are discussing whetlier one arcli was built up, and 
pierced by a small door, the only possible evidence of a 
construction of tbat kind left now must be derived from 
tbe voussoirs. Apparently Mr. Garstang rested bis tbeory 
upon tbese. He found one voussoir, wbicb gave a span of 
eigbt feet, and be assigned tbis to tbe larger arcb.^^ 
Tbree otbers gave spans respectively of 2 ft. 6 in., 
2 ft. 3 in., and 2 ft. 1 in., and tbese be conjectured migbt 
belong to a door and a smaller arcb, tbougb tbis arcb and 
tbe central pier bad somebow to fill a span of over 13 feet. 
Now we bave turned out a number of voussoirs at tbe 
nortbern gate, and tbeir evidence is equally conflicting. 
Tbey vary greatly in size, and in quality of workmansbip. 
By far tbe best, wbicb is a well worked piece of gritstone, 
and wbicb I bave measured several times, gives a span of 
just under 14 incbes. A keystone, not so well worked, 
gives tbe same span. A mucb larger voussoir, rougbly 
worked, gives a span of 21 incbes. Tbere are otbers, but 
so far I bave not found one belonging to tbe 8 foot span. 
Very likely one may be tbere, but tbe voussoirs would 
probably be carried off. Voussoirs bave also been found at 
tbe soutbern gate, wbicb it would be impossible to connect 
witb tbe span at tbat entrance. A rougb measurement 
sbows tbat one of tbese also gives a span of 21 incbes. 
Another indicates a narrower opening. It is perfectly 
evident tbat tbese voussoirs do not belong to tbe main arcbes 
at all. Tbey point to tbe existence of windows or similar 
openings. Moreover, as we find bases of columns in tbe 
road near tbe nortb gate,- wbicb may bave come from tbe 
central building, it is possible some of tbe voussoirs came 
from tbat building also. Perbaps a careful examination 
of all tbe voussoirs by an expert migbt lead to some 
conclusion. But there seems little reason to doubt tbat 
tbe two main spans of tbe original structure were equal, 


and about 8 feet wide. "We should thus be left with about 
5 feet for the central pier {i.e., not quite twice the width 
of each of the side pilasters), and this is apparently the 
width of the central pier at Aesica and Borcovicium. 

Assuming that we have here the standard width of the 
Melandra gates (viz., about 8 ft.), this corresponds pretty 
nearly with those of Chesters and Borcovicium.^i It is, 
however, less than that of the Gellygaer gates, which 
measure 9 ft. 6 in.22 The gates at Aesica were wider still. 
As far as excavation can show, it would appear that there 
was in these cases no central spina, but that there were 
two central piers. The argument from analogy would 
seem to point in the same direction. I can only find 
proper spinae represented in two cases, viz., the west gate 
at Silchester and the south-west gate at Grellygaer. They 
are apparently wanting (to mention a few eases) at 
Chesters, Borcovicium, Aesica and Lambessa. 

No trace has been found at Melandra of either the sills 
or jambs of the doors, which have of course been discovered 
at other forts. In several cases where they are present 
the wheel ruts are clearly shown on the sills of the gates, 
and their gauge is a matter of interest. The wheel 
ruts still to be seen on the sill of the east gate 
at Borcovicium are aboiit eight inches deep, and the gauge 
is given by Bruce ^3 as " a little more than four feet six 
inches and a half." The gauge shown by the ruts on 
the Eoman road through Delamere Forest, according 
to the careful measurements of Watkin,^* is " four feet 

21. As far as I can make out from the plans. I have not the figures 
by me. I remember distinctly that the first thing that struck me on 
looking at the gates at Borcovicium was the narrowness of the entrance. 

22. As mentioned below, the flanking turrets at Gellygaer were also 
much larger than at Melandra. 

23. Handbook to Roman Wall, 1895, p. 142. 

24. Eoman Cheshire, p. 37. See also Proc. Lane. Chesh. Ant. Soc, 
vol. iii., p. 187. 


six inclies, measuring from the centre of the bottom of 
each rut." On the supposed Eoman road crossing 
Blackstone Edge, "Watkin (and also Dr. March) made otit 
no less than five parallel pairs of ruts, each giving a 
gauge of " four and a half feet."25 Qn the sill of the 
south-west gate at Gellygaer, "Ward found " two worn 
hollows, about five feet from centre to centre, made by 
the passage of wheels." ^s In the place already referred 
to above, Bruce also mentions the similarity of the gauge 
of the wheel ruts which anyone who has visited Pompeii 
will remember as so clearly shown in its streets. I have 
no measurement of this gauge, and the only other 
reference to it that I have been able to find is in Baedeker's 
Southern Italy (1900, p. 123), where mention is made of 
" deep ruts in the causeways, not more than four and a 
half feet apart." The correspondence of these measure- 
ments, recorded independently, and at places so far apart, 
is striking. It is worth while comparing them with the 
gauge of our English railways and tramways, which is 
regulated to four feet eight and a half inches, measuring 
to the faces of the flanges. 

Another feature is wanting which is common at the 
gates of the forts on Hadrian's wall. There it is usvial to 
find distinct traces of at least two periods of occupation. 
Unless in the fact that parts of columns, etc., seem to have 
been used for making the road last constructed, we have so. 
far no evidence of the kind in the stone remains at 

Finally, to return for a moment to a question raised 
before — were the bases of the towers that flanked the 
gateways used as guard chambers, or were they closed? 
Here analogy would certainly suggest that they were so- 

25. Roman Lancashire, p. 61. 

26. The Roman Fort of Gellygaer, p. 40. 


used. Anyone who has visited other forts would expect 
that this was the case. The presence of what might be a 
small hearth in one of them points in the same direction. 
Whatever may be the answer to this question, the space 
inside must have been very limited. The outside measure- 
ments of these towers at Melandra vary from 8 ft. 5 in. 
to 9 ft. 11 in. Even if the walls Avere only two feet thick 
(and at Gellygaer they are thicker than this), the inside 
dimensions would be not more than 5 ft. 11 in. and 
4 ft. 5 in. respectively, so that the rooms would be mere 
cells. (As will be seen in a moment, this was not the case 
at the southern gateway.) At Chesters, Gellygaer, 
Borcovicium, and other places where guard chambers 
actually existed, the inside measurements vary from 8 to 
12 feet. 

There is one other point. If we may draw an 
analogy from the angle turrets at Melandra, there seems 
no doubt that the lower chambers of these had no entrance 
from the outside, and can only have been used, if used at 
all, as storerooms entered from above. Mr. Garstang 
(who excavated the two best-preserved towers) says 
expressly -'' that " in no case had a tower, whether in a 
corner, or flanking a gate, a masoned floor at the ground 
level, nor any definite appearance of an entrance;" and 
he goes on to refer to similar cases on the German Limes, 
where the turrets are conjectured to have been provided 
with a useful chamber in the upper storey only, which 
might be entered directly from the sentry walk on the 
rampart. We need not, however, go so far afield as 
the Limes for an illustration. The towers at Hard Knott, 
with outside measurements varying from 13 ft. 3 in. to 
8 ft. 8 in. had no entrance on the ground floor, but 

27. Proc. Derb. Arch. Soc, vol. xxiii., p. 92. 


evidently Iiad upper storey s.^^ It is quite possible that 
the upper parts of these turrets were largely constructed 
of wood. Yitruvius expressly recommends this as a 
precaution: "so that, if the enemy obtain possession of 
any part of the walls, the wooden communication may be 
promptly cut away by the defenders, and thus prevent the 
enemy from penetrating to the other parts of the walls 
without the danger of precipitating themselves into the 
vacant hollows of the towers." ^^ 

To sum up, the excavations in 1905 (coupled of course 
with those of 1899) would seem to show that the three 
double gateways at Melandra were massive stone structures 
consisting of two double arches of equal span springing 
from six piers and flanked by towers which may or may 
not have had a useful chamber on the ground floor. 


Mr. Garstang's conjecture that both the northern and 
western gates would be found to be " similar in plan " to 
the eastern entrance turned out to be correct. He proceeds 
(loc. cit., p. 95) : " The fourth may have been smaller and 
spanned by a single arch, or even enclosed in a wooden 
frame." The excavation of this gateway, of which, again, 
no indication existed but a slight depression in the bank, 
was commenced in April. The plan is given opposite. 
It will be seen that the entrance took the form of a single 
gateway, flanked by towers, the dimensions of which are 
greater than those of the other flanking chambers. The 
width of the gateway was about 10 ft., and the outside 
measurement of the towers is 12 ft. by 11 ft. 3 in. The 

25. Cumb. and Westm. Antiq. and Arch. Soc. Proc, vol. xii., p. 383. 
29. Vitruv. De Architect, i., 5. 






ground floor of these is paved with large slabs, which are 
roughly indicated to scale in the plan; at the other gates 
no such paving is seen, the interior appearing to be a 
mere core. No bold projecting pilasters are seen here ; 
there is merely a slight projection of two stones at the 
outer side, as if to receive a light arch. Fewer voussoirs 
were found, but this is the side from which it would be 
most easy to carry away stone. The indications are not 
strongly in favour of the existence of a stone arch at all. 
The form of the gate can only be a matter of conjecture. 
While the road that passes through the gate (the road is 
in excellent condition) was being uncovered, an iron bar 
five feet long was found lying across it between the guard 
chambers. Unfortunately it was not possible to preserve 
it intact. The only other finds were a few voussoirs, and 
a chamfered impost measuring 8| by 6^ by 2| inches. 

One of the most interesting facts brought out by the 
excavation of this gate was first pointed out by Mr. 
J. H. Hopkinson. In the vertical section of the bank 
that rested against the inner face of the eastern guard 
chamber (the clay rampart clearly came right up to the 
tower walls at this gate) a line of fragments of red tile 
was distinctly shown sloping gradually downwards towards 
the road. Assuming (as is most probable) that this line 
represents the original slope of the bank, upon which the 
tiles fell as the building was demolished, it shows clearly 
that right and left of the gateway inside the fort, the bank 
sloped gently upwards, and so served as an approach to 
the rampart walk. This was also the method of approach 
to the rampart walk at the Saalburg.^^ At Gellygaer, 
where the earth would be too loose to form a bank, the 
rampart walk was approached precisely at this point by 

31. Das Romerkastell Saalbtirg, von A. von Cohausen und L. Jacobi, 
p. 24 : "ein Wehrgang, zu welchem eine sanfte Boschung hinauffiihrte." 


means of steps, which may be seen on the plan. When 
the final measurements at Melandra were being checked 
early this year (1906), the bank was found to have 
weathered back, and this red line was so regular and so 
clearly defined that we measured the angle of the slope 
in order that it may be shown with the plan of the gate. 
The line may also be clearly seen in the section north of the 
east gate, where I have myself several times found 
the dressed stones, lying, apparently just as they had 
fallen, upon the broken tiles. 


This gateway, which is by far the best preserved of all, 
and gives indications of having been the most massive, 
was excavated by Mr. Garstang in 1899. As no detailed 
plan of it has ever been published, a measured plan has 
now been prepared on the same scale as the other plans, 
partly for purposes of comparison with the northern 
entrance, which it so strongly resembles (the latter was a 
few inches wider), partly because the plan shows in a 
striking manner on the southern side the way in which 
the rampart joined up with the gateway tower. No 
excavation has been done here except such as was required 
to obtain clean sections of the rampart on either side. In 
the course of cutting these sections, as mentioned else- 
where, it was found that the foundations of the gate went 
one course deeper than had been supposed. A curious 
irregularity appears at the north-western corner of the 
plan, both in the courses and the footings. I compared 
the plan with the gateway before the drawing was inked 
in, and the twist in the foundations exists exactly as 

The remains of the western srate are so broken and 



fragmentary, and are so constantly under water, that a 
reliable plan of that entrance can scarcely be hoped for. 
Such measurements as have been taken, however, indicate 
that it was similar to the other double gateways. 


The uncovering of the north and south gateways made 
it possible for the first time to obtain the exact dimensions 
of the fort. Turning to the plan, it will be seen that the 
enclosure is almost a rhombus, with the comers 
rounded off, as was usual. As is explained elsewhere, ^^ 
the departure from the rectangular shape is no doubt due 
to a slight error in setting off the right angle in the centre 
at the outset. It will be seen that the plan of Gellygaer 
received a similar twist in the opposite direction. 
Apparently, the angle was only set off once, after which 
measurements were made with ten-foot rods (decem-pedoe), 
along and parallel to the two base lines at right angles. 
This explains the repetition of the error throughout. 
Curiously, another error appears in both plans. If the 
front line of the central building be produced, it will be 
found in each case to pass out at about the centre of one 
of the western gates. 

The orientation of these plans is a matter of interest. 
When forts lay along a frontier, of course the lie of the 
fort would be determined by the lie of the frontier. In 
the majority of other cases, so far as I can find, the 
diagonals, roughly speaking, are directed towards the 
cardinal points. Of course this may be purely a matter 
of chance, due to the lie of the ground. ^^ 

The exact length of Melandra, measuring to the outer 

32. See p. 67. 

33. Vegetius {De Re Milit. , 23), is explicit on this matter : " Pwta 
autem quae appellatur praetoria aut orientem spectare debet, aut ilium 
locum qui ad hostes resjnciet." 'Whj orie7item, I wonder ? 



faces of tlie stone rampart, along a line perpendicular to 
the line of tlie south wall is 398| feet; the breadth, 
measured along the centre of the Via Principalis, also to 
the outer line of rampart is 368j feet. The area covered 
by the fort, making allowance for the irregularity of the 
shape, but disregarding the rounding off of the comers, 
is 16,265 square yards, or 3"36 acres approximately. Now 
that the exact dimensions are known, it will be interesting 
to compare them with those of other forts, excluding, of 
course, those that are out of proportion larger than 
Melandra. These comparisons are more interesting if the 
forts are taken in groups. Those to which we naturally 
turn first are the neighbouring forts at Manchester, 
Brough, and Castle Shaw, and the little earthwork at Toot 
Hill. The dimensions in feet, as reported, are as 
follows : — 



Mancunium ^* . 



Melandra ... . 



Castle Shawns . 



Brough ^^ ... . 



Toot Hill 37 . 



The comparison is of course only a rough one, as in two 
cases an earthwork has been measured. ^^ The fort at 

34. Roeder. Boman Manch., p. 49. Watkin's numbers are 490 and 
440. Roman Lane, p. 92. 

35. Aikin. Desc. of Country round Manchester. 

36. Proc. Derb. Arch. Soc, 1904. Rom. Brough., p. 10. 

37. Measured by Mr. T. C. Horsfall and myself in 1905. Our measure- 
ments agreed exactly with those made by Watkin and Earwaker in 1874. 
The figure is irregular and these numbers indicate greatest length and 
breadth of vallmn. 

38. In these quotations of areas, I am uncertain in some cases whether 
the rampart is included. Where this is of clay, the difference may be 
considerable. Aesioa, mth its earthen rampart, is a case in point. 
When the above was in type, I found that the areas assigned to Aesica 
and Vindobala did not quite agree with Mr. Haverfield's figures in his 
article in Social England. The areas given above are taken from 
Mr. A. E. Wallis Budge's list in his Roman Antiq. at Chesters. 


Ribchester was larger ^^ (about 615 feet by 440), 
approaching more nearly in size to several recently 
excavated on the Antouine Yallum. Of the forts on the 
wall of Hadrian, while several are less than half as large 
as Melandra, a number are very nearly the same size, as 
the following table will show (Ribchester and Manchester 
are included for purposes of comparison) : — 

Approximate area. 

Ribchester 6 acres. 

Amboglanna, Cilumum and Tunno- 

celura 6| acres. 

Manchester and Borcovicium 5 acres. 

Segedunum, Vindobala, Procolitia, 

Magna and Pons Aelii 3^ acres. 

Melandra 3^ acres. 

Vindolana 3j acres. 

Aesica and Gabrosentis ... 3 acres. 

Finally, two forts, one in the north and one in the south, 
both of which resemble Melandra in several points, are 
of almost exactly the same size. The figures are : — 

Length. Breadth. 

Gellygaer^o 402 385 

Melandra 398 368 

Hard Knott" 375 375 

When we turn to the continental forts we find (I think) 
none whose dimensions correspond to those of Melandra. 
Some have an area of between one and two acres, others 
range from 4| to seven acres and upwards. Thus, of 
between thirty and forty Kastelle that have been excavated 

39. Garstang. Boman Eibchester. (Preston : Toulmin, 1898.) 

40. Ward, op. cit., p. 8 

41. Proc. Cuinb. and Westm. Arch. Soc, vol. xii. 


on tlie Ober-germaniscli-raetisclie Limes nine have an 
area of between 6,000 and 7,000 sq. yds., ten have an area 
of between 24,000 and 26,000 sq. yds. (Melandra would 
come balf-way between the two groups), the rest are much 

The variation in the dimensions of the forts suggests 
the question as to how far these were determined by the 
number of men to be accommodated, a point which it 
would be out of place to discuss here. Apparently each 
of these forts was garrisoned by an ala of cavalry or a 
cohort of infantry,*^ both auxiliary troops. There is 
reason to suppose that the forts at Manchester and 
Melandra were both garrisoned by infantry. The cohort 
of Tungrians at Borcovicium is supposed to have numbered 
1,000 men. Mancunium covered the same area as Bor- 
covicium. It is probable that the garrison at Melandra 
did not much exceed half that number. 

Without doubt the fort that most resembles Melandra 
is that of Hard Knott. The plans are almost identically 
the same and apparently at both stations all but the 
official buildings were of wood. Unfortunately, a plan 
of Hard Knott to the standard scale has not been pub- 
lished. I have, therefore, for purposes of comparison, 
placed the plans of Melandra and Gellygaer,*^ both drawn 
to the same scale, on opposite pages. An examination of 
the two plans side by side will show the striking points of 
resemblance, and perhaps it is not unreasonable to assume 
(at least until the further excavation of Melandra has 
disclosed the plan of the interior) that the arrangement 

42. Except the smaller forts. Mr. Haverfield estimates that some of 
the smaller forts on the Danubian frontier may have been held by as 
few as 50 men under a beneficiarius. {Athenauvi, October 22nd, 1892.) 

43. As explained above, I am indebted to Mr. J. Ward, F.S.A., for 
permission to reproduce the plan of Gellygaer from his memoir on that 



Roman Fort: Melandra. 




I "f 

Roman Fort: Gellygaer. 





of tlie buildings was not unlike that of the southern fort. 
One point in which the two have a striking resemblance, 
is the central position of the Via Principalis. 

As the details of the interior of Melandra have still to 
be obtained by excavation, the numbered squares (of 20 ft. 
side), into which the area has been divided, have been laid 
upon a separate sheet, so that, as excavations proceed, the 
results may be added from time to time, pending the pub- 
lication of a more complete plan of the fort. 


We now arrive at one of the most interesting questions 
which the excavation of Melandra has raised. In his 
interim report, referred to above, Mr. Garstang said : 
" The rampart surrounding the fort is a feature of great 
archaeological interest, and apparently of unique type." 
In his paper on Melandra he describes it as "a form of 
rampart unusual in Roman works." Nothing has tran- 
spired that would tend to qiialify this description, and in 
entering upon a short discussion of the subject it is better 
to state at the outset that the mode of construction of the 
Melandra rampart remains an unsolved problem. So far 
no other fort fully excavated shows a similar defence, 
though Mr. Haverfield kindly tells me (under date 
December 27th, 1905) that " the rampart now uncovering 
at Newstead, near Melrose, seems to have had a stone 
facing, some rubble, and a lot of clay, but its details are 
not yet clear." ** 

Mr. Garstang's description of the Melandra defence is 

44. The excavations at Newstead are not yet completed. Dr. 
Anderson has, however, kindly sent nie the information that this 
station, the largest as yet investigated in Scotland, was "defended by a 
great earthen mound some 40 feet in width, faced with a wall 8 feet 
thick, with three parallel lines of ditches." 


as follows : " The outer shell of masonry has a thickness 
of little more than a foot, which the backing of rubble 
increases to four or five feet at its lowest course. With 
the base of the mound included the width is increased to 
twenty feet or more." (p. 92). This account was accepted 
from Mr. Garstang by Mr. Haverfield in the Victoria 
History of Derbyshire *^ (p. 212), with the addition of the 
remark that it appeared to be an earlier type of rampart 
than the more usual wall of stone such as was found at 
Brough. In what follows it is important we should be 
clear as to what is meant by "rubble." In two standard 
authorities I find the following statement : "Rubble wall- 
ing is either coursed or uncoursed." In either case the 
term is used to denote, not a heap of loose material, but a 
solid wall. 

In the summer of 1905, a number of cuts were made into 
the rampart under Prof. Conway's direction. These cuts, 
several of which are marked on the plan, are of interest, 
as showing the excellent construction of the clay bank, 
which contains no stone whatever. They do not, however, 
make clear any other point. A number of sections have 
also been cleared near the gates, and these are more 
instructive.*^ The best undoubtedly are those im- 
mediately north and south of the east gate. The first 
of these is perhaps the more interesting, but, un- 
fortunately, while the clay bank there is well preserved, 
the wall has been almost entirely removed. Much later 
in the year, a portion of the wall that still remains to the 

45. Mr. Haverfield has kindly given me permission to make use not 
only of this article, but also of his valuable notes on the fort at 

46. It may be as well to state that what is said of these sections refers 
to their appearance when freshly cut. When the section is much 
weathered, the details may be obscured. This statement may be 
necessary, in case anyone should compare the descriptions given with the 
sections as they appear now. 


lu o 

z ^ g 

O lU 2 

"■ c 3 
S t S 

< S 1^" 





»-i ^ u- 
U_ S O 

lo Id 


south, of tlie east gate was carefully cleared, and it is 
possible that an examination of the section at this point, 
where the wall is better preserved than at any other part, 
may assist in solving this much-discussed problem. We 
have, therefore, prepared a m.easured section of the ram- 
part to the north of the east gate, and above this we have 
placed a section of the wall only, as it may now be seen 
to the south of the east gate.*" By combining these two 
sections, I think we may arrive at the original construc- 
tion of the defences of the fort. To the left of the section 
the clay bank is seen sloping upwards from the interior 
of the camp area, its original outline being indicated by 
the line of broken tiles, on which dressed stones are found, 
lying apparently just as they fell as the tower was de- 
molished. The clay bank, both north and south of the 
gate, seems to terminate in a vertical face. On the south 
side, as shown in the upper section, the wall, consisting 
of an outer facing, with a roughly coursed rubble backing, 
runs back to this vertical face. On the north side, the 
wall is apparently represented by the footings only, the 
rest having been removed, and a great part of the debris 
there, as shown by the presence of tiles, may have been 
derived from the ruins of the tower. The remainder of 
the section explains itself. The general inference is that 
the fort was defended by a wall a little over five feet thick, 
which served as a revetment to a clay bank which ran 
back some fifteen feet further. 

Turning to other forts, and disregarding for the moment 
the case of Newstead, as still sub judice, we find somewhat 
similar features at Gellygaer and at the Saalburg, on the 
German Limes. The outer defence of Gellygaer consists 

47. I think it should be said that this wall has not been exposed down 
to the foundation. The foundations are inserted exactly as they are 
found to exist elsewhere. 


of a bank of earth, about thirteen feet wide, faced on the 
outside with a four-foot wall, on the inside with one some- 
what thinner.*^ The inner retaining wall was probably- 
necessary there on account of the looser nature of the 
earth. No inner retaining wall has been found at 
Melandra, though Mr. Garstang mentions that " a row of 
flat stones placed vertically, forty feet within the outer 
wall may possibly have been designed to assist the align- 
ment and construction." ^^ The defence of the Saalburg 
fort is described^" as consisting of "a battlemented wall 
which served on the inner side as revetment to an earthen 
wall. . . . The rampart, 2| metres high, had a fortified 
platform 3 metres broad, up to which a gentle incline 
led." ^^ The Saalburg wall was about 1'9 metres thick. 

There is one other possible parallel to the Melandra 
rampart, but it is in the defences of a city and not a fort. 
The wall of the Roman settlement at Cirencester, known 
as Corinium or Durocomovium, may still be seen on the 
bank of the little river Chum, that flowed round and 
possibly through it. Leland (Y. pp. 64, 65) speaks of 
"the cumpace of the old waul" as "nere hand ii myles," 
and adds " A man may yet walking on the bank of Chume 
evidently perceyve the cumpace of foundation of towers 
sumtyme standing in the waul." When the Bristol and 
Gloucestershire Archaeological Society visited the site 
some years ago [Proc. II. pp. 13, 14), there was still to be 
seen " a perfect earthen bank which supported the Roman 
wall." A correspondent informs me (April, 1906) that 
this remains, and that in the course of the last three 
months draining operations have uncovered another por- 

48. Bom. Fort of Gellygaer, plate iii., p. 32. 

49. Interim Refort. We have not seen these stones. 

50. Das RomerkasteU Saalburg. A von Cohausen and Jacobi, p. 24. 

51. See p. .37 and note 31. 


tion of tlie wall. In describing these defences in his 
"Roman Britain^' (1903, p. 179) Conybeaxe says: "The 
rampart consisted first of an outer facing of stone, then of 
a core of concrete, and finally an earthen embankment 
within, the whole reaching a width of at least four yards." 
It is interesting to remember, in comparing this with 
Melandra, that two at least of the Cirencester inscriptions 
seem to belong to the end of the first or the beginning of 
the second century, and that the coins found correspond 
very nearly with those found at Melandra. (Same Proc. 
XX. p. 262.) 

In attempting to decide if we have at Melandra a 
parallel to either of these constructions, and especially to 
that at the Saalburg, it will be better to state at the outset 
what has actually been found there. The foundations of 
the outer shell of the rampart rest upon the subsoil of 
marly clay. Near the east gate they go down about two 
feet into the clay, measuring to the underside of the flag 
footings. The footings axe formed of four inch gritstone 
flags, upon which the wall rests, being set back upon them 
about eight inches. Beneath the footings are boulders 
and lumps of gritstone of poorer quality. Only two 
courses of dressed stones remain. The lowest consists of 
blocks of the best gritstone, the outer surface of which has 
been worked plain, while the inner projects for the purpose 
of forming a key. The height of the courses varies from 
eight to thirteen inches. The depth of the faced stones 
from front to back averages about 1 ft. 6 in. We know 
that at least one centurial stone was once built into this 
outer facing, probably near the X.E. corner, where it was 
afterwards found. Xow, one of the most important points 
brought out by the excavations in 1905 is the fact, of which 
there can hardly be any doubt (as a glance at the plan will 
show), that this facing of ashlar masonry, the whole of 


whicii lias been scabbled with a mason's pick (or some 
such tool), completely surrounded the fort. In all these 
details the work corresponds exactly with the facing of 
the Wall of Hadrian,^^ though anyone who has seen both 
will at once notice that the stones at Melandra are 
larger and better dressed than those on the Wall.^^ 
Behind this excellent facing, which it will be seen 
has entirely disappeared in places, is now found 
an accumulation of stones, and beyond this a bank 
of pure marly clay, free from stones. At one place, 
near the east gate, the backing seems to have remained 
undisturbed, and there, though there is no inner facing, 
the inner part of the wall seems to have been roughly 
coursed. The whole question is whether the loose stones 
(which are seen falling outwards in other places where the 
facing has been uncovered) once formed a roughly coursed 
rubble backing, making with the ashlar facing a wall 
about five feet thick which would serve as a revetment to 
the clay bank. For the sake of clearness, the argiiments 
which follow are numbered. 

1. The rubble wall shows no sign of an inner facing. 
An inner facing, however, is not necessary in the case of 
a revetment, and as a matter of fact, does not appear to 
exist in the revetment walls of the German Kastelle.^* 
Even at Hard Knott, where there was no bank, and where 
the outer facing is "of good hammer-dressed stones,'" 
Mr. Dymond reports the inner face as " far inferior to the 
outer" and "as poor as possible." ^^ 

52. Cf. Bruce. Handbook to the Eoman Wall, 4th edition, 1895, pp. 

53. This was one of the points noticed by Mr. Haverfield. 

54. My only authority for this statement is Dr. D. Christison's report 
on the Castlecary excavations. Proc. Soc. Ant. Scot., 1903, p. 10. Mr. 
Haverfield tells me that (according to Hettner) the Saalhurg wall Avas 
faced on both sides, 

55. Proc. Cumh. and Westm. Arch. Soc, p. 393. 


2. If there was such a wall, the mortar has dis- 
appeared. Now, we know for certain that there was 
good mortar at Melandra, as some can still be shown m 
situ. But it has nearly all disappeared, even from the 
gateway piers. The mortar has also so completely dis- 
appeared from Hard Knott, that it was only by the most 
careful examination that the presence of mortar was de- 
tected at all,s6 and at Gellygaer it is reduced to a sandy 

3. There is one very possible reason for the disappear- 
ance of the mortar at Melandra. The fort is built in the 
midst of the gritstone country, and the difficulty of 
obtaining lime (so far as I know, there are no limestone 
beds within a radius of ten miles) may easily have 
influenced the character of the mortar.^s I liave 
dealt with this question later,^^ in the section headed 
-:! Materials." 60 

4. But the point which seems to have been most fre- 
quently lost sight of in the discussion of the Melandra ram- 
part is the question of the lateral fluid pressure due to the 
presence of a bank of clay, or an accumulation of loose 
rubble. I must confess that, bearing this point in mind, 
the conjectural sketch of the Melandra defences given by 
Mr. Garstang on Plate I. of his valuable paper on Eoman 
Military "Works seems to me to be an impossible one. If I 

56. lb., p. 413. 

57. Ward. Op. cit., p. 25. 

58. Moreover, lime from the carboniferous limestones is said to be not 
as good for mortar as that from other formations. 

59. See p. 61. 

60. It is interesting to note that Vitruvius mentions the decay of walls 
in Rome in his time through the perishing of the mortar. "We may see 
this in several monuments about the city, built of marble or of stones 
squared externally . . . but filled up with rubble run with mortar. 
Time has taken up the moisture of the mortar, and destroyed its 
efficacy. ... All cohesion is thus ruined, and the walls fall to decay." 
{De Arch., ii., 8.) 


understand it aright, lie there represents an ashlar wall 
one stone in thickness and 14 feet high, as serving as a 
revetment to a bank of clay with some rubble at the 
l)ottom, rising to within a few feet of the top of the wall. 
Now a rough rule due to calculation and experience would 
seem to show that ground of an average character can be 
retained by a wall that is one-third or possibly one-quarter 
as thick as it is high. It is practically certain that the 
outer shell of masonry at Melandra coidd not have 
sustained the pressure of a clay bank.®^ If we assume 
that the wall at Melandra stood at the height (suggested 
hj Mr. Garstang) of 14 feet, then a wall 5 feet thick, 
which seems suggested by the remains still to be seen 
south of the eastern gate would be sufficient to hold in a 
clay bank, and the whole structure would thus resemble 
ihat at the Saalburg.t 

5. Of course the question arises : What has become of 
"this rubble wall? I think the 1905 excavations, which 
Professor Conway has specially directed towards the un- 
covering of the outer rampart, have materially assisted in 
answering this question. Mr. Garstang said of the outer 
wall : " The traces of this now remain near the chief 
gateways only." We haA^e traced it more or less completely 
on all sides, sufficiently to prove without a doubt that it 
once extended round the enclosure. But the plan will 
show how completely this wall has been stripped by those 
in search of stone, so that sometimes for 20 or 30 yards 
not even a trace of the footings remains. The rubble wall 
(even if it was not carried away) being thus robbed of its 
support and pressed by the clay bank, would fall outwards. 

61. It is most interesting to note how emphatic Vitruvius is on this 
■question of lateral pressure of earth. Thus {op. rit. i., 6) "In the con- 
struction of ramparts . . . the wall must be of sufficient thickness to 
resist the pressure of earth against it." And again (vi., 11) "the thick- 
ness of the wall must be proportioned to the weight of earth against it." 

t Mr. Haverfield does not think a height of lift, probable. 


Melandra, as we liappen to know, lies in a very bleak and 
exposed situation. It forms, as it were, a focus for every 
wind that blows. If we add to the wholesale pilfering 
that has taken place there the effects of frost, rain, springs, 
the roots of vegetation, and the dampness of the soil (which 
would materially assist the frost in its work), and remember 
that the disintegrating influences which we have actually 
seen work such havoc in a single season have had free play 
for many hundreds of years, during which time the wall 
has been frequently exposed, the wonder will be not that 
so little but that so much remains. Let us end as we 
began, by saying that the mode of construction of the 
Melandra rampart remains an unsolved problem. But I 
have examined all the sections very many times, both 
when they were fresh and (which is instructive) at frequent 
intervals during the winter, when the various forces of 
<i'>nudation have had their way, and taking into considera- 
tion ail the arguments, and especially remembering how 
completely the ashlar wall has been stripped, and how 
exposed the situation is, there seems to me fair ground 
for supposing that the Melandra defences were of a similar 
foTTn to those at the Saalburg, though the masonry of the 
wall may possibly not have been so good, and that at the 
Saalburg seems to have had two faces, and to have been 
the chief defence. 

One final question arises. Is there any evidence to show 
whether the wall was built later than the clay rampart? 
I think anyone who has studied the remains and realised 
how much they have suffered from destruction and decay 
will feel how impossible it must be to answer this question. 
In making his sections into the rampart Professor Conway 
thought he detected in several places a line of boulders, 
marking what he thought might have originally served as 
a drain to the outer face of the bank. If this line could 


be followed for some distance, it might afford some evi- 
dence, but tbe occurrence of a few boulders at intervals 
under so much rubble would bardly be conclusive. 

Will tbe argument from analogy help us here? The 
ramparts of the Scottish forts are, almost without excep- 
tion, made of earth. The later forts were of stone, 
and apparently the rampart of earth and stone marks 
a transition. The neighbouring forts of Mancunium 
and Brough had a stone rampart 6 to 7 feet thick. 
The exact history of the transition, however, has 
not yet been made out. In his valuable note on this 
subject,^* which I am glad to be able to use, Mr. Haver- 
field mentions the case of a fort in the Carpathians built 
not earlier than a.d. 110, which had at first earthen walls, 
and was given stone ramparts in 201. A similar case is 
reported by Arrian as occurring oil the Armenian fron- 
tier. Mr. Haverfield concludes : " It is exactly the same 
development as that by which the early earthen tumuli of 
Rome grew into stone structures like the tomb of Caecilia 
Metella, ... in these cases, as in the ramparts, there was 
a period of transition when earth and stone were both in 
use." As far as Melandra is concerned, I know of no 
evidence to show whether the wall was added to the clay 
bank, or whether the two were raised simultaneously, but 
Professor Conway sends me the following note on this sub- 

My knowledge of walls and earths is far too slight for me 
to venture to set any opinion of my own on a practical 
matter against a definite judgment of either Mr. Bruton's 
or Dr. Haverfield's. But as every general description of the 
rampart is inductive and to some extent constructive, it 
seems one's duty to state what one believes one's self to have 
seen. Mr. Bruton's descriptions of what is now visible 

64. The Roman Fort of Gcllygaer, p. 38. 


appear to me absolutely exact ; the only doubt possible to me 
is about his conclusion as to the sections north and south of 
the east gate, where to him (p. 45 )the clay-mound " seems to 
end in a vertical face " towards the outside of the camp. I 
am not quite convinced that the face may not once have been 
a sloping, and not a vertical front. On the other hand, in 
several sections of the southern rampart the outline of the 
whitish-brown clay seems to me fairly distinct, sloping 
outwards beneath a mass of darker-coloured rubble. From 
what now is visible I find it difficult to understand the 
sketch provisionally given by Mr. Garstang (in his paper 
on Eoman Defensive Works) of the rubble (i.e., the stones 
and earth outside the clay rampart and inside the 
facing of the wall) as thickest at the ground level. I am 
at least certain of this much, that in no single spot of the 
rampart now exposed Avill the yellowish clay be found above 
any rubble ; while, as I have said, I can point to more than 
one place in the section of the southern rampart where the 
rubble seems, to me at least, to have been superimposed upon 
the clay. I cannot help, therefore, inclining to the belief 
ti , '^he wall and all that belongs to it was later than the 
clay rampart ; but I am far from thinking that the evidence 
is clear enough to make this provable. 

R. S. C. 


Mr. Garstang reported (p. 92) that as the outer wall 
was stripped from the corners, it was not possible to ex- 
amine the exact connection between it and the corner 
towers. The excavations last year, however, practically 
settled this point. All four corners have now been cleared. 
At both ends of the northern wall the dressed stones re- 
main, and the rounding of the comers is distinctly shown, 
as well as the fact that the side walls of the turrets ran 
up to the outer wall. Whether there was an outer pro- 
jection, as at the Saalburg,®^ cannot now be determined. 
At the latter fort no foundations of corner towers were 
met with. The curve of the wall at Melandra proved (as 

65. Op. cit., p. 25. 


the result of several measurements) to be roiigUy tlie arc 
of a circle of 32 foot radius. This was afterwards found 
to be exactly the figure obtained at Brougb.^^ Tbe walls 
of the corner tower at Brough, however, were splayed. The 
two best preserved towers at Melandra were excavated by 
Mr. Garstang, and he records the interesting fact that in 
one or two instances he found that the mound was piled 
against the walls of the towers (p. 92). At the two other 
corners we found only the core remaining, and this may 
account for the apparent inequality of the Melandra tur- 
rets, as shown by the plan. These structures are, however, 
unequal in other forts. ^' The photograph opposite shows 
the rounding of the wall at the N.E. corner, where, though 
the walls of the tower are missing, two courses of the outer 
rampart remain. ^^ 


No important work has been done here during the year. 
The clearing of the floor of the central room brought to 
light a circular stone lying a few inches below the surface 
of the floor in the middle of the room. The western half 
of the courtyard has yet to be examined. 

The Via Principalis, which is in good preservation, had j 
already been uncovered. The excavation of the north 
gate brought to light the remains of a hard concrete road 

66. Proc. Derb. Arch. Soc, 1904, p. 10. The radius of the curve at 
the Saalburg was 12 metres. (Op. cit., p. 25.) 

67. Cf. e.g. Hardknott, where the side measurements vary from 8ft. 
Sin. to 13ft. Sin. The turrets at Borcovicium show the same irregularity. 

68. It will be interesting here to refer to the fact that the recent ex- 
cavations at Castlecary on the Antonine vallum have brought to light 
" the first Roman wall-tower met A^-ith in Scotland." Proc. Soc. Ant. Scot., 
Ap.,1903, p. 11. 

North East Corner of Fort. 

To face p. 54 


passing througli tliat entrance. On opening up the 
southern gateway tlie road leading from that entrance to 
the central building was also found to be in excellent 
preservation. The present surface of this road is practic- 
ally level, and the clay subsoil on which the foundations 
rest seems also to have been worked level, both being 
devoid of the usual camber or curvature. The road is 
about 1 ft. 3 in. thick, and is composed of large rounded 
stones, smaller cobbles, pebbles, and coarse gravel. The 
whole of these have been well rammed together and 
thoroughly consolidated. As neither camber nor wheel 
ruts can be detected, it is possible that the present surface 
does not represent the upper surface of the original road. 


The investigation of the Roman drains is rendered more 
difficult by the fact that the site was drained in the last 
century at the time of the cotton famine. Before 1905 
one Eoman drain had been uncovered, which is shown in 
the plan as pursuing a somewhat irregular course north- 
wards towards the N.W. corner of the area. This was 
traced back last summer to the southern side of the Via 
Princiimlis, where it was lost. Two other drains have 
since been discovered. The first was found to terminate 
in the rampart wall near the north-east comer, and is so 
marked on the plan. It has not yet been opened up. The 
other runs parallel to the Via Principalis about half-way 
between that road and the south wall, and has been fol- 
lowed practically as far as the central building. It is 
formed of large flags, but has apparently been narrowed 
by lateral earth-pressure. The clayey subsoil of the site 
causes it to hold much water, and even in the summer 
excavation is somewhat impeded for this reason. 



The indications of buildings within the area have been 
marked on the plan. I have taken some trouble to get 
the position of these, as well as of the principal finds, 
accurately determined, as, pending the complete excava- 
tion of the site, such information may be instructive. 
Fortunately, owing to Mr. Hamnett's care, all the impor- 
tant spots had been marked with stakes. Near the south- 
eastern turret are plainly indicated the foundations of a 
kiln or oven. In clearing this during the summer some 
molten lead was found. While following the drain which 
is marked to the S.W. of the headquarters, the workman 
came upon what appears to be a rough stone foundation, 
which, as the plan will show, was followed for about fifty 
feet, just before work was abandoned for the season. 
About the same time the hard clay foundation marked in 
the N.W. corner was uncovered. Trial excavations, made 
in previous years, have brought to light a number of 
floors composed apparently of red burnt earth, five or six 
inches thick. The substance of which these floors is com- 
posed has been examined by Mr. Francis Jones, who finds 
that it contains silica, iron and traces of other metals. 
The bases of several oak posts have been found in one of 
these floors near the N.E. corner, and their position is 
marked on the plan. The upper part of the posts had 
been burnt and on following the charred remains the 
bases were discovered. The one which I saw raised was 
a squared oak pole, not pointed, but cut square at the 
bottom, which was 2 ft. 7 in. below the red floor. The 
wetness of the soil makes it difficult to examine the sockets. 
When first taken up the oak seemed well preserved and 
showed the annual rings distinctly, but it rapidly turned 
black. It was at this point that the coins of Galba and 


Trajan were found, as well as a large amphora with 
pointed base, besides whetstones, and fragments of pottery, 
lead and glass. It will be seen that the position of these 
posts corresponds pretty nearly with that of the posts, lines 
of which were found fronting the barrack-buildings at 
Gellygaer, and which (as Mr. Haverfield suggested the 
search for them) were known to the excavators there as 
■'Haverfield's posts." The excellent preservation of those 
already found suggests that if a systematic excavation of 
the northern area were undertaken, the plan of the build- 
ings there might be recovered. It is possible to draw 
inferences from the position of the other finds, especially 
where there happens to be an accumulation near one spot. 

One of the interesting cases is that of the millstones, 
of which a number were found together some years ago. 
We found several more in the same place last year, and 
no doubt others are there. (I also rescued a perfect speci- 
men from the valley below, where I learnt it had been 
rolled by boys at play.) It was disappointing, when we 
had taken some pains to collect the millstones for a photo- 
graph (see p. 8) to be told afterwards that three perfect 
specimens were lying at a cottage in the neighbourhood. 
As two of the Eoman millstones seemed to be composed 
of a volcanic tufa I submitted one to Professor Boyd 
Dawkins, who has identified it as having come from the 
banks of the Rhine. One of these appears in the photo- 
graph, in the foreground. 

In the early part of the year several sections were ex- 
amined for finds, bvit they were quite unproductive, and 
it is a question whether the more profitable method of 
excavation would not be to set about recovering the 
original plan of a large section of the interior. In the 
late summer the sections numbered 136, 137 and 162 to the 
W. of the central building were examined by Professor 


Conway and Mr. Ilopkinson. Tiie result is described by 
the excavators as "on the whole disappointing." Traces 
of the road that must (judging from other plans) have run 
along the W. of the building were met with, and frag- 
ments of tiles scattered about seemed to suggest that the 
tiled floor, a portion of which was found by Mr. Garstang 
in section 160 may have extended in this direction. " Be- 
low this level there was nothing but a fine, closely trodden 
dark brown mixture of clay and sand, permeated with very 
small fragments of pottery, and averaging about a foot 
deep, and beneath it was the natural light-brown wet 
boulder clay of the site." The finds included nothing but 
a few glass counters and an earthenware strainer, which 
latter was found under a mass of charcoal, which was one 
of several indications of fires met with. Xear one of the 
layers of charcoal was found a large lump of slag. Con- 
cerning this Professor Boyd Dawkins writes me : " The 
iron slag implies the working of iron. ... It may belong 
to the Prehistoric Iron Age — the same age as the Beehive 
Querns. I have met with it in the lake village of Glaston- 
bury, and in the prehistoric centres of Northampton, 
Lewes, Hod, and elsewhere. On the other hand, it may 
be post-Roman." The discovery (March, 1906) in one of 
these sections of what is described as a portion of an oak 
window frame (a measured drawing of which Mr. Hamnett 
sends me) suggests that, as the soil preserves the oak, we 
may yet recover some of the wooden fittings of the build- 
ings. The recovery of the small finds is the result of 
much patient labour, especially as the soil is difficult. 
Thus the nine small weights which were found together 
in section 67 were all collected within a square yard. The 
small figure of a horse was found by Mr. Hamnett in 
section 81, but it was only after several hours' search that 
he found the tiny ephippiujn belonging to it, which, as is 


mentioned elsewhere (p. 91), is a rather unique relic. In 
a number of cases the fragments of pottery found have 
been successfully pieced together, so that fairly complete 
specimens may be seen of the "Samian" bowl, the am- 
phora, the mortarium, the patera, and glass bottles (see the 
List of Miscellaneous Remains, infra.). 

The soil of Melaiidra has a deteriorating influence on 
the pottery, which is quite soft when found, though it 
hardens on exposure. On the other hand, the glass is well 
preserved. Exactly the opposite is, I believe, the case at 
Wilderspool, where the soil is sandy. All objects of lead 
found at Melandra are thickly coated with the double 
hydrate and carbonate of lead which is usually produced 
when lead is left in contact with water. The coating has 
been analysed by Mr. Francis Jones, who finds that it 
contains no unusual features. 


Some reference has been made in an earlier paper to 
the materials of which the walls are built. On this point 
Professor Boyd Dawkins writes me in answer to a ques- 
tion : "All the sandstones at Melandra come from the 
millstone grit, the light coloured flags as well as the 
massive blocks. They might very well have come from. 
Mouselow, or even nearer. . . . The Roman tiles were 
probably made from boulder clay, but not necessarily 
from any of the clays in the immediate neighbourhood." ®^ 
As is indicated above, the gritstone varies greatly in 
quality. Broken pieces of the upper beds, which have 
poor weathering qualities, have been used for the founda- 

69. Vitruvius (De Arch., i., 5) declines to dilate on the question of 
materials "because those which are most desirable cannot, from the 
situation of a place, be always procured. We must, therefore, use what 
are found on the spot." 


tions of tlie footings. Stone from otlier beds of superior 
quality, but of tbin laminated strata, has been used for 
tbe walls of buildings witbin tbe fort, for the footings 
of tbe rampart wall, and for tbe drains. An example of 
tbe wall executed witb tbis material, may be seen in tbe 
central building. In tbis instance tbe courses vary from 
3 in. to 5 in. or 6 in. in beigbt. On account of tbe 
different tbicknesses of tbe laminated beds, tbe work bas 
been irregularly coursed. ''° Tbere seems to bave been no 
attempt to work stone of tbis description beyond sucb 
squaring as could be done witb a spalling bammer. 

Measurements of tbe stones of tbe rampart facing bave 
already been given (p. 47). In tbe remains of tbe east 
gate, bowever, mucb larger stones are found. Thus a pier 
stone may be seen measuring 2 ft. 11^ in. by 2 ft. 7 in. 
by 8 in., wbile tbe splayed impost of tbe adjacent pier 
measures 3 ft. 1| in. by 2 ft. 1 in. by 10 in. Tbe largest 
I bave measured is lying (now broken) on tbe beap of 
stones just inside tbe east gate. Rougbly its dimensions 
are 3 ft. 3 in. by 2 ft. 10 in. by 9 in. Eacb of tbese 
blocks, wbicb are of tbe finest millstone grit, would re- 
qu.ire several men to place it in position. Tbe last two 
mentioned migbt weigh as mucb as seven or eight cwt. 
each before the splays and sinkings were worked upon 
them. In other Roman work, {e.g., in the remains of the 
piers of the Roman bridge across the Tyne at Ciluruum) 
all the large stones bave lewis holes neatly worked in them. 
Lewis boles have not been found in any of the stones at 
Melandra, nor is there any indication that mechanical 
appliances were used for raising them. 

Of the tiles it need only be said here that the roofing 
tiles, of wbicb a large number have been found, are of tbe 
usual pattern, i.e., they consist of flat flanged teyulae and 
70. A section appears on the plate facing p. 45. 


curved tapering imbrices. In tlie tegulae nailholes are 
found wliicli seem to show that nails of oblong section 
were used, and an abundance of iron nails has been found on 
the site. Some of the bricks measure 10| in. by lOfin. 

Under one of the large blocks at the west gate an ex- 
cellent specimen of the mortar (still white and hard, 
though deteriorating) may be seen in situ. I submitted 
a specimen to Professor Boyd Dawkins, and he pronounces 
it to be made with sand from the millstone grit of the 
neighbourhood. '■I Mr. Francis Jones has made an analysis 
of this mortar. The analysis gives the following results : — 

Silica 85-47 

Lime (CaO) 5-08 

Iron and Alumina (Fe^iOg and ALOa) 266 

Carbon dioxide 282 

Water (dried at 200°C.) 104 

Magnesia (MgO) Trace. 

Alkalies, etc. (not det.) 2'93 

There was more lime than corresponded to the amount 
of carbon dioxide found, but as sulphuric a^id is also 
present, the remaining lime is no doubt present as sul- 
phate and also as silicate."^ 

It is interesting to remember, in this connection, that 

71. Vitruvius devoted a whole chapter to the question of the selection 
of sand. De Arch., ii., 4. 

72. As affording an interesting case for comparison I give the figures 
of the analysis of the mortar found in the walls of Hadrian's villa. 
They are as follows : — Silica 4110, Alumina 1470, Lime 15-50. Ferric 
oxide 492, Magnesia OSO, Carbon dioxide ll'SO. Potash 101, Soda 212, 
Organic matter 228, Water 520, Total 98-73. ' (See W. Wallace : On 
ancient mortars, Chem. News, 1865, vol. xi., p. 185, and Dingier' s 
Poly tech. Jrnl., 1865, vol. clxxviii., p. 372. See also Thorpe, Diet. 
Appl. Chem., vol. i., p. 467.) The cement of the mosaic on the Baths 
of Caracalla at Rome contains 25- 19 per cent, of lime. Mortar from 
the Pnyx at Athens has 4570 per cent, of lime. It is not easy to say if 
any of the original lime has been washed away from the specimen of 
Melandra mortar analysed by !Mr. Jones. 


a specimen of the mortar from the fragment of a Roman 
wall still to be seen in Manchester, was analysed in 1828 
by no less an authority than Dr. Dalton, who found that 
it contained 15 to 20 per cent, of carbonate of lime, some 
clay and iron, and about 80 per cent, of sand."^ 

A comparison of specimens of mortar from Manchester 
and Melandra is of special interest, for this reason : It is 
more than probable that the Roman soldiers who built 
Mancunium obtained the lime for their mortar from the 
well-known Ardwick beds."* The existence of limestone 
close at hand may account for the better quality of the 
Manchester mortar. Melandra, on the other hand, lay 
on the boulder clay, in the midst of the gritstone country, 
and its builders could not (I think) have obtained lime- 
stone nearer than at Ardwick or at Castleton, i.e., about 
twelve or fourteen miles away. In the excavation of the 
wall last year, especially on the east side, many pieces of 
limestone were thrown out. I brought away a number 
of these for Professor Boyd Dawkins to examine, and he 
writes : " The limestones are hard masses of burnt lime- 
stone^^ left when the lime was used for mortar. They 
are crinoidal limestones, like those of Castleton, and other 
places in Derbyshire." We thus obtain an interesting 
glimpse into the past. We see the Roman carts,'^^ loaded 

73. Baines. Hist. Manch., vol. ii., p. 152. 

74. Rceder actually found in the limestone at Mancunium the Spirorbis 
which is characteristic of the Ardwick beds. (Itom. Man., p. 79, seq.). 
See also Mr. Pettigrew's analysis (p. 83) which, however, is perhaps not 
so conclusive. 

75. Vitruvius has a separate chapter on the burning and slaking of 
lime. His explanation of the binding effect of lime is interesting. 
(De Arch., ii., 5.) 

76. May we not actually hear the creaking of the axles? 

montesque per altos 
Contenta cervice trahunt stridentia plaustra. 

Verg. Georg. iii. 536. 
Nee plaustris cessant vectare genientibus ornos. 

Verg. Aen. xi. 138. 


with limestone, climbing the steep road from the Snake, 
past the beautiful Lady Clough, then turning down 
the famous Doctor's Grate (where the road drains were still 
visible in 1722,'" and may yet be discernible), and so 
across the moors — as wild now as they were then — for the 
new fort building at Melandra. 


It would be easy to fill pages with suggestions as to 
work that remains to be done. A number of indications 
have already been given. In addition to these there are 
the questions of the excavation of the roads approaching 
the camp, the search for baths and a cemetery, and the 
examination of buildings outside, traces of which are visi- 
ble. The example set by those who have had in hand the 
excavation of other forts would seem to suggest that the 
first task should be a systematic stripping of the site with 
the object of obtaining a complete plan of the fort as it 
once existed. Such a task — owing to the nature of the 
soil — would be one of great difiiculty and would entail 
considerable expense. It would, however, throw some 
interesting light on the early history of Manchester. 

Meanwhile, if members of the Classical Association have 
been expecting that more would be accomplished as the 
result of the first year's work, we can only point to the 
motto given to us by Canon Hicks, the newly elected 
President of the Association, when we began work in 
February, 1905 : "In excavation it is the unexpected that 
always happens." 

r. A. Brutox. 

77. Archaeologia iu. , p. 237 


Some jfeaturcs of IRoinan jforts in Britain. 

The excavation, during the years 1894 — 8, of several forts 
on the Wall of Hadrian (one result of whicli lias been Mr. 
Bosanquet's admirable plan of Borcovicium), the comple- 
tion in 1901 of the work at Gellygaer, and the interesting 
investigations now in progress on the Wall of Antonine 
under the auspices of the Society of Antiquaries of Scot- 
land, have turned the attention of archseologists during the 
last few years to the subject of the particular form of 
defence known as the castellum, which seems to have been 
used by the Romans for the purpose of watching the tribes 
of the hill country, or holding the lines of fortifications 
that marked for the time being the limits of the empire. 

Manchester, as it happens, is not unfavourably situated 
for this particular study. There may still be seen in the 
neighbourhood of Knott MilP the remains of the fort 
which has given its name to the city, and which a writer 
who visited Manchester about 1540 described - as " almost 
ii. flyte shottes without the towne." The plan of Man- 
cunium is now lost beyond recovery, but about twelve 
miles to the east lay the sister fort now known as 
Melandra, which is shown by the inscriptions^ on four 

1. Roeder : Roman Manchester, p. 11. Watkin : Homan Lancashire, 
p. 104. An excellent specimen of the core of one of the walls is pre- 
served in situ under one of the Railway arches. 

2. Hearne's Leiand, vol. v., p. 94 (edit. 1769-70). 

3. C.I.L., vii., Nos. 178, 213, 214. A fourth is figured m Mem. Lit. 
Phil. Soc. Manch., vol. v., plate vii.,opp. p. 534, which does not appear 
in the Corp. Ins. Lat., vol. vii. The explanation seems to be that the 
Editor of the Corpus, as he states on p. 56, only consulted these memoirs 
as far back as 1805. Vol. v. is dated several years earlier. The pattern 
of the border on this stone is similar to that of the Melandra stone. 


centurial stones to have been garrisoned by the same 
cohort that assisted in building the fort at Manchester. 
Twelve or fourteen miles south-east of Melandra, we have 
a smaller fort at Brough, the treasures of which are in 
the safe keeping of the Derbyshire Archaeological Society, 
and further to the west, on the Cheshire hills just above 
Macclesfield, is the little earthwork known as the Toot 
Hill Camp, which may yet have a story to tell. Finally, 
some nine miles to the north of Melandra, on the main 
road * that ran from Chester to York by way of Man- 
chester, lies the rather unique station of Castleshaw, some- 
times referred to as an example of the castra unius diet, 
whose secrets have certainly not yet been fully unearthed. 
As Mr. Haverfield has written : ^ " A peculiar and addi- 
tional interest attaches to Melandra, in consequence of its 
connection with the Roman fort which constituted the 
earliest beginnings of Manchester. ... At Melandra we 
can win some picture of what Manchester was in the dim 
days of its birth under Roman rule." How far is it pos- 
sible already to recover this picture? Not to mention a 
number of forts the excavation of which is still in progress, 
we now have more or less complete plans of Borcovicium,^ 
Cilurnum,'^ Aesica,^ Bremenium,^ Ardoch,^" Birrens,^^ 
Camelon,^^ Lyne,^^ and Gellygaer;^* and to come nearer 

4. The second Iter of Antonine. 

5. Unpublished note on Melandra. 

6. Arch, ^lian., xxv., p. 193. 

7. 76. X., etc. 

8. 76. xxiv., p. 19. 

9. Jour. Roy. Arch. Inst., i. 

10. Proc. Soc. Ant. Scot., xxxii. 

11. 76. XXX. 

12. 76. XXXV. 

13. 76. xxxix. 

14. Ward : The Roman Fort of Gellygaer. 


home we have the results of the excavations at Hard 
Knott,^^ and of Mr. Garstang's work at Brough^^ and 
Eihchester.^'' As illustrations of later work we may men- 
tion the Roman Coast Fortresses of Kent.^^ A comparison 
of these plans with one another, and with the plans of the 
continental examples of similar works, shows that while 
certain features are common to all, it would be rash to 
predict in the case of any fort not fully excavated, what 
would be the lie of the buildings and the character of the 
interior arrangements. 

Let us consider for a moment the points in which the 
plans are almost invariably similar. It is not uninterest- 
ing to reflect that, roughly speaking, these forts were laid 
out, as far as their general features are concerned, mainly 
on the same lines and by the same methods as were the 
camps of the younger Scipio Africanus in his campaign 
against Carthage. Of course, that is not meant to imply 
for a moment that the names applied to the various parts 
were identical in the two cases. We should perhaps be 
nearer the truth if we said that in their general features 
the forts resembled the temporary legionaiy camps occu- 
pied by Agricola in his campaigns in Britain. Whether 
excavation will ever throw light on these temporary camps 
remains to be seen. General E,oy devoted a whole chap- 
ter ^^ in his famous work to an account of Agricola's camps 
in Scotland, but his theories were not verified by excava- 
tion. Perhaps a fuller examination of the large camp at 
Inchtuthill, in Perthshire, partly excavated in 1901,2° may 

15. Trans. Ant. Soc. Cumb. and West., xii. 

16. Proc. Derb. Arch. Soc, 1904. 

17. Garstang : Roman Bibchester (Preston : Toulmin). 

18. Arch. Cant, and Fox in Arch. Jour., 1896. 

19. Milit. Antiq. of Brit., ch. ii. 

20. Proc. Soc. Ant. Scot., xxxvi., p. 182, seq. 


giye information on this interesting point, though, this 
camp (which is about 500 yards square, covered some 55 
acres, and may have accommodated as many as 11,000 
men) would seem to afford evidence of more than tem- 
porary occupation. 

The very fact that at least three plans recently obtained 
by careful survey (Melandra, Grellygaer and Newstead) ^i 
have come out askew, can be fully explained if we assume 
(as no doubt was the case) that the foundations were set 
out and measured off in precisely the way described by 
Polybius,^^ who was himself present at the destruction of 
Carthage. We may perhaps stand at Melandra on the 
very spot where the metator — acting possibly under the 
eye of Agricola — placed the standard or the groma and 
proceeded to make the necessary measurements. An error 
of two degrees in setting off the right angle with the 
groma would account for the skew appearance of the 
Melandra survey. When once the cardo viaxiiaus and 
the decumanus maximus were laid down, the method fol- 
lowed in completing the plan would ensure that the error 
would be repeated throughout. 

The other points in which the plan of a fort like 
Melandra would seem to resemble that of the consular 
camp are the rectangular shape, the existence of four 
gates at points dividing the sides similarly, the lie of the 
roads connecting them, and the shape of what we may call 
for the moment the headquarters building; for the shape 
of this building in practically all the forts more nearly 
resembles the prsetorium of the Polybian than of the 
Hyginian camp. The rounding of the corners is of course 
a feature of the camps of the early empire, while the 

21. Perhaps Cardiff should be added. The plan of Brough is also out 
of truth, but with less regularity. 

22. Polyb. Hist., vi. 27. 


position of the angle turrets witliin the line of the rampart 
points at any rate to the earlier period of the Roman 
occupation of Britain : the towers of the forts on the 
Saxon shore are nearly always external. ^^ 

The existence in all cases of at least four gates leads to 
the interesting question as to why these should have been 
considered necessary. Josephus 2* expressly states that 
the gates were "wide enough for making excursions should 
occasion require." There are just three passages in Livy 
which throw light on this matter, two of which are worth 
referring to here. In the first of these two legions are 
represented as receiving the command to march out by 
the two principal gates ;^^ in the other the signal is given 
to make a sally from all four gates at once.^^ The fact 
that the gates are invariably present, even when they face 
a steep descent, would seem to show that the construction 
of them was looked upon as an important point. 

The selection of the site of the camp is a point of special 
interest in the case of Melandra, because it is within the 
bounds of possibility that this particular site may have 
been chosen by Agricola himself. The importance of the 
matter is shown by the fact that the duty was not un- 
frequently performed by the commander. Thus, to take 
only two instances out of many, we read that Yespasian 
went in person to mark out the ground of his camp,^'^ and 
in two striking passages in the life of Agricola it is stated 
that that general would himself choose the position of the 

23. It is remarkable that Vitruvius, who is supposed to have served 
under Julius Caesar, B.C. 46, recommends external towers (Vitniv, 
de Architect, i. 5). 

24. Bell: Jud. III., v. 

25. Liv. xxxiv., 46. Cf. also Caes. B.G v., 58. 

26. Liv. xl., 27. 

27. Tac. Hist, ii., 5. 


camp,28 and further, that "it was noted by experienced 
officers that no general had ever shown more judgment in 
choosing suitable positions, and that not a single fort 
established by Agricola was either stormed by the enemy 
or abandoned by capitulation or flight." ^9 The position 
of Melandra (a good idea of its strategical position may be 
obtained by viewing it from Mottram churchyard) would 
not seem to be wanting in any of the points named as 
essential by Vegetius, viz., "abundance of wood, food and 
water;" 3° nor will those who have spent many hours at 
Melandra deny that the other condition laid down by 
Vegetius is fulfilled : " Et si diutius comvioranduTn sit, 
loci saluhritas eligetur." 

Of the main streets that crossed the forts at right 
angles, we have only so far found the roads that always 
connected the gates, but these are in an excellent state of 
preservation. The central position of the street known 
as the Via Principalis is a feature in which Melandra 
resembles Gellygaer, and possibly Brough; in the 
Hyginian camp, and in most of the other British forts (so 
far as I have been able to discover), this main street is 
pushed further forward; in the Polybian camp it lay, of 
course, much farther back. 

Turning now to the buildings within the enclosure, the 
one structure which unfailingly appears in all the forts is 
fortunately well shown at Melandra. Its plan is, more- 
over, of a fairly normal, though simple, type. The cor- 
responding structure at Brough presents some unusual 
features; and its further excavation by the Derbyshire 
Archaeological Society will be awaited with interest. It is 
just possible that part of the Headquarters Building at 

28. Tac. Agric, xx. 

29. lb. xxii. 

30. Veget. De re milit. L, 22. 


Manchester is still standing,^^ and it would be safe to say- 
that no fort was without this structure. Even at the little 
camp at Toot Hill, which may have been only an earth- 
work (though that is a point yet to be decided), a careful 
examination of the central area will show the outline of 
the central structure.^^ The name by which this building 
has hitherto been known, will, however, probably have to 
go. "Praetorian here. Praetorian there, I mind the 
bigging o't"^^ might perhaps be repeated to-day with a 
different meaning from that which the words have hitherto 
conveyed. It is well known that the Prsetorium of the 
legionary camps fulfilled a somewhat different purpose 
from that for which the central building of the forts was 
constructed. " Possibly it reproduces in some way the 
altars, auguratorium, and tribunal, which formed (as it 
were) an official annexe to the Hyginian prsetorium, but 
in that case the annexe has usurped the site of the proper 
praetorium. What it was called we do not know for 
certain. . . . No direct evidence exists to prove that the 
term Praetorium was applied to any edifice in the small 
forts."** Porta Praetoria appears to have been found 
once, but it seems impossible to decide which gate was 

Only last year an inscription was published which may 
throw light on the nomenclature of the buildings of the 
forts. In the excavation in 1903 of the headquarters 
building of the fort called Rough Castle on the Antonine 

31. Boeder. Eoman Manchester, p. 22. The piece of walling already 
referred to in a previous note may have been part of this building. 

32. Curiously this does not appear to have been noticed by Watkin, 
who makes no reference to it, and does not show it in his plan. Mr. 
T. C. Horsfall and I measured it in 1905, and found it to be about 54 feet 

33. Scott, Antiq. ch. 4. 

34. Mr. Haverfield in Appendix to The Roman Fort of Gellygaer. I 
have to thank Mr. Haverfield for kindly giving me permission to use his 
notes on this and other forts. 


Vallum an inscription was found, tlie last five words of 
whicli read : Cohors se.xta N erviorum, principia fecit.^^ 
This is the first time the word principia has been found in 
Scotland as apparently describing the headquarters build- 
ings. We have two examples of it in inscriptions found 
in England. One discovered near Bath reads : Naevius 
.... principia ruina opressa a solo restituit.^^ Another 
found at Lanchester runs : Imperator Caesar . . . principia 
et arviavientaria conlapsa restituit per Maecilium Fuscuvi 
... 3^ This is important evidence, but I am not able to 
say if more than one building was indicated by the word 

Whatever may have been the special uses to which the 
various divisions of the central building were put, there 
seems little doubt that the centre room of the three or 
five that face the court served the purpose of a sacellum, 
or sanctuary, in which the standards ^^ — not flags, but 
clusters of emblems — were deposited and worshipped. 
The occurrence of what appears to be a strong room in 
connection with the sacellum in several forts {e.g., at 
Bremenium, Cilurnum and South Shields) has confirmed 
the theory that this part of the building also served the 
purpose of a treasure house or bank. This is a point of 
special interest for us, because one of the most interesting 
of these chambers has been unearthed at Brough. Con- 
cerning this Mr. Haverfield writes : ^^ " In its details — size, 
shape, steps, position and date — the Brough pit agrees 

35. Proc. Soc. Antiq. Scot., May, 1905, p. 30. 

36. C.I.L., vii., No. 62. 

37. C.I.L., vii.. No. 446. 

38. Is it not at least possible that the small figure of a horse ( ?) found 
at Melandra may have formed part of these symbols ? A horse was one 
of the figures mentioned by Pliny : H.N. x. 4, s. 5. A small bronze 
figure of a horse found at the Saalburg is shown in Jacobi's account of 
that fort. Cf. also object 1905 [No. 1348] in Chesters museum. 

39. Vict. Hist. Derb., p. 205. 


well with other specimens of these vaults, and we may 
fairly consider that it was built as a strong room." 

So far we are on safe ground. If now, by a comparative 
study of the plans of forts already excavated, we attempt 
to reconstruct the interior of the fort at Melandra, we 
shall find the task quite impossible. Even the order of 
the important buildings that faced the principal street 
would not seem to be the same in any two cases. A careful 
examination of a number of plans will, however, enable us 
to make certain predictions with a tolerable degree of 
safety. The existence of a strongly buttressed building 
with a raised floor, which there is good reason to suppose 
was used as a storehouse or granary is very common. 
The position varies so much that it is quite impossible to 
say where this building stood at Melandra. At 
Borcovicium, Camelon and Castlecary, it stands on one 
side of the so-called Prsetorium, at Lyne such buildings 
stand on both sides of it, at Cilurnum it is behind, and at 
Gellygaer it is separated from it by other buildings. At 
Birrens again there are three such buildings, un- 
symmetrically placed on both sides of the Via Principalis. 
The importance of the building is clearly shown by the 
references to it in the classical writers. In the Agricola 
there is an exceedingly graphic passage, which may well 
apply to a fort situated as Melandra was. The Britons 
are represented as being "compelled to endure the farce of 
waiting by the closed granary and of purchasing corn 
unnecessarily and raising it to a fictitious price." ^'^ 
Agricola not only removed this abuse, but also put a stop 
to the practice of compelling those Britons who had a 
winter camp close to them to carry their tribute by 

40. Tac. Agric, 19. The meaning seems to be that if they had no 
com they had first to buy the corn at an exorbitant price, and then pay 
it as tribute; the corn never leaving the granary at all. The passage, 
however, is one that has given considerable trouble to the commentators. 


"difficult by-roads" to "remote and inaccessible parts of 
the country." *i 

Two other classes of buildings, the use of which it would 
be comparatively safe to conjecture, are the commandant's 
or officers' quarters, generally containing hypocausts, 
which in most forts appear to have faced the Via Princi- 
palis; and the long rows of double buildings, either placed 
back to back, as at Birrens and (in some cases) at 
Borcovicium, or facing a common street, as at Gellygaer; 
sometimes opening towards the rampart, sometimes away 
from it. There seems little reason to doubt that these 
take the place in the forts of the strigae or double rows of 
tents of the Hyginian camp, in which the centuries were 
quartered. It is possible that the fragments of red floors 
and the oak posts already discovered at Melandra give a 
clue to the position of these barrack-like buildings, the 
foundations of which are found so clearly marked in other 
forts, though there is so far little to indicate whether the 
buildings themselves, in any of the forts, were of stone 
or of wood.*2 In some cases, as at Birrens, Lyne, and 
Gellygaer, they run parallel to the Via Principalis; in 
others, as at Borcovicium and Camelon, they are at right 
angles to it. 

The question of the rampart is so fully dealt with else- 
where that we will pass it over here, only referring to a 
remarkable feature which is shown by the outer defences 
of the Scottish forts now and recently under examination. 
Even a cursory glance at the plans of these forts will show 
how enormously strong were the earthworks that sur- 

41. 76. This again seems to have been done in order to compel the 
Britons to pay a heavy money tribute in lieu of corn; [and to enrich the 
providers of transport who would of course pay over part of their gains 
to the sub-ofticials who had framed the oppressive requisitions. This I 
take to be implied inpancis lucrosninfieret. — Ed.] 

42. At Ardoch the outlines of the principal buildings are defined 
mainly by lines of post holes. 


rounded them and defended the approaches to them. It is 
stated on good authority that there are perhaps no such 
defences in any other part of the Roman empire. The 
explanation suggested by Mr. Haverfield*^ is of great 
interest. "We may be tempted," he says, "to think that 
even in Roman days the Highland charge was uniquely 
fierce and irresistible." 

If we turn from the defences and the buildings to the 
life of the fort, whether military or social, there is much 
that is suggested by merely reading over the list of finds 
that appears on another page, and which need not be 
entered into here. There is one graphic detail of the 
military life of a Roman camp, given by Polybius, which 
it will be quite safe to assume had its place in the life of 
the garrison at Melandra. In the little museum of 
antiquities at Caerleon-upon-Usk there is an inscribed 
stone bearing two words only : Primus TeseraM Tesera 
here (as explained in the Corpus) probably stands for 
Tesserarius. In a fort situated as Melandra was, with the 
special function of watching the hill tribes, it may be 
safely said that sentry duty was rigorously carried out. 
According to the account given by Polybius,*^ a new watch- 
word was given out every night. To avoid detection the 
word was never said aloud, but written on a wooden tablet 
(tessera), and handed by the commander-in-chief to a 
tribune. The tribune in his turn handed the tessera to the 
tesserarius, who returned with it to his maniple, in order 
that it might be passed along the whole line. 

While spearheads have been found at Melandra, no evi- 
dence exists of the use of military engines, as is the case in 
the forts on the Wall of Hadrian, where heaps of ballista 

43. Vict. Hist. Derb., p. 197. 

44. C.I.L., vii., No. 117. 

45. Polyb. Hist, vi., 36. 


Conjectural Restoration of the Roman Fort known as Melandra Castle. 

To face p. 75 


stones are sometimes met with. These catapult stones 
have also been found at Brough.*^ ijhe clay on which the 
fort is built, however, abounds in small boulders, which 
may easily have been used as missiles. Professor Boyd 
Dawkins writes that if these were found in numbers to- 
gether, they must have been collected. They have not, 
however, been so found. 

Some idea of the position of the fort, and the way in 
which it was protected by the natural features of the site, 
may be obtained from the attempted restoration which is 
appended, and which is here reproduced by permission of 
the proprietors of the Manchester Guardian. The view is 
taken in the direction in which the visitor of to-day ap- 
proaches Melandra, that is, looking across the river 
Etherow (which protects two sides of the fort), just below 
the point where that stream is joined by the Glossop 
Brook. Cown Edge and Coombs Rocks rise in the back- 
ground to the south-east. 

As only the central building has so far been discovered, 
no other is inserted. The restoration of the gateway,*'' 
(in which, however, the arches should probably be equal), 
is made possible by the completeness of the foundations 
recently uncovered, and the finding of the actual voussoirs, 
and chamfered and mortised imposts, as well as perfect 
specimens of the imbrices and rimmed tegulae, and the 
nails that fixed them. The second inset is an attempted 
restoration of the colonnade which almost certainly sur- 
rounded the courtyard of the central building, as evidenced 
by the column bases recently found, and the remains of 
foundations. It is based upon a restoration of the 

46. Jour. Derb. Arch. Soc, 1904, p. 20. "Balls of gritstone, of 
diameters 1^, 3^, 4, and 6 inches respectively." 

47. As all doorsills and jambs have been stripped from the Melandra 
gates, no attempt has been made to restore the doors themselves, in- 
dications of which, of course, exist at other forts. 


colonnade at Borcovicium, made by Mr. Bosanquet with 
much more ample materials. 

In attempting to form a picture of the fort as it was 
under Roman occupation, it is well to remember how 
different were the surroundings at that time. Melandra 
lay in an amphitheatre of hills, from which the river 
Etherow, that flowed at its foot (and was certainly not 
then confined within such narrow bounds) seems with 
difficulty to find an exit. To the south-east stretched the 
wilds of the outliers of the Peak, while to the north-east 
opened the jaws of Longdendale, concerning which it 
was reported a thousand years later in Domesday book : 
" The whole of Langedenedale *^ is waste. Wood(land) is 
there, not for pannage (but) suitable for hunting." 

" The work of reclaiming the wilderness began in the 
days of Agricola. The Romans felled the woods along 
the lines of their military roads ; they embanked the rivers 
and threw causeways across the morasses." *^ A graphic 
picture of these labours is presented to us in the im- 
passioned words which Tacitus puts into the mouth of the 
Caledonian chief, Calgacus : corpora ifsa ac marius silvis 
ac paludibus eviuniendis inter verbera ac contuinelias 

r. A. Brtjton. 

48. [Cf. also p. 2. Ed.] 

49. Elton : Origins of English History, 2nd ed., p. 218. 

50. Tac. Agric. xxxi., 2. 


Zbc pottery. 

Ox nearly all sites of classical antiquity the pottery and 
other objects of earthenware form one of the most im- 
portant parts of the excavator's harvest. This is due 
partly to the fact that in early times clay was commonly 
employed for almost all utensils of household use and 
furniture, and partly to the fact that, however fragile an 
earthenware vessel may be in itself, its fragments, if only 
it has been properly fired, are practically indestructible. 
They offer little temptation to the treasure-hunter and are 
far less liable to destruction by time and the elements 
than are wood and most of the metals. One may therefore 
be sure of finding abundance of pottery on almost all 
ancient sites, and it thus becomes one of the best sources 
of evidence for determining the date of the site and its 
relations to contemporary civilization. 

At Melandra, indeed, the importance of the pottery is 
limited by the fact that we are dealing with a fortified 
camp occupied merely by an Auxiliary cohort (see pp. 12 f.) 
where one cannot expect to find either any distinctive local 
fabric or any considerable number of vases of the finest 
type. Moreover, the length of time during which the 
camp was occupied prevents one from having any such 
fixed date to assign to the vases found as one has for 
example in the case of the camps recently excavated at 
Haltern and Hofheim in Germany. What we do get is 
just a representative collection of vases or fragments 
illustrating the fabrics commonly in use during the Eoman 
military occupation of Britain, and its interest lies not in 
any beauty or variety of ware but rather in its forcible 


illustration of the liomogeneity of Roman civilization 
even in the small details of common life and at the far 
outposts of the Empire. 

For the general study of Roman pottery in Britain it is 
convenient to refer to Mr. H. B. Walters' History of 
Ancient Pottery and to Mr. F. Haverfield's articles on the 
Roman Remains in the various volumes of the Victoria 
County History of England. Of foreign works the most 
important are Deehelette's Les vases ceramiques ornes de 
la Gaule romaine and the articles of Dragendorff in the 
Bonner Jahrbiicher and Bericht uher die Fortschritte der 
romisch-germanischen Forsclning (1904). The latter works 
treat of Roman provincial pottery in general and of 
Britain only incidentally. In the present article nothing 
more has heen attempted than a provisional classification 
of the fabrics represented at Melandra with a brief 
account of each fabric and of the more important frag- 
ments.^ In a later report it is hoped that this present 
account may be supplemented by the analyses of clays and 
glazes which have been most kindly promised by Mr. 
William Burton, whose researches in ceramic chemistry 
and wide practical experience will give them an unusual 
authority. It has been impossible to illustrate many 
fragments by photographic reproductions since the damp, 
clayey soil of Melandra has had a most destructive effect 
upon the pottery, not only spoiling the surface but even 
in many cases rotting the clay body itself.^ 

1. All the laborious task of first sorting the fragments was carried 
out by Mr. Hamnett with his usual indefatigable zeal. To Mr. Walters' 
book the indebtedness of the present article is too obvious to require 
statement, but I would gratefully acknowledge the personal help given 
by the author in dealing with the Melandra pottery. 

2. The line drawings of the fragments here reproduced are by Mr. 
Robert Duddle of the Manchester School of Art. The more complete 
vases are shown in section also by means of heavier black lines. 


The pottery at Melandra falls naturally into two main 
divisions : (A) tte fine red ware with embossed ornamenta- 
tion, known as Terra Sigillata, which is certainly imported, 
and (B) the plainer wares which to a very large extent at 
any rate were made in Britain itself and may be loosely 
termed Roman-British. To these are appended in the 
present article notices of the Tiles and of the Glass. 

A. Teera Sigillata. 
This is the ware long known as Sainian and identified 
with the "vasa Samia" of Latin literature.^ The old name 
has now been abandoned, since it wrongly suggests that 
Samos was the chief centre in which the vases were made, 
and the new term Terra Sigillata (seal clay), denoting the 
fine, consistent, red clay of which the ware is made, has 
been generally adopted. The characteristics of the ware 
are (1) the red clay, which was no doubt originally a 
natural ferruginous clay but was probably later coloured 
artificially by an admixture of certain ochres, (2) the fine 
transparent varnish in which the vases were dipped to give 
them their smooth lustrous surface, (3) the embossed orna- 
mentation, produced by pressing the vase into a mould 
while the clay was still soft, with occasional variations 
such as casting small pieces of the design separately and 
applying them to the vase with slip. The real origin of 
the ware is perhaps to be sought on the coast of Asia 
Minor. Recent excavations at Priene and Pergamon have 
shown that vases of similar technique were there manu- 
factured in direct continuance of the late Hellenistic 
pottery imitative of metal-work. It is even possible that 
further excavation may show some real historical justifica- 
tion for Pliny's use of the word " Samia." 

3. Cf. Pliny, Nat. Hist. xxxv. 46 ; Plautus, Menaechmi i. 2, 65 anJ 
Bacchidcs ii. 2, 22, etc. 


In Italy the manufacture of Terra Sigillata seems to 
date from about 40 — 30 B.C. and had its principal centre 
at the Etruscan town of Arretium, whence is derived the 
name of Arretine ("vasa Arretina") given to the Italian 
vases in general. This Italian fabric produced by far the 
finest examples known to us of red relief vases, and in the 
Augustan period the Arretine vases were not only used in 
Rome and Italy but were exported throughout Gaul and 

The manufacture of Terra Sigillata in the Western pro- 
vinces {Provincial Terra Sigillata) began about the close 
of the first quarter of the 1st century A.D., and developed 
with extraordinary rapidity. Partly by the greater con- 
venience of the provincial factories as centres of distribu- 
tion, and partly by the greater cheapness of the ware, it 
rapidly ousted the finer Arretine vases from the markets 
of Western Europe.* The earliest factories were in the 
ten-itory of the Ruteni ^ (Southern Gaul) at the modern 
Graufesenque, Montans and Banassac, and until the later 
part of the 1st century A.D. this " Graufesenque ware " is 
predominant throughout Gaul and Germany. It is found 
even in Italy, at Rome, Pompeii and elsewhere, and 
reached as far as Britain to the north-west. By the time 
of Hadrian, however, the factories of what is now Lezoux, 
somewhat to the north of Graufesenque, were rapidly over- 
taking it in public favour, and during the 2nd century 

4. Thus at Haltern (dated 11 B.C. — 17 A.D.) there is, according to 
Dragendorff, nothing but Arretine with the exception of a few frag- 
ments which may be from a provincial branch of some Italian factory 
At Hofheim (dated 40 — 60 A.D.), to judge by the potters' names, 
Arretine has wholly ceased and there is nothing but Gallic ware of the 
" Graufesenque " type. 

5. The views here put forward are those of M. Dechelette, I.e., which 
are based upon an unequalled knowledge of the local remains and 
museums of Southern France. 


and the first half of the 3rd the Lezoux ware must have 
been manufactured and exported in enormous quantities. 
There were other factories at Rheinzabern and "Western- 
dorf in the Rhine valley, but the potters' names are con- 
elusive evidence that the bulk of the good Terra Sigillata 
vases in "Western Europe came from the workshops of 
Southern and Central Gaul. The manufacture of the 
ware seems to end about 260 — 270 A.D., probably when 
Gaul was overrun by ruder Teutonic invaders.^ 

This Gallic ware, as a whole, is coarser than the Arretine 
both in technique and design, although the classical forms 
of ornament still survive unaffected by the late Celtic art 
of Gaul. The distinction between the Graufesenque and 
the Lezoux fabric can be drawn by comparison of the 
potters' names, which are often impressed with a stamp on 
either the inside or the outside of the vases, by the types 
of ornament, and by the characteristic shapes of the vases 
most commonly made at the two centres. The method of 
ornamenting the vases with reliefs by pressing them into 
a mould necessitates that the common form should always 
be that of an open bowl decorated on the outside. Three 
principal types of bowls are found, outlined in Fig. 1, 
Avhich in accordance with Dragendorff's enumeration of 
shapes are known as nos. 29, 30 and 37. No. 29 is char- 
acteristic of Graufesenque; no. 30 is common in the first 
century B.C., but also is used later; no. 37 is in general 
characteristic of Lezoux, though early forms appear at 

There is no evidence for any manufacture of Terra 
Sigillata in Britain, and the examples of the ware that 
have been found at Melandra probably all come from 
Gaul. Bowls of shape 29 are found in Britain as far north 

6. Cf., e.g., Gibbon, Decline and Fall, chapter 10. 



as York, but beyond York {i.e., in tbe parts of Britain 
occupied later tlian 80 A.D.) only bowls of shape 37. As 
ibis agrees with the evidence from Gaul and Germany one 
is justified in assuming that the occurrence of shape 29 on 
any site is good evidence for its occupation as early as 
80 A.D. In the following list of Terra Sigillata fragments 
from Melandra nos. 1 — 4 are of shape 29 ; no. 7 is of shape 
30; nos. 8 — 14 seem all to belong to bowls of shape 37, 
though the fragments are not in all cases large enough to 
give the shape with certainty. The evidence of these 

No, 29. 

No. 30. 

No. 37. 
Fig. I. — Shapes of Terra Sigillata Bowls. 

shapes for determining the date of the camp is important. 
Nos. 1 — 4 of the list are of shape 29 but belong to its later 
period when it is already tending to the less elaborate 
form of shape 37. The exterior mouldings of the vase are 
less pronounced than in the earlier examples, and the 
frieze of animals and plants has succeeded to the purely 
formal designs of the earlier period. On the other hand 
no. 8 in the list is certainly a very early form of shape 37. 
In the more fully developed examples of the shape the 
plain band below the rim is quite flat and usually much 

fS^H fwT^ 


5. 6. 

Terra Sigillata. To face p. 83 


deeper, and the foot also loses tlie subsidiary moulding. 
The method too of arranging the ornament in two 
principal friezes is natural to shape 29 where the moulding 
of the vase breaks up the surface into two principal fields, 
but is a less appropriate arrangement for the simple curve 
of shape 37. The design of both friezes seems to be dis- 
tinctively " Graufesenque " [cf. Dechelette, I.e. vol. i., 
pi. vi. 5, and viii. 1). Fragment no. 14 again is closely 
allied to no. 8, coming apparently from a bowl of the same 
shape and the same arrangement of friezes. The design 
too is classed by Dechelette as " Graufesenque " (vol. i., 
pi. vii. 24). It is necessary therefore to class these two 
examples of shape 37 (nos. 8 and 14) as roughly con- 
temporary with the examples of 29 (nos. 1 — 5) and to 
assign them to the close of the Graufesenque potteries, 
about 80 A.D.7 

To much the same date probably belongs no. 7. Bowls 
of shape 30 are common to both Graufesenque and Lezoux, 
though they occur more frequently at the former, and 
both the form and the cruciform ornament of the Melandra 
bowl are of a transitional type. In nos. 9 — 12 the designs 
are those of the Lezoux vases but in no case need belong 
to a very late period of the fabric. 

The evidence of the pottery would therefore suggest 
that the most important occupation of the camp was about 
80 A.D., and that it continued in use for a considerable 
time after that date. 

List of the more important fragments of Terra Sigillata from 
Melandra : — 
1. Fragment of bowl of shape 29. " Engine-turned " pattern 
below rim: frieze of animals and plants: tongue pattern. 
Plate I., 2. 

7. There is a striking correspondence between these "late Graufesenque" 
bowls from Melandra and those found at Pompeii. The Pompeii vases 
are presumably those in use in 79 A.D. 


2, 3, 4. Three fragments from similar vases (one in Plate I., 1). 

5. Several fragments from a bowl of similar shape, but 
embossed from very poor moulds. The design is shown in 
almost flat outline without modelling, and the mouldings of 
the bowl are also much flattened. The design apparently 
contained human figures in panels. The style seems to belong 
to the very end of the Graufesenque fabric. 

6. Base of small bowl stamped on interior ITNO, probably 
to be restored as OF. PONTI {i.e., Officina Ponti). This same 
potter's name occurs on a bowl of Graufesenque type found at 
Buxton (Vict. Count. Hist, of Derby, p. 225, Fig. 27). It occurs 
also at York and London, in Germany, and five times at 
Graufesenque itself (C.I.L., vii. 83 — 87, and xiii. 1545). 

7. Shape 30. Narrow plain band below rim : " egg and 
dart" pattern: cruciform patterns in rectangular panels and 
circles. Plate II., 2. 

8. Several fragments forming an almost complete bowl of 
shape 37. Narrow plain band below rim, slightly moulded : 
" egg and dart " pattern : frieze of festoons and tassels, with 
leaves on long, winding stalks within each festoon : frieze with 
running design of volutes and foliage : wreath pattern. 
Plate II., 3. 

9. Fragments forming a similar bowl. Plain band below 
rim : " egg and dart " pattern : " free " design of trees (oaks), 
stags and lions. Plate II., 1. 

10. Fragment with beaded lines dividing panels. One panel 
contains a well-known figure of Vulcan, clad in exomis and 
pileus, the right foot raised on a base, with the right arm 
resting on the thigh, the left hand holding his smith's pincers : 
uncertain objects in the field. The head has apparently been 
obliterated with a square stamp. The other panel contains a 
bird with raised wings within circle. Plate I., 5. 

11. Fragment of "free" design with large and small lions 
and boar. Plate I., 4. 

12. Fragment with two bands of panels, containing ivy- leaf, 
sea monster, concentric circles and semi-circles enclosing mask 
of a bearded male head, and another, doubtful object. In a 
larger panel is a draped female figure, much damaged. 
Plate I., 6. 

13. Fragment with "egg and dart" pattern, and hares within 
semi-circular festoons. 


Terra Sigillata. 

To face p. 84 


14. Fragment containing (a) band of panels with festoons 
■within -which are a bird and a volute, (6) a wreath pattern 
below. Plate I., 3. 

15. Part of base, with raised boss in centre. Dull brown 
clay with black engobe on interior and reddish-brown on 
exterior. Remains of potter's stamp on interior, perhaps to 
be read . . . ATULXUS (only the last three letters are certain). 

16. Fragments of a base with roughly incised inscription 
under the foot M TYRI. 

17. A large number of bases, mostly from bowls or from 
flatter vessels with low, almost vertical sides. Many of the 
latter bases have a raised boss in the centre on which the 
potter's name was stamped, though the stamps are now 
destroyed. Often with band of " engine-turned " pattern on 
interior. Two fragments of stamps have (a) NI (6) ♦*♦ 0. 

18. A large number of fragments of rims from bowls of 
shape 37. Also rims of flatter vessels, as above. In a few cases 
the engobe is black instead of red. 

19. Various other fragments from bowls of shape 37 with 
remains of ornamentation. 

20. Saucer with ivy-leaves embossed on rim by the " en 
barbotine " method. 

21. Fragments of vases with sides expanding in a double 
curve. Plate III., 1. 

Miscellaneous Fragments. 

The following fragments, though not of Terra Sigillata, may 
be most conveniently mentioned here: — 

1. Fragment of base. Pale pink clay, very friable: covered 
with dark red engobe which easily peels from the soft body. 
Apparently an imitation of Terra Sigillata. 

2. Several small fragments of leather-coloured clay with 
surface either polished or covered with dark brown engobe : 
from very thin-sided carefully moulded vases. Two fragments 
are from open vessels with the outside delicately fluted in 
horizontal bands. Probably from South Gaul. 

B. Roman-British Wares. 
Castor Ware. 

The finest of the Roman-British wares is that which 
was made in the kilns at Castor, the site of the Roman 


Durobrivae, in Xorthamptonsliire. Yases of tliis type 
are found in Northern Gaul as well as in Britain and 
it is probable that Castor was tbe chief rather than the 
only centre where such ware was manufactured. There 
is much variety in the Castor vases but the general 
characteristics of the fabric may be summed up as being 
(1) a pale, white to buff or red, clay with black or dark 
engobe, and (2) ornamentation in relief done either by the 
" thumb " or the " barbotine " process. In the former 
process the surface of the vase is worked by the potter's 
fingers while the clay is still soft into various projections 
and indentations, sometimes in regular patterns of knobs, 
semicircles, etc., and sometimes merely producing an ir- 
regularly broken surface. In the barbotine process the 
design is executed by applying a thick slip of the same 
light-coloured clay as the body and thus stands out in 
relief, and often also in colour, against the dark engobe of 
the vase. The slip is applied while the clay is still only 
leather-hard and the vase is afterwards completely fired. 

The date of the ware is uncertain. Much of the char- 
acteristic " floral scroll " design seems to be derived from 
late Celtic forms, and it may well be that the ultimate 
origin both of the design and of the methods of technique 
is earlier than the Roman conquest. 

The fragments of Castor Ware at Melandra are: — 

1. Lower part of small vase on stem. Bufi clay with brown- 
black surface. Rough workmanship. Band of floral scrolls 
round the body in " barbotine " technique. Plate III., 2. 

2. Fragments forming an almost complete vase in form of an 
open-mouthed jar. Red clay with black engobe. Good work- 
manship. Tlie rim is reeded on its outer surface. An incised 
groove ' separates plain band below rim from lower surface 
ornamented with " thumb " decoration of small irregular 


I. Terra Sigillata. 2-3. Castor Ware. 

4-5. Red Ware. To face p. 86 



projections resembling " rough-cast." Flat base without base- 
ring. Also fragments of smaller vases of similar type. 

3. Neck of jug (Plate III., 3).^ Buff clay with black engobe. 

Plain "Wares. 

The plainer wares of Roman Britain liave not yet been 
classified on any satisfactory system tliat is both, con- 
venient and scientific. The simplest method for the pre- 
sent is to arrange the vases according to the general char- 
acteristics of the clay-body. By this method one gets four 
principal wares, the Black, Grey, Red and Pale Wares. Of 
these the first two are closely related in the shape and 
technique of the vases, and also the last two; but between 
these two wider groups there is practically no overlapping. 
The second group employs a decidedly more elaborate and 
stereotyped series of vase-shapes which seems to have come 
fully formed into Britain with the Eoman invaders, 
whereas the simpler and more experimental shapes of the 
Black and Grey Wares seem to be rather those of the 
native British pottery. The names of vessels mentioned 
in Latin literature, so far as they can be attached to exist- 
ing vase-shapes, seem all to belong to the group of Eed 
and Pale wares. 

Black Ware. This ware often receives the name of 
Upchurch from its occurrence in large quantities near 
Upchurch in the Medway marshes, but the style is not 
distinctive enough to limit it to any one locality. The 
body of the vases is black throughout, the clay being ap- 
parently permeated by smoke in the process of firing. 

8. Necks of this shape are found on small jugs with globular body 
that come from the New Forest (Crockhill). This "New Forest Ware" 
is closely related to Castor in many respects but is usually fired at a 
greater heat, which often produces a surface with a metallic lustre and 
an almost maroon colour. It is possible that the neck at Melandra 
comes from the kilns at Crockhill rather than from those of Castor. 


Where ornamentation occurs it consists either of very 
faintly indented lines crossing diagonally and forming a 
lattice pattern or of various groupings of small projecting 
knobs, incised zig-zag and wavy lines, etc. 

A large quantity of the Melandra fragments belong to 
this type. They are, for the most part, of coarse clay and 
rough workmanship. Sometimes the surface seems to have 
been polished to give it a slight lustre, but in general it 
has the natural texture of the clay. In one or two frag- 
ments at Melandra where portions of the vase have missed 
proper firing the clay is a pale buff. The decoration in 
almost all cases consists of the intersecting diagonal lines 
faintly impressed in the clay by some blunt instrument 
and showing rather as smooth markings on the rougher 
sui-face of the clay than actual incisions (Plate IV., 2 & 6). 
A few fragments have a band of more deeply impressed 
parallel zig-zag lines (Plate IY.,9). Most of the fragments 
are from open-moiithed jars, the sides of which are more or 
less vertical and turn in to the foot almost at an angle. The 
bottom of the vase is usually flattened without any base- 
ring. The rims of these jars show much variety in the 
angle and curve at which they turn outward from the vase. 
Besides the jars there are examples of circular flat- 
bottomed dishes, the bottom of which is decorated on the 
outside with a faintly impressed line carried in loops over 
the whole surface. These dishes have small projecting 
handles ornamented with incised concentric circles 
(Plate IV., 11 and lla). 

Two fragments of black ware are of somewhat different 
character from the rest. Both surface and body are a deep 
metallic black and the clay is very harsh in texture with 
hard firing. The vases must have been fired in a true 
" smother-kiln." One fragment is from the rim of a large 
globular vessel with frilled pattern under the rim : the 


•««««« now UBS mil 9 " 

' ooo 


Black and Grey Ware. 

To face p. 


other is a neck of similar shape to that represented in 
Plate III., 3. 

Grey Ware. This ware is distinguished from the Black 
Ware by the colour and texture of the clay. The vases 
are closely related to those of black clay in shape and 
general character but the clay is always dull grey in 
colour and of a curiously soapy texture apparently very 
lightly fired. Even in the few cases where the clay is 
fired so hard as to be gritty and brittle it never becomes 
black. The vases vary from very delicately moulded and 
thin-sided forms to the roughest types of cooking utensils 
but the commonest shape is the same sort of wide-mouthed 
jar that prevails in the black ware, though it is usually 
more delicately moulded. The foot of this jar shows all 
stages intermediate between the merely flattened bottom 
and the fully formed base-ring. The rim is occasionally 
moulded to receive a lid, and a few saucer-shaped lids have 
been found. There is seldom any attempt to ornament the 
vases, but in a few cases little projecting knobs of clay are 
stuck on the vase or the surface is worked with the thumb 
into iiregular ridges and hollows (Plate IV., 3 & 5). 

A very fine and delicately executed example of Grey 
Ware is a bowl with a wide overhanging rim. Its shape 
would enable it to float in water and it may therefore have 
been used as a wine-cooler (Plate IV., 10). 

Pale Ware. The clay is light and hard, varying in 
colour from white to cream or pink, and it is clearly dis- 
tinguishable from the brick-red clay of the Red Ware. 
It is less easy to distinguish the vases by shape, nearly all 
the principal shapes of vases being common to both the 
Red and the Pale wares. Certain shapes, however, may be 
taken as being more distinctive of one ware than of the 
other. That which is more characteristic of the Pale Ware 
(though one or two examples in red clay have been found) 


is the so-called mortarium or pelvis, an open vessel with 
large rim and spout, which was apparently used as a mortar 
since the inside is set with tiny pieces of flint and potsherds 
to give a rough surface for trituration. The rim fre- 
quently bore a potter's stamp, but in many cases the letters 
are undecipherable or meaningless. The following frag- 
ments with stamps have been found at Melandra : — 

1. Fragments reconstructed to form a complete vessel. 
Stamp on rim at either side IIY. (Plate YI., 2). 

2. Fragment with stamp FECIT in good letters. 

3. Three fragments with doubtful stamps (Plate V., 1 — 3). 
Red Ware. The clay is usually soft in texture and of a 

brick-red colour. The principal shapes of vessels are : — 

(1) "Amphorae," large vessels chiefly used for holding 
wine. The bases are pointed for sticking the vase upright 
in the ground. Plain vertical handles on either side of 
the neck reach from rim to shoulder. The fragments 
come from vessels of very large size, the diameter of the 
mouth being as much as 1\ inches, and the girth of the 
handles 6 inches. On one handle is a rough stamp SGA. 
Some of the large fragments may have come from open- 
mouthed storage jars (dolia) rather than from amphorae. 
Many fragments are of pale clay. 

(2) Jugs or bottles, of which two chief types occur. 
One is that of a flat-sided lenticular flask with foot and 
two handles, probably rightly identified with the "ampulla" 
(Plate VI., 1). The other is a jug with globular body, tall 
neck and single handle, probably a "lagena" (Plate III., 4). 
These jugs occur in pale as well as red clay and show 
much variety in the shape of the lip, in several cases the 
soft clay having been pinched together across the mouth 
so as to form a covered spout (Plate Y., 4 & 5). 

A few thinly moulded fragments in red clay seem to 
come from square-sided bottles with pressed-in sides. 




Pale Ware. 

1-3 Mortaria Stamps. 4-5 Necks of Ji 

To face p. 90 


I. Two-handled Flask. 2. Mortar. To face p. 91 



(3) Strainers. Three fragments are from flat disks of 
clay perforated witli small holes, and were perhaps wine- 
strainers. A larger perforated vessel was perhaps for 
squeezing fruit. It is a bowl of pink clay having a raised 
boss in the centre surrounded by three concentric ridges. 
Each of the hollows between these ridges is drained by 
four drain-holes. 

(4) Open vessels such as flat-bottomed bowls and wide- 
mouthed jars. The fragments of these are not very 
numerous. Some vessels were slightly ornamented, as for 
example with a roughly executed " engine turned " pattern 
or with a wavy band of clay applied round the vase. A 
common form of ornament is that of circular " thumb " 
markings, either impressed or in relief, accentuated by 
incised circles around them. 

Of unique type is a small open bowl of hard red clay 
with a projecting "false rim" ornamented with curved 
lines and dots in light-coloured slip (Plate III., 5). 

Miniature Clay Figure of a Horse. This may be men- 
tioned here as being of the same red clay as the vases. 
The legs are broken and the whole figure is very much 
damaged. Part of the surface of the back is better pre- 
served than the rest, having apparently been covered by 
some sort of saddle. A much damaged object of red clay, 
found near the horse, seems to be the remains of this 
saddle, as it fits neatly to the back of the horse. It was 
apparently in the shajje of a pack-saddle and attached by 
strings. The horse may have been a child's toy, or perhaps 
more probably a dedicatory offering for some shrine. 

[For another suggestion see p. 71, note 38. The two views are not very 
far removed, as a solemn dedication on behalf of some ala quartered in 
the camp might, later on, come to share the sanctity of the shrine. In 
that case one would guess that the trappings of the little beast once 
held more valuable offerings. The conjectures are especially interesting 
because so far not a single other trace of any possibly religious object, 


save the rude and problematic "Mithras" scratches (page 29) have 
appeared in the camp. 

It is worth while also to record the statement of Professor William 
Ridgeway, the author of "The Early Age of Greece," "The Origin 
of the Thoroughbred Horse" etc., who visited the camp in 1905, 
that he couU recall no other extant model of an ephippion. — Ed.] 


Unlike the pottery, the glass at Melandra is well pre- 
served. It therefore lacks the iridescent beauty of decay- 
ing glass and retains the colours given to it in the process 
of manufacture. These colours are either various shades 
from brown to yellow or pale translucent greens and blues. 
In one case a deep, almost opaque, blue is used. Like most 
Roman glass the fragments from Melandra contain 
numerous small air-bubbles, flaws which cannot be 
avoided in the use of small furnaces such as those found 
at Warrington,^ where it is likely that much of the local 
glass was made. 

The different forms of glass found at Melandra are : — 

(1) Window glass. This was evidently cast by pouring 
the molten material on a flat stone, for the under side of 
the sheet of glass reflects the roughness of the stone, while 
the upper side has a smooth and somewhat wavy surface 
and a naturally bevelled edge. 

(2) Small button-shaped discs of glass. These too are 
made by pouring a small quantity of molten glass on a 
flat stone so that the lower side is flat and slightly 
roughened, whilst the upper side is rounded and smooth. 
Most of the discs are of either black or white opaque glass, 
but there is one example of clear green glass. The discs 
may have been used as counters in some game, or else for 
ornament (as they are used on mule harness in Greece at 
the present day). 

9. Cf. Warrington's Roman Remains by T. May, p. 37 seq. 


(3) Glass vessels. The principal fragments are necks of 
square or cylindrical bottles with broad reeded handle 
joining rira and shoulder. The attachment of this reeded 
handle to the shoulder shows especial care and skill in 

One fragment is of deep blue glass with " pillar " mould- 


A number of complete tiles and a large quantity of 
fragments have been found at Melandra. All are of the 
red clay commonly used for tile-making, though owing to 
differences in firing the clay varies from an orange to a 
purple-red. The tiles vary in shape according to the use 
for which they were intended. 

Floor tiles are square in shape, about 2\ inches thick, 
and with sides varying from 6| to 10^ inches. Several 
have semi-circular lines impressed upon one side of them, 
either to form a key for plaster or to give a clue for their 
arrangement. On three tiles YV has been incised with a 
sharp instrument while the clay was still soft. It is a 
potter's mark and not an official legionary stamp, but in 
view of the fact that it occurs three (perhaps four) times 
at Melandra and that it must have been universally 
recognised as the monogram of the XX. Legion 'Valeria 
Yictrix ' (see p. 114) it would be hardly reasonable 
to give it any other significance here. Another 
tile still bears the footprint of some small animal 
that ran across it while the clay was soft. Certain frag- 
ments have holes somewhat roughly pierced through them, 
perhaps for drainage. They differ from a thinner oblong 
tile where the holes are pierced at regular intervals and 
seem to be intended for the passage of hot air in a hypo- 


caust. One floor tile lias liad tlie edge bevelled all round 
after firing biit for what purpose is not clear. 

Roof tiles include both, the large flat " tegulae " and the 
"imbrices" in the shape of a half cylinder. Their arrange- 
ment is shown in Fig. 2. The larger tegulae are about 
18j X 14j inches and 1 inch thick. They are oblong in 
shape, with a projecting ridge along each side which held 
the imbrices in place. This flange is discontinued for 
about 2 inches at the top of the tile so as to allow for the 
overlapping of an upper row of tiles. Close to the top 

Fig. 2. — Roof Tiles.* 

edge of the tile is a square hole for the nail which held 
the tile in position on the roof. On the under side the 
roof tiles are scored with diagonal incisions to form a key 
for plaster. The upper surface seems often to have been 
washed over with a slip of finer clay which takes a some- 
what deeper red than the clay body. The lower edge of 
the tile is in several cases marked with an R roughly 
inscribed with the finger or some blunt instrument. On 
one fragment there is a V inscribed in the same way. 

* To show the arrangement of the tiles I have been glad to borrow the 
scheme used by Mr. Ward, Gellygaer, p. 28. 


Another has IHS or INS rudely incised with a pointed 
instrument. The tile is broken in front of the first letter. 
The lower edge of this tile being bevelled it may well 
have belonged to the lowest row on the roof where an 
inscription would be most visible. 

With the abundance of good building stone available in 
the district, tiles would not be required for wall construc- 
tion. One tile, however, is in the shape of a voussoir of 
an arch. 




^be IRoman Coins Jfounb at HDelanbra. 

A. Identified with certainty. 










1 Silver. 




Bust of 


Obv. Imperator [Se 

Rev. Obscured. 

2 Silver. 




Bust of 

Minerva fightii 

g Obv. Imp. Caes.Doin 

Domitian. with shield and Aug. Germ. P. M. 
spear, TR. P. xv. 

Rev. Im[p. xxii. Cos. 
xvii. densP.P.P. 

3 Silver. Denarius, 



5 Silver. Denarius. Severus 231-5 

Alexander. (from 

6 Bronze Base denarius Postumus 259 — 69? 
or base (Antonin- (from portrait) 

silver. ianus) 

7 Bronze Base denarius Carausius. 286 — 293 
or base (Antonin- 

silver. ianus). 

8 Bronze. " Small Magnus 383-8 

bronze." Maiimus, 

Bust of 


Female figure 


06 1'. Imp, Caes. Nerua 
Traianus Aug. Germ. 

Rev. P.M. TK,P. Cos. 
iii. P.P. 

Head of Arabia standing Obv. \Obscured ; 
Trajan, and stretching out Rev. /see Cohen. 
a branch over a 
camel at left foot. 

Bust of 

Hope standing. Obv. Imp. Alexander 
Pius Aug. 
Rev. Spes Publica. 

Bust of Figure with 

Postumus comu copiae. 



Bust of Peace standing ; Obv. Imp. Carausius 

Carausius in field F. P. F. Aug. 

radiate. Rev. Pax Aug. 


Figure of 

Obv. Dn. Mag. Maxi- 

mus [P.F. Aug.]. 
Rev. Eeparatio [reij).] 

All but 5 and 6 were found in tlie camp. No. 5 was 
found at Hadfield, about 1^ miles from Melandra on the 
Eastward road. No. 6 was found witb Nos. 15 and 16, 
and tbe curious bronze plate (figured below in the List of 
Miscellaneous Remains) in " Pym's parlour," a hollow in 
the rocks above the river Etherow, about half a mile from 
the camp. 



It is interesting tliat the two latest coins found on 
this site should be of Emperors whose claim to the throne 
(in both cases) rested on British support. The independent 
recognition accorded to Carausius by Diocletian was due to 
the powerful British fleet which Carausius raised and 
controlled^; and Magnus Clemens Maximus was proclaimed 
Emperor of the Western provinces (Gaul, Britain, Spain) 
by the British legions.- It suggests that these coins were 
struck in Britain, and in fact Carausius struck coins 
nowhere else. There is a very interesting silver coin in 
the British Museum collection which Maximus struck at 
London — a town which he re-named Augusta — in the year 
383 A.D. 

B. Identified with some degree of probability. 

Probable Epoch, a.d. 

132-5 (see below). 
f First century (from general ap- 
^ pearance). 
Portrait possibly of Hadrian. 
From size, probably of Hadrian or 

Antoninus Pius. 
First or second century. 
' From size, and style of head, fourth 
century (later than Constantine). 

Xo. in 



10 \ 










"Small bronze. 



C. Quite Uncertain. 

Hopelessly effaced. 

On the provenance of 15 and 16 see above. 

These statements as to the nature and origin of the coins 
are on the authority of the numismatists of the British 
Museum, especially Mr. G. F. Hill, whom I have to thank 
for their very patient kindness in the matter. I append 

1. Gibbon, c. xiii. (vol. ii. p. 9). 

2. Gibbon, c. xxvii. (vol. iii. p. 394). 


a very interesting letter from the Keeper of tlie Coins 
concerning No. 9; and a sketch of its obverse face. Our 
attempts at a photograph were unsuccessful. The reverse 
is hopelessly obscured. 

E. S. Conway. 

Department of Coins and Medals, 
British Museum, London, W.C. 
May 24, 1905. 

Dear Mr. Conway, — 

The smaller of your two coins is almost certainly 
Jewish, as it has on one side the cup as on the later 
Jewish coins. The letter above seems to be t^' the 
initial letter of the name of Simon Bar-cochab. In 
this case the date of the coin would be a.d. 132 — 135. 
I can find no published Jewish coin quite like it, so the 
attribution must not be taken as certain. 

Yours sincerely, 

B. Y. Head. 











^be ZvatfC'* anb Coin:*Meiobt0 Jfounb 
at riDelanbra, 

The exceedingly important observation which Mr. May 
has made of the relation between certain of the ancient 
weights found at Melandra and the " Neath " or " Glaston- 
bury " standard, and which he has explained in an article 
now appearing in the Derbyshire Archoeological Society's 
Journal, seemed to impose on the Editor of this Report 
the task of taking stock of the Icnowledge we now possess 
of this curious and interesting set of objects. Since 
Mr. May undertook the first scientific enquiry into their 
nature (in his article in the same journal, 1903), ten more 
specimens have been added from the camp (their number 
now reading 30) ; and, although his discussion then placed 
beyond doubt the nature of some of the purely Roman 
weights which formed part of the collection, by showing 
their close connection with the weights of the coins used 
at different periods of the Empire, many of the details 
remained, as he frankly pointed out, in some obscurity. 
My object in making this addition to Mr. May's two 
articles was to define as precisely as may be how much 
knowledge we possess of the nature of the weights, and to 
separate as sharply as possible what was certain from what 
was merely probable. But the results of a systematic 
survey proved to be far more interesting than I had hoped. 
The third Table printed below shows that the collection 
gives us no less than seven certain denominations of the 
Keltic standard (hitherto known only in the unit, its 
double and quadruple), and thereby supplies a most 
welcome confirmation of the discovery of that standard 
itself, and of the text in an interesting passage of Caesar 
(see below). 




Weights of 1 Beo>"ze and 32 Leaden Objects found 
AT Melandea. 

No. in 



Mr. May's List. 


in Grains. 




Cheese or barrel. 

473.T (-4) 


Not then found. 

The same, but rather 
more angular. 

3535 (-0) 


do. do. 

Pyramid, cylindric top. 

3472 (-4) 

Furrow cut along the top ; thick 
layer of carbonate on surface. 



Inverted frustum of cone. 

1870 (-4) 



Clieese or barrel. 

1725 (-2) 

Much wasted. 



Flat cheese. 

1709 (-3) 

Found on surface, apart from 
the others. 


Not then found. 

Cylindric topped pyramid. 

1296 (-8) 

Shallow groove across the top ; 
iron nail driven into foot. 



Square prism. 

llSl (-9) 



Cheese or double truncated 

913 (-4) 

Deeply pitted. 



Tall square prism, comers 

905 (-6) 

Sockets in top for a ring. 



Half cheese. 

617 (-3) 


Not then found. 

Flat cheese. 

555 (-8) 




531 (-6) 



Half cheese. 

428 (-6) 




402 (-8) 

Bronze, with iron stud. 




365 (0) 




351 (-4) 

Dice marks on 6 faces. 




323 (-8) 




312 (-8) 



Thick circular disc or 

297 (-5) 



do. do. 

239 (-3) 

Much pitted, perforated. 



Flattened cube. 

236 (-6) 

Dice marks faintly visible. 



Square disc. 



Not then found. 

Pierced cone. 

208 (-9) 

Spiiidle wheel? 



Pierced disc. 

188 (-9) 



Cheese (rather square). 

173 (0) 

"With bronze or copper centre 
somewhat pitted. 


Not then found. 

Pierced disc. 

151 (-7) 

Broken a little on one side 
found in the conduit, 1905. 




146 (-8) 



Cone (or hemisphere). 

125 (-5) 

Nearly pierced through* 


Not then found. 

Bow or D 

104 (-2) 


do. do. 


97 (-4) 



do. do- 

Pierced cone. 

96 (-8) 

• Much wasted. 


do, do. 


76 (-4) 


In. several cases, since weighing, I have cleared away 
the deposit of lead carbonate from the markings to 
render them more distinct. 
Dec. 25, 1905. Charles H. Lees. 

1. Since Mr. May's weighing, which in general agrees very well ■with 
Dr. Lees', gave a considerably liigher figure for this specimen (No. 29), I 
weighed it again myself (with the help of Mr. W. Makower, Dr. Lees' suc- 
cessor in the Laboratory), and found the figures given above entirely 
correct. — R.S.C. 


The first thing to be done was clearly to have the 
present weight of the specimens determined with scientific 
precision, and the members of our Association are greatly- 
indebted to Dr. C. H. Lees, F.R.S., the Assistant Director 
of the Physical Laboratory in the University of 
Manchester,^ for his kindness in undertaking the duty, 
and for his careful report. This I now subjoin, modified 
by the insertion of the second column, identifying the 
weights with those in Mr. May's list in the earlier of his 
articles. I have also slightly amplified the details in the 
third column, to place the identification beyond any future 

The table proceeds from the heaviest to the lightest, 
and includes four objects also found in the camp, which 
it seemed well to weigh, but of which three (Nos. 16, 17, 22) 
almost certainly, and one (30) possibly, should not be 
counted as weights at all. 

We may proceed now to select from this list those 
specimens which certainly, or with varying degrees of 
probability, can be identified as Roman. Both Mr. May 
and myself have based our work upon the admirably 
lucid outline of the history of the Roman coinage 
in Imperial times contained in Mr. G. F. Hill's 
Handbook of Greeh and Roman Coins (London, 1899). 
The fullness of the tables contained in his Appendix 
diminishes by at least one-half the labour inevitably 
involved in any metrological enquiry. 

The need for an elaborate apparatus of weights of small 
denominations appears at once when we consider the 
perpetual changes in the coinage (see Hill, pp. 50 — 55) 
in the third and fourth centuries. Of the variations in 
the gold coins after Alexander Severus (222 — 235 a. d.) he 
writes (p. 55) : " Then begins a period of hopeless con- 

1. Professor designate of Physics in the East London College. 


fusion, sucli tliat the scales must liave been necessary in 
all transactions in wliicli gold passed." The specimens 
we have belonged no doubt to the financial officer of the 
fort, and as these were not found all together,^ but 
scattered over the Northern half of the camp, they had 
perhaps been discarded from time to time as changes in 
the currency they were used to measure may have dictated. 

Let me first present the table of the weights, in three 
groups, according to the degree of certainty of their 
Roman character,^ and then add a few notes, which future 
enquiry may, I hope, enlarge, to suggest what coins they 
were used to measure. 

I have disregarded the two dice (17 and 22) and the 
spiral (16), as there seems no reason for thinking that they 
were used as weights. (See the figure given on p. 112.) 

In the sketches of the weights which follow, no attempt 
has been made to keep the same scale, which would have 
rendered the smaller sketches unintelligible. The photo- 
graph (p. 99) gives their relative size. 

2. Nine of the heavier weights were found in a group at a spot marked 
in Mr. Bruton's plan. These were the followng :— 1, 4, 7, 8, 9, 18, 19, 21, 
23. Fortune has made what seems an unkindly capricious selection from 
our two categories. 

3. The precise identification of the weight of some of them is not above 
doubt even in Table II. A. In these cases I have added a ? to the 
"Presumed original weight." 


II, Weights of the Eoman Standard. 
A. Certainly Roman weights (Unit: Libra of 5050 grains). 

Presumed multiple of 

No. Shape. 

6 Flattened cheese. 




3 o "j: 
t; 9 I 

*- o ' 

S,!!!* £'o 8 S Notes. 

32 1683-3 Well preserved; 

found at some 

distance from the 


7 Pyramid with sum- 
rait rounded to a 
cylinder, with 
shallow groove 
across it. 

9 Cheese or two trun- 
cated cones, base 
to base. 

, 1296-8 i 

I 24 1262-5 An iron headed nail 
has been driven 
into the base. 

913-4 f\ 2i (b) 18 946-9 Deeply pitted. 

11 Half cheese (trun- 
cated inverted 

617-3 i U (c) 12 631-2 

13 Cheese. 

Obv. I 

531-6 i\ li ?10 ? 526-0 Well preserved. 

14 Half cheese (frus- 
tum of sphere). 

428-6 -h 

II. Weights of the Roman Standard. 
A. Certainly Roman weights (Unit : Libra of 5050 grsims)-contd. 

Presumed multiple of 

Weight a 5 ta-e ^°a> =.S S-3, 

Marks on in ^^--i __^a> "s » --i jj m j; .„ 

No. Shape. face. grains. ^^ ^^ S-S " Ph o 8 S Notes. 

18 Cheese (with hoi- 323-8 i>3 I (d)6 ? 315-6 Well preserved, 
lowed top). 


19 As No. 18. 


312-8 Vb i (d)6 315-6 Well preserved. 

23 Square disc. 

215-9 ,'i J 4 ? 210-4 

24 Shallow cone, 

27 Pierced disc (bun- 

208-9 5^ i 4 210-4 Pitted. 

151-7 sV I (e) 3 157-8 One edge broken. 

30 Bow or brooch. 

104-2 iV i 2 105-2 Perhaps not 

a weight. 

31 Disc with four per- 

32 As No. 24. 

?Ai n: ■■ n 

f ? 105-2 Edge broken. 

.?105-2 Much broken. 

76-4 A A (Oli 78-i 

On the last six specimens (24—33) thtra are no intentional marks save the perforations 



II. B. Probably Roman Weights. 


4 Inverted frustum 
of cone 

Possible multiple of Possible 
Weight (a) (b) (c) original 

in grains. Libra. Uncia. Drachma, weight. Notes. 

1870-4 g 4i 36 1893-8 Somewhat 


10 Cylinder or rounded 
prism, with deep 
furrow across the 
summit filled in 
at one part 

Did the 
socket s 
for 2 ends 
of a ring 
handle ? 

15 Cylinder with deep 
furrow across 
the summit, and 
iron nail driven 



Notes ox the Eomax Weights. 

1. In Table II. A, I have marked with the letters (a) to (/) the 
specimens which seem to make a series both by their weight and (with 
the exception of (a). No. 7, which is simply i lb.) shape and to be 
multiples of I5 drachmae. This weight (No. 33) was that of the 
Antoninianus or base silver denarius of Caracalla (198 — 217 A.D.). 

2. The drachma itself was the weight of the silver denarius of Nero 
(54—68 A.D.) and the silver coin of Diocletian (284—305 A.D.) to which 
some authorities attach the name miliarense which probably implies a 
value of '/ looolb. of gold. 

3. The only coin I can find of which No. 31, which is punctured four 
times, gives four times the weight is the quinarius (half-denarius) of 
Diocletian. Its own weight, however, if we disregard the punctures 
which do not always (as may be seen, e.g., by comparing 9 and 13) give 
any numerical measure of the weight, is that of 3 gold siliquae of Julian 
(360—363 A.D.). 

4. In regard to No. 4 Mr. May in his first article, assuming that its 
original weight was 4^ unciae (1893-8 grains)' and that it belonged to 
the same series as those I have marked (a) — (/), ingeniously calculated 
that it represented five stipendia of the age of Augustus, a stipendivm 
being the pay due to a legionary soldier three times every year. If this 
were sound, it would afford an attractive explanation of the five dots 
which the weight bears on its face, and one would conjecture that it 
represented some regular fee of one of the senior centurions, though 
rather a high one. The annual pay of the legionary in the early Empire 

1. In Mr. May's weighing 3 years ago, the result was 1882-08 grains ; 
it has no doubt lost some of its carbonate coating since then, as it now 
weighs only 1870'4. 


we know from Tacitus (Ann. 1, 17) to have been 3,600 (Augustan) asses 
=225 denaHi = 9 aurei. Hence a stipendium of that period = 3 aurei, 
which, under Julius Csesar, would have meant ^/^j of a libra of gold, or 
3787 grains ; 5 times this weight would give f of a libra or 4^ uncise, the 
weight which Mr. May assumes as the original weight of our specimen. 
We might, then, not unreasonably, say that we had before us the weight 
of 5 stlpendia or 15 aurei of Julius Caesar. But under Augustus the 
weight of the aureus (Hill, p. 54) was reduced to V.12 o^ the libra or 
12037 grains (and so remained, though with a tendency to decrease till 
Caracalla (198 — 217 A.D.) under whom it became '/solb-)- This specimen 
therefore would represent more nearly 16 than 15 Augustan aurei, and a 
paymaster was hardly likely to submit to a difference of some 6 per cent, 
to his disadvantage. It is possible that some explanation may be forth- 
coming (e.g. the soldier may conceivably have been entitled to the same 
weight of metal in spite of the reduction of the coin; as in fact he was 
in the case of the change of the copper as, see Hill p. 48 footnote), but 
until this can be certainly determined, Mr. May's explanation must be 
regarded only as an attractive conjecture. It might be worth while to 
attempt by a narrower enquiry than would be appropriate here whether 
the higher weight of the aureus suited any period between Augustus and 

The Keltic Weights. 

During the visit of tlie Brancli of the Association to 
Mr. May's beautiful collection of Roman pottery from 
his excavation of Warrington in October, 1905, he very 
kindly handed to me the draft of his second article (now 
appearing in the current number of the Derbyshire 
ArchcBological Journal), which pointed out the close 
approximation of the heaviest specimen of the Melandra 
weights to the standard which Mr. Reginald Smith, of the 
British Museum, had shown to be represented by a bronze 
weight found at Neath (4,770 grains), and another (of 
basalt) at Mainz (4,767 grains), and by the normal weight 
deduced from that of a large number of iron bars ^ 
found in the purely British lake-village at Glastonbury 
and in other British sites. Some of these iron bars, so far 
as they have yet been examined, presumably represented 
double the unit, three the unit itself, and two the unit 
quadrupled, but as they have, of course, suffered a good 
deal from rust, the variation in particular specimens is 

1. 4,484 grains; the difference is due to the rusting of the iron. 


considerable. Mr. Smith's conclusions therefore entirely 
establish the soundness of the text in Caesar B. G. 5, 12, 4 
taleis ferrets ad certuin pondus examinatis fro numvio. 
Details of his exceedingly important determination are 
given by Mr. Smith in his paper on the " Ancient British 
Iron Currency" {Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries, 
XX., 179, January 26, 1905), and in outline in the Guide 
to the Antiquities of the Early Iron Age in the British 
Museum, 1905, pp. 149f. Both the ]!^eath and the Mainz 
specimens exhibit the same cheese or barrel shape which 
appears in four Melandra specimens (1, 2, 5, 12) ; each of 
the two is marked I on the face, but the Mainz specimen 
has a further legend which no one yet has interpreted, 
I O"^, the last sign apparently a Q tilted to the left. 

The peculiar importance of the collection at Melandra 
appears at once from the table below (III., A. and B.), 
which shows that we have here represented certainly seven 
(including the unit), and quite possibly nine, denomina- 
tions of this standard, whose sub-divisions have been 
hitherto entirely unknown. 

The nature of the sub-divisions is also interesting. 
Besides the duodecimal principle (in Nos. 2, 3, 8, 25, 
and ? 21) following that of the Roman libra and uncia, to 
which, if I remember rightly, Mr. May's article is to call 
attention, I think we must recognise not less clearly the 
quadratic (Nos. 2, 5, 8, ?12, 20, 28 and ?21), giving us a 
division of the unit into 4, 8, 16, 32 and ? 96 parts. 
Nos. 2, 3, 5, and 21 could belong to either, and 12 may just 
conceivably be Roman and represent 10| drachmae, or 
7 times the weight of an Antoninianus. 

It would be of course possible to interpret all these 
weights as representing so many " British drachmae " (if 
one may coin such a term for the sake of argument), 
since 96 is a common denomination for both 12 and 16; 


but one seeks a reason for the creation of weights to 
represent 6 and 12 " British drachmae," i.e., ^/^ and \ of 
the " British pound " respectively if there was no other 
named standard than ^/i2 of the unit ("British uncia ") 
and ^/gg (" British drachma "). And that there was some 
other such named unit weighing ^/^ of this "British 
pound " (298' 1 grains) seems at least suggested by the 
markings on Nos. 12 and 20, which would then be the 
weights of two and one such units respectively ; unhappily 
No. 12 is nearly 8 per cent, under its proper weight, on 
this hypothesis. It is also clear that the markings on 
No. 8 vouch for the duodecimal system, as Mr. May points 
out. But Nos. 20 and 28 are unimpeachable witnesses for 
the quadratic system. 

Can we conjecture from this that we have here the 
result of the imposition of the Roman system of 12 ounces 
and 96 drachms upon a Keltic system of dividing the 
pound into 16 parts? And that therefore the essential 
characteristic of our modern "Avoirdupois" measure goes 
back to the Early Iron Age ? I must be content to leave this 
inference for students of metrology to develope or confute. 
My obje'ct is primarily to provide material for their 
enquiry, by a preliminary clearing of the ground. A 
similar case of the imposition of Roman divisions upon a 
local unit occurs at Pompeii; see The Mensa Ponderaria 
of the Naples Museum, App. I. to my edition of the 
remains of The Italic Dialects. And examples more im- 
portant for northern lands will be found in Appendix C 
of Prof. Ridgeway's Origin of Metallic Currency and 
Weight Standards. 

No. 3, which has been considerably cut about, and does 
not correspond in shape to No. 2, looks like a Roman 
weight cut down to the Keltic standard. 

Here follow the weights which are certainly or probably 
Keltic ; and after them two or three which I do not feel 
able to identify with enough probability to insert them 
in either category. 


III. Weights of Keltic Standard. 
A. Probably Keltic (Unit : Neath weiglit 4770 grains). 

No. Shape. 

Weight Presumed original 

in fraction or correct Marks 

grains. of unit. weight. on face. 

1 Cheese or barrel 4735 'i 


Somewhat worn, but 
not deeply pitted. 

2 Cheese or barrel 3535 1) | 3577 5 

5 Cheese or barrel 1725'2 | 1788-75 


8 Square prism 1181-9 i 1192-5 

Presumably a local 
. I triens, or quarter. 

' I pound 

20 Thick disc or cir- 
cular lozenge 

297-5 -h 298-1 

Well preserved 

25 Disc with large 

With thick layer of 

28 Shallow cone 146-8 A 


Deeply pitted 


III. Weights of Keltic Standard — (continued). 

B. The following tliree specimens may conceivably belong 
to the same standard : — 

Pyramid, with sum- 3472"-t 
mit rounded to 
a cylinder with 
deep furrow cut 
in the surface 

12 Flat cheese 

21 Short cylinder or 239'3 
thick disc, per- 

With thick layer of 

5 local drachmae (i.e., 
I of the local uncia)? 

IV. Doubtful. 

Possible multiple of 


26 Cheese, squarish 
with bronze centre 

29 Cone or hemisphere 
nearly pierced 

Marks on 



o S 

a II 



S? II 

§ 1" 


original or 








1 175-3 

Somewhat worn 
cf. 23. 









? 131-5 

Much worn ; 
cf. 27. 

R. S. Conway. 

Note. — On the eve of publication I had the advantage of a conversation '\\'ith 
Mr. Reginald Smith, who referred me to an article by Lehmann, Zeitschrift fur 
Ethnologie., xxi. (1889) p. (245) if., entitled Altbahylonisches Maassund Gewicht 
tind deren Wandcritnf/. On p. (277) some interesting conjectures will be found 
as to the origin of the Avoirdupois standard, but not as to the principle of 
division. Indeed the writer leaves it undecided whether the pound was origin- 
ally based upon the ounce or the ounce upon the pound. Mr. Smith also tells 
me that some weights not yet publicly described, but said to correspond to the 
Neath standard, have recently been found in Somersetshire, and are now in the 
Castle Museum, Taunton (Curator, H. St. G, Gray, Esq^.). 




Broken and burnt bones of animals used for food — including 
the domestic shorthorn (Bos longifrons) and the sheep or goat. 
Also two tips of deer antler, found in a fireplace in section 


Splinters and chips of flint and chest (from carboniferous 
limestone) left in walls of Neolithic age — like the rest found 
on similar sites in the Pennine Chain. These are of various 
dates, as shown by the varying states of decomposition. 

One carefully chipped fragment is probably a strike-a-light 
used with pyrites or steel. 

Three whetstones made of " Hone stone," probably obtained 
from Wales or the Lake District. It does not occur in Derby- 

W. B. D. 

See p. 8 and Figures there given. 


Floor tiles "l „ no 

Roof tiles I S^ P- 9^- 

Bowls, Vases and other Pottery. 
(See p. 77.) 

1. Shortly to be placed in cases provided by Lord Howard of Glossop, 
in the Public Library in the Victoria Hall of that town. 



(See p. 99.) 

(See p. 96.) 


(One found in the Camp, one outside the N. Gate. See p. 102.) 


Lead lamp-holder with serpent-handle. 

Lead weight to lash (flaffellum)1 

Lead weights, dice, bow and spiral (see p. 99 and above). 

Fragments, some of sheet lead. 

3 spear-heads. 

Fragments of knife. 

Large axe wholly of iron. 

Large ring found in S. gate (4 to 5 in. diam.). 

Nails of various sizes, and miscellaneous fragments. 


1 weight (see p. 100 ff.). 

Fragments, including 2 ornamental nails which were found 
in the Praetorium ; and a broken piece of a phalera ( ?) 

Bronze plate or mould, with incised pattern (found with 
Roman coins in " Pym's parlour," cf. Fig. 1, and Mr. R. A. 
Smith's letter here appended). 






flB^9^ ^^kS" 




^Sf ^^ vS 


lE^^^^t' qj|p^ ^^I^H^V 



l^S^ jPIj 



^^Sk-L ''^^ 


^^^E^^*^' -^^3Hs3S3&^Z^^ 














DepjlRtmbnt of British and Mediaeval Antiquities, 

British Museum, 

London, W.C. 

1st January, 1906. 
Dear Prof. Conwat, — 

I have now been able to submit your bronze to Mr. Read, 

who is inclined to think it a weight, the design being merely 

ornamental, and not intended for moulding gold leaf. I 

make the weight 574 grains, but neither Mr. Read nor 

myself can recall anything quite similar, though its Roman 

origin is apparent. 

I am. 

Yours very truly, 

Reginald A. Smith. 

Other Objects. 

Sphinx-intaglio; Suetonius, .4 w^f. c. 50, tells us that a seal of this 
pattern was the first used by Augustus (see Fig. 2). 

Ram seal in iron ring, found in E. wall (see Fig. 3). 

18 counters of fused glass (12 white, 5 black, 1 transparent 
green) ; cf . p. 92. 

1 counter of stone. 

Miniature horse, with model of ephippion. No other such 
model seems to be known (p. 91). 

R. S. C. 


%CQ\o XX., iDaleria Dictriy. 

A NUMBER of tiles discovered in the floor of a building in 
tlie Melandra fort ^ are marked V V, tlie initial letters of 
tlie title of tlie famous XXth Legion, indicating the 
presence of a contingent of tliat legion at some time when 
"building operations were going on inside tbe fort. Tbe 
XXtb Legion is first beard of in the days of the second 
triumvirate, wben it formed part of the army controlled 
by Antony. During the reign of Augustus the XXtb 
was stationed in Illyria, wbere it operated against tbe 
rebel chieftain Bato, under the command of M. Valerius 
Messalinus, governor of Pannonia, winning a triumph for 
him in the year 6 a.d. Three years later occurred the 
disaster to the legions of Yarns in Germany,^ and in the 
following year the XXtb Legion was drafted along with 
others to the Rhine to avenge the defeat. From 10 — 43 
A.D. it was permanently stationed in Germany.^ In 43, by 
orders of the Emperor Claudius, it was called upon to join 
-three other legions, the Ilnd, IXth, and XlVth,^ in the 
invasion of Britain under the command of Aulus Plautius. 
The British territory subdued by Aulus Plautius lay 
south of a line drawn from Bath (Aqu(E Sulis) to London, 
and then N.E. to Colchester (Camulodunum). His suc- 
cessor, Ostorius Scapula, extended the Roman power 

1. See p. 93. 

2. Tac. Ann. i., 60-61; Dio Cassius Ivi., 23. 

3. Tac. Ann. i., 31, § 3 : Dio Iv., 23. 

4. Mommsen. Eom. Prov. i., 174. 

LEGIO XX. 115 

mainly towards the nortli and west. By liard fighting lie 
advanced through the territory of the Silures and Ordo- 
vices in S. and N. Wales, establishing the XlVth Legion 
at Wroxeter^ (Viroconium); thence he pushed on against 
the Cangi, in Carnarvonshire, Denbigh and Flint, and it 
may very well be that in this campaign he first established 
the Roman camp at Chester (Deva), which either then 
(51 A.D.) or very soon after became the headquarters of 
the XXth Legion. In 59 a.d. Britain received a new 
governor in Suetoniiis Paulinus, who spent his first two 
years in completing the subjugation of N. Wales ; when, at 
the end of that time, he proceeded with the XIYth Legion 
to the conquest of Anglesey,^ he seems to have left the 
XXth behind him in camp at Deva. Ostorius had been 
recalled from Wales by trouble with the Brigantes, a 
powerful tribe occupying Lancashire, Westmoreland, 
Northumberland, Durham and Yorkshire ; and the posi- 
tion of Deva was admirably chosen to protect an army 
advancing into Wales from an attack in the rear by the 
Brigantes. Like Ostorius, Paulinus was suddenly recalled 
from his Welsh campaign by the news that the Iceni and 
other tribes in the S.E. of Britain had risen under Queen 
Boudicca ' and cut to pieces the IXth Legion at Camulo- 
dunum. Returning through Deva in great haste Suetonius 
reinforced his XlVth Legion with veterans of the XXth 
(vexillarii vicesimani),^ and these seasoned troops had the 
distinction of aiding in the overwhelming defeat which 

5. Tac. Ann. xii., 31 (cf. Bury. Roman Empire, ch. xvi., note B) : 
C.I.L. vii., 155. 

6. Tac. Ann. xiv., 29-30. 

7. Tac. Ann. xiv., 31 — 37. The form Boadicea, or Boudicea, under 
which the name of this queen has come down to the modern world, is 
due to the error of an early printed edition of the Agricola (cf. Furneaux 
on Tac. Agr. ch. xvi.) : the name survives in the modern Welsh 
"Buddug" ( = Victoria). 

8. Tac. Ann. xiv., 34. 


lie inflicted on the revolted tribes in the neighbourhood 
of Camulodunum. 

During the next few years the XXth Legion seems to 
have made itself a reputation for turbulence. Long before 
its transference to Britain it had played a leading part in 
the sedition of the Germanic legions in 14 a.d. ;9 and now 
its commander, Roscius Caelius, allowed it to get so out of 
control that it proved a "handful" (niTnia)^^ for succes- 
sive governors of Britain. Roscius was superseded in 
69 A.D. by the famous Agricola, a partisan of Yespasian, 
who by his tact won it over to faithful allegiance to the 
new emperor — a feat for which he claimed no credit, pre- 
ferring, as Tacitus tells us, "to give the impression of 
having found it loyal rather than of having made it so." ^° 
After two years in command of the legion Agricola left 
Britain to govern Aquitania, but returned in 78 a.d. as 
governor of the island, a position he occupied till 85. In 
his third campaign, at the head of the IXth, XlVth and 
XXth Legions, he extended the Roman power to the north 
as far as the Tyne, at the expense of the Brigantes, and in 
the following year drew a